IBPS Clerk Prelims Mock Test - 7 - Bank Exams MCQ

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The former Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman Pradip Baijal’s interesting account of his years in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) raises, among other things, several crucial issues in public administration. Of course his book, The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power & Private Enterprise — A Practitioner’s Diary, is better known in the media for some of its “startling revelations” about the 2G scam. In the book, he gives eloquent expression to his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment, especially the alleged unleashing of enforcement agencies against him by those who were annoyed with him for his stubborn stand on a variety of issues. I must say that he sounds credible if one goes by what has been widely reported across the media and on the debate on the state of governance in the last decade. This takes me on a brief journey into the country’s administrative history.

Notwithstanding tribulations and moments of despair and disappointment, an average Indian civil servant, in the first few years after Independence, enjoyed working in a professional ambience that would become the envy of those who followed him. For about three decades — till 1975 to be precise — things were quite hunky dory. Barring a few aberrations, an honest government official could hold his head high and stick to his principles while discharging his duties, even if it meant being argumentative and difficult in the eyes of his political superiors. The Emergency (1975-77) changed all that. From about this point of time, civil servants were perforce required to kow tow to people who belonged to a strikingly different genre and who enjoyed wielding their enormous authority in day-to-day administration. The earlier equilibrium in the polity gradually yielded place to strife and confrontation, and a fear psychosis started developing even among top civil servants. The healthy relationship that had existed earlier between minister and civil servant became a thing of the past. In many States honest dissent even at the highest levels such as the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police was resented, and unquestioned obeisance alone rewarded. There has been no visible change since then in respect of ministerial authoritarianism and hubris. I do not buy the argument that this power shift is inevitable in a dynamic democracy like ours. The sharp and honest public servant should be allowed to have his say although he can be overruled by the political executive in as decorous manner as possible, instead of being targeted for imaginary charges with the aid and abetment of enforcement agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or State Vigilance Bureaus. The perception now is that the back of the bureaucracy has been broken and its political neutrality totally wiped out. It is heartening that a small process of recovery has begun at the Centre, but it may take a long time before its impact becomes measurable. It is against this backdrop that the memoirs of a few senior civil servants, published in the recent past, including the recent one by Mr. Baijal will have to be viewed. Not all the writing may seem distinguished or profound. In fact, Mr. Baijal’s book is disjointed and gives the impression of having been “assembled from different sources” — all his own — in a hurry. Some allowance may also have to be given for bias and factual inaccuracy that inevitably creeps into such accounts.

One principal charge levelled against all such writers, post-retirement, is that they speak too late. This is unfair and uninformed criticism. If ever you have worked in government, you would understand how scary it is to take on a Minister, especially a person who is a political heavyweight and one on whom the very survival of a government depends. The fear of reprisal lasts much longer even after one has hung up one’s boots, given the mystic power of rehabilitation that many politicians seem to possess. To criticise a senior official for taking his own time to recapitulate all that he experienced while in service is preposterous. In public discourse, it is the larger picture painted by them that should count. Mr. Baijal has had more than his share of highs and lows in a long innings, first as a Secretary to the Government of India, and later at TRAI. He no doubt had a few good bosses from the political firmament who valued propriety and decorum. A bright spark like Mr. Arun Shourie believed in his ability and motivated him to be innovative and daring. As against this, there was an equal number who did not swear by principles and who did not fancy the likes of Mr. Baijal.

Q. Which of the following is true related to the post-independence ?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The former Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman Pradip Baijal’s interesting account of his years in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) raises, among other things, several crucial issues in public administration. Of course his book, The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power & Private Enterprise — A Practitioner’s Diary, is better known in the media for some of its “startling revelations” about the 2G scam. In the book, he gives eloquent expression to his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment, especially the alleged unleashing of enforcement agencies against him by those who were annoyed with him for his stubborn stand on a variety of issues. I must say that he sounds credible if one goes by what has been widely reported across the media and on the debate on the state of governance in the last decade. This takes me on a brief journey into the country’s administrative history.

Notwithstanding tribulations and moments of despair and disappointment, an average Indian civil servant, in the first few years after Independence, enjoyed working in a professional ambience that would become the envy of those who followed him. For about three decades — till 1975 to be precise — things were quite hunky dory. Barring a few aberrations, an honest government official could hold his head high and stick to his principles while discharging his duties, even if it meant being argumentative and difficult in the eyes of his political superiors. The Emergency (1975-77) changed all that. From about this point of time, civil servants were perforce required to kow tow to people who belonged to a strikingly different genre and who enjoyed wielding their enormous authority in day-to-day administration. The earlier equilibrium in the polity gradually yielded place to strife and confrontation, and a fear psychosis started developing even among top civil servants. The healthy relationship that had existed earlier between minister and civil servant became a thing of the past. In many States honest dissent even at the highest levels such as the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police was resented, and unquestioned obeisance alone rewarded. There has been no visible change since then in respect of ministerial authoritarianism and hubris. I do not buy the argument that this power shift is inevitable in a dynamic democracy like ours. The sharp and honest public servant should be allowed to have his say although he can be overruled by the political executive in as decorous manner as possible, instead of being targeted for imaginary charges with the aid and abetment of enforcement agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or State Vigilance Bureaus. The perception now is that the back of the bureaucracy has been broken and its political neutrality totally wiped out. It is heartening that a small process of recovery has begun at the Centre, but it may take a long time before its impact becomes measurable. It is against this backdrop that the memoirs of a few senior civil servants, published in the recent past, including the recent one by Mr. Baijal will have to be viewed. Not all the writing may seem distinguished or profound. In fact, Mr. Baijal’s book is disjointed and gives the impression of having been “assembled from different sources” — all his own — in a hurry. Some allowance may also have to be given for bias and factual inaccuracy that inevitably creeps into such accounts.

One principal charge levelled against all such writers, post-retirement, is that they speak too late. This is unfair and uninformed criticism. If ever you have worked in government, you would understand how scary it is to take on a Minister, especially a person who is a political heavyweight and one on whom the very survival of a government depends. The fear of reprisal lasts much longer even after one has hung up one’s boots, given the mystic power of rehabilitation that many politicians seem to possess. To criticise a senior official for taking his own time to recapitulate all that he experienced while in service is preposterous. In public discourse, it is the larger picture painted by them that should count. Mr. Baijal has had more than his share of highs and lows in a long innings, first as a Secretary to the Government of India, and later at TRAI. He no doubt had a few good bosses from the political firmament who valued propriety and decorum. A bright spark like Mr. Arun Shourie believed in his ability and motivated him to be innovative and daring. As against this, there was an equal number who did not swear by principles and who did not fancy the likes of Mr. Baijal.

Q. What does the author mean by the phrase “his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment”?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The former Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman Pradip Baijal’s interesting account of his years in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) raises, among other things, several crucial issues in public administration. Of course his book, The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power & Private Enterprise — A Practitioner’s Diary, is better known in the media for some of its “startling revelations” about the 2G scam. In the book, he gives eloquent expression to his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment, especially the alleged unleashing of enforcement agencies against him by those who were annoyed with him for his stubborn stand on a variety of issues. I must say that he sounds credible if one goes by what has been widely reported across the media and on the debate on the state of governance in the last decade. This takes me on a brief journey into the country’s administrative history.

Notwithstanding tribulations and moments of despair and disappointment, an average Indian civil servant, in the first few years after Independence, enjoyed working in a professional ambience that would become the envy of those who followed him. For about three decades — till 1975 to be precise — things were quite hunky dory. Barring a few aberrations, an honest government official could hold his head high and stick to his principles while discharging his duties, even if it meant being argumentative and difficult in the eyes of his political superiors. The Emergency (1975-77) changed all that. From about this point of time, civil servants were perforce required to kow tow to people who belonged to a strikingly different genre and who enjoyed wielding their enormous authority in day-to-day administration. The earlier equilibrium in the polity gradually yielded place to strife and confrontation, and a fear psychosis started developing even among top civil servants. The healthy relationship that had existed earlier between minister and civil servant became a thing of the past. In many States honest dissent even at the highest levels such as the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police was resented, and unquestioned obeisance alone rewarded. There has been no visible change since then in respect of ministerial authoritarianism and hubris. I do not buy the argument that this power shift is inevitable in a dynamic democracy like ours. The sharp and honest public servant should be allowed to have his say although he can be overruled by the political executive in as decorous manner as possible, instead of being targeted for imaginary charges with the aid and abetment of enforcement agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or State Vigilance Bureaus. The perception now is that the back of the bureaucracy has been broken and its political neutrality totally wiped out. It is heartening that a small process of recovery has begun at the Centre, but it may take a long time before its impact becomes measurable. It is against this backdrop that the memoirs of a few senior civil servants, published in the recent past, including the recent one by Mr. Baijal will have to be viewed. Not all the writing may seem distinguished or profound. In fact, Mr. Baijal’s book is disjointed and gives the impression of having been “assembled from different sources” — all his own — in a hurry. Some allowance may also have to be given for bias and factual inaccuracy that inevitably creeps into such accounts.

One principal charge levelled against all such writers, post-retirement, is that they speak too late. This is unfair and uninformed criticism. If ever you have worked in government, you would understand how scary it is to take on a Minister, especially a person who is a political heavyweight and one on whom the very survival of a government depends. The fear of reprisal lasts much longer even after one has hung up one’s boots, given the mystic power of rehabilitation that many politicians seem to possess. To criticise a senior official for taking his own time to recapitulate all that he experienced while in service is preposterous. In public discourse, it is the larger picture painted by them that should count. Mr. Baijal has had more than his share of highs and lows in a long innings, first as a Secretary to the Government of India, and later at TRAI. He no doubt had a few good bosses from the political firmament who valued propriety and decorum. A bright spark like Mr. Arun Shourie believed in his ability and motivated him to be innovative and daring. As against this, there was an equal number who did not swear by principles and who did not fancy the likes of Mr. Baijal.

Q. Which of the following is not the synonym of the word “decorous”?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The former Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman Pradip Baijal’s interesting account of his years in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) raises, among other things, several crucial issues in public administration. Of course his book, The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power & Private Enterprise — A Practitioner’s Diary, is better known in the media for some of its “startling revelations” about the 2G scam. In the book, he gives eloquent expression to his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment, especially the alleged unleashing of enforcement agencies against him by those who were annoyed with him for his stubborn stand on a variety of issues. I must say that he sounds credible if one goes by what has been widely reported across the media and on the debate on the state of governance in the last decade. This takes me on a brief journey into the country’s administrative history.

Notwithstanding tribulations and moments of despair and disappointment, an average Indian civil servant, in the first few years after Independence, enjoyed working in a professional ambience that would become the envy of those who followed him. For about three decades — till 1975 to be precise — things were quite hunky dory. Barring a few aberrations, an honest government official could hold his head high and stick to his principles while discharging his duties, even if it meant being argumentative and difficult in the eyes of his political superiors. The Emergency (1975-77) changed all that. From about this point of time, civil servants were perforce required to kow tow to people who belonged to a strikingly different genre and who enjoyed wielding their enormous authority in day-to-day administration. The earlier equilibrium in the polity gradually yielded place to strife and confrontation, and a fear psychosis started developing even among top civil servants. The healthy relationship that had existed earlier between minister and civil servant became a thing of the past. In many States honest dissent even at the highest levels such as the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police was resented, and unquestioned obeisance alone rewarded. There has been no visible change since then in respect of ministerial authoritarianism and hubris. I do not buy the argument that this power shift is inevitable in a dynamic democracy like ours. The sharp and honest public servant should be allowed to have his say although he can be overruled by the political executive in as decorous manner as possible, instead of being targeted for imaginary charges with the aid and abetment of enforcement agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or State Vigilance Bureaus. The perception now is that the back of the bureaucracy has been broken and its political neutrality totally wiped out. It is heartening that a small process of recovery has begun at the Centre, but it may take a long time before its impact becomes measurable. It is against this backdrop that the memoirs of a few senior civil servants, published in the recent past, including the recent one by Mr. Baijal will have to be viewed. Not all the writing may seem distinguished or profound. In fact, Mr. Baijal’s book is disjointed and gives the impression of having been “assembled from different sources” — all his own — in a hurry. Some allowance may also have to be given for bias and factual inaccuracy that inevitably creeps into such accounts.

One principal charge levelled against all such writers, post-retirement, is that they speak too late. This is unfair and uninformed criticism. If ever you have worked in government, you would understand how scary it is to take on a Minister, especially a person who is a political heavyweight and one on whom the very survival of a government depends. The fear of reprisal lasts much longer even after one has hung up one’s boots, given the mystic power of rehabilitation that many politicians seem to possess. To criticise a senior official for taking his own time to recapitulate all that he experienced while in service is preposterous. In public discourse, it is the larger picture painted by them that should count. Mr. Baijal has had more than his share of highs and lows in a long innings, first as a Secretary to the Government of India, and later at TRAI. He no doubt had a few good bosses from the political firmament who valued propriety and decorum. A bright spark like Mr. Arun Shourie believed in his ability and motivated him to be innovative and daring. As against this, there was an equal number who did not swear by principles and who did not fancy the likes of Mr. Baijal.

Q. Which of the following is not the synonym of the word “abetment”?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The former Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman Pradip Baijal’s interesting account of his years in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) raises, among other things, several crucial issues in public administration. Of course his book, The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power & Private Enterprise — A Practitioner’s Diary, is better known in the media for some of its “startling revelations” about the 2G scam. In the book, he gives eloquent expression to his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment, especially the alleged unleashing of enforcement agencies against him by those who were annoyed with him for his stubborn stand on a variety of issues. I must say that he sounds credible if one goes by what has been widely reported across the media and on the debate on the state of governance in the last decade. This takes me on a brief journey into the country’s administrative history.

Notwithstanding tribulations and moments of despair and disappointment, an average Indian civil servant, in the first few years after Independence, enjoyed working in a professional ambience that would become the envy of those who followed him. For about three decades — till 1975 to be precise — things were quite hunky dory. Barring a few aberrations, an honest government official could hold his head high and stick to his principles while discharging his duties, even if it meant being argumentative and difficult in the eyes of his political superiors. The Emergency (1975-77) changed all that. From about this point of time, civil servants were perforce required to kow tow to people who belonged to a strikingly different genre and who enjoyed wielding their enormous authority in day-to-day administration. The earlier equilibrium in the polity gradually yielded place to strife and confrontation, and a fear psychosis started developing even among top civil servants. The healthy relationship that had existed earlier between minister and civil servant became a thing of the past. In many States honest dissent even at the highest levels such as the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police was resented, and unquestioned obeisance alone rewarded. There has been no visible change since then in respect of ministerial authoritarianism and hubris. I do not buy the argument that this power shift is inevitable in a dynamic democracy like ours. The sharp and honest public servant should be allowed to have his say although he can be overruled by the political executive in as decorous manner as possible, instead of being targeted for imaginary charges with the aid and abetment of enforcement agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or State Vigilance Bureaus. The perception now is that the back of the bureaucracy has been broken and its political neutrality totally wiped out. It is heartening that a small process of recovery has begun at the Centre, but it may take a long time before its impact becomes measurable. It is against this backdrop that the memoirs of a few senior civil servants, published in the recent past, including the recent one by Mr. Baijal will have to be viewed. Not all the writing may seem distinguished or profound. In fact, Mr. Baijal’s book is disjointed and gives the impression of having been “assembled from different sources” — all his own — in a hurry. Some allowance may also have to be given for bias and factual inaccuracy that inevitably creeps into such accounts.

One principal charge levelled against all such writers, post-retirement, is that they speak too late. This is unfair and uninformed criticism. If ever you have worked in government, you would understand how scary it is to take on a Minister, especially a person who is a political heavyweight and one on whom the very survival of a government depends. The fear of reprisal lasts much longer even after one has hung up one’s boots, given the mystic power of rehabilitation that many politicians seem to possess. To criticise a senior official for taking his own time to recapitulate all that he experienced while in service is preposterous. In public discourse, it is the larger picture painted by them that should count. Mr. Baijal has had more than his share of highs and lows in a long innings, first as a Secretary to the Government of India, and later at TRAI. He no doubt had a few good bosses from the political firmament who valued propriety and decorum. A bright spark like Mr. Arun Shourie believed in his ability and motivated him to be innovative and daring. As against this, there was an equal number who did not swear by principles and who did not fancy the likes of Mr. Baijal.

Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “resented”?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The former Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman Pradip Baijal’s interesting account of his years in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) raises, among other things, several crucial issues in public administration. Of course his book, The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power & Private Enterprise — A Practitioner’s Diary, is better known in the media for some of its “startling revelations” about the 2G scam. In the book, he gives eloquent expression to his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment, especially the alleged unleashing of enforcement agencies against him by those who were annoyed with him for his stubborn stand on a variety of issues. I must say that he sounds credible if one goes by what has been widely reported across the media and on the debate on the state of governance in the last decade. This takes me on a brief journey into the country’s administrative history.

Notwithstanding tribulations and moments of despair and disappointment, an average Indian civil servant, in the first few years after Independence, enjoyed working in a professional ambience that would become the envy of those who followed him. For about three decades — till 1975 to be precise — things were quite hunky dory. Barring a few aberrations, an honest government official could hold his head high and stick to his principles while discharging his duties, even if it meant being argumentative and difficult in the eyes of his political superiors. The Emergency (1975-77) changed all that. From about this point of time, civil servants were perforce required to kow tow to people who belonged to a strikingly different genre and who enjoyed wielding their enormous authority in day-to-day administration. The earlier equilibrium in the polity gradually yielded place to strife and confrontation, and a fear psychosis started developing even among top civil servants. The healthy relationship that had existed earlier between minister and civil servant became a thing of the past. In many States honest dissent even at the highest levels such as the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police was resented, and unquestioned obeisance alone rewarded. There has been no visible change since then in respect of ministerial authoritarianism and hubris. I do not buy the argument that this power shift is inevitable in a dynamic democracy like ours. The sharp and honest public servant should be allowed to have his say although he can be overruled by the political executive in as decorous manner as possible, instead of being targeted for imaginary charges with the aid and abetment of enforcement agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or State Vigilance Bureaus. The perception now is that the back of the bureaucracy has been broken and its political neutrality totally wiped out. It is heartening that a small process of recovery has begun at the Centre, but it may take a long time before its impact becomes measurable. It is against this backdrop that the memoirs of a few senior civil servants, published in the recent past, including the recent one by Mr. Baijal will have to be viewed. Not all the writing may seem distinguished or profound. In fact, Mr. Baijal’s book is disjointed and gives the impression of having been “assembled from different sources” — all his own — in a hurry. Some allowance may also have to be given for bias and factual inaccuracy that inevitably creeps into such accounts.

One principal charge levelled against all such writers, post-retirement, is that they speak too late. This is unfair and uninformed criticism. If ever you have worked in government, you would understand how scary it is to take on a Minister, especially a person who is a political heavyweight and one on whom the very survival of a government depends. The fear of reprisal lasts much longer even after one has hung up one’s boots, given the mystic power of rehabilitation that many politicians seem to possess. To criticise a senior official for taking his own time to recapitulate all that he experienced while in service is preposterous. In public discourse, it is the larger picture painted by them that should count. Mr. Baijal has had more than his share of highs and lows in a long innings, first as a Secretary to the Government of India, and later at TRAI. He no doubt had a few good bosses from the political firmament who valued propriety and decorum. A bright spark like Mr. Arun Shourie believed in his ability and motivated him to be innovative and daring. As against this, there was an equal number who did not swear by principles and who did not fancy the likes of Mr. Baijal.

Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “despair”?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The former Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman Pradip Baijal’s interesting account of his years in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) raises, among other things, several crucial issues in public administration. Of course his book, The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power & Private Enterprise — A Practitioner’s Diary, is better known in the media for some of its “startling revelations” about the 2G scam. In the book, he gives eloquent expression to his pent-up anguish over his maltreatment, especially the alleged unleashing of enforcement agencies against him by those who were annoyed with him for his stubborn stand on a variety of issues. I must say that he sounds credible if one goes by what has been widely reported across the media and on the debate on the state of governance in the last decade. This takes me on a brief journey into the country’s administrative history.

Notwithstanding tribulations and moments of despair and disappointment, an average Indian civil servant, in the first few years after Independence, enjoyed working in a professional ambience that would become the envy of those who followed him. For about three decades — till 1975 to be precise — things were quite hunky dory. Barring a few aberrations, an honest government official could hold his head high and stick to his principles while discharging his duties, even if it meant being argumentative and difficult in the eyes of his political superiors. The Emergency (1975-77) changed all that. From about this point of time, civil servants were perforce required to kow tow to people who belonged to a strikingly different genre and who enjoyed wielding their enormous authority in day-to-day administration. The earlier equilibrium in the polity gradually yielded place to strife and confrontation, and a fear psychosis started developing even among top civil servants. The healthy relationship that had existed earlier between minister and civil servant became a thing of the past. In many States honest dissent even at the highest levels such as the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police was resented, and unquestioned obeisance alone rewarded. There has been no visible change since then in respect of ministerial authoritarianism and hubris. I do not buy the argument that this power shift is inevitable in a dynamic democracy like ours. The sharp and honest public servant should be allowed to have his say although he can be overruled by the political executive in as decorous manner as possible, instead of being targeted for imaginary charges with the aid and abetment of enforcement agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or State Vigilance Bureaus. The perception now is that the back of the bureaucracy has been broken and its political neutrality totally wiped out. It is heartening that a small process of recovery has begun at the Centre, but it may take a long time before its impact becomes measurable. It is against this backdrop that the memoirs of a few senior civil servants, published in the recent past, including the recent one by Mr. Baijal will have to be viewed. Not all the writing may seem distinguished or profound. In fact, Mr. Baijal’s book is disjointed and gives the impression of having been “assembled from different sources” — all his own — in a hurry. Some allowance may also have to be given for bias and factual inaccuracy that inevitably creeps into such accounts.

One principal charge levelled against all such writers, post-retirement, is that they speak too late. This is unfair and uninformed criticism. If ever you have worked in government, you would understand how scary it is to take on a Minister, especially a person who is a political heavyweight and one on whom the very survival of a government depends. The fear of reprisal lasts much longer even after one has hung up one’s boots, given the mystic power of rehabilitation that many politicians seem to possess. To criticise a senior official for taking his own time to recapitulate all that he experienced while in service is preposterous. In public discourse, it is the larger picture painted by them that should count. Mr. Baijal has had more than his share of highs and lows in a long innings, first as a Secretary to the Government of India, and later at TRAI. He no doubt had a few good bosses from the political firmament who valued propriety and decorum. A bright spark like Mr. Arun Shourie believed in his ability and motivated him to be innovative and daring. As against this, there was an equal number who did not swear by principles and who did not fancy the likes of Mr. Baijal.

Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “wielding”?

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them.

(A) There are a number of items in the atomic energy programme which are being made indigenously.

(B) Given the overall energy situation in India, the use of nuclear power in some measure is inescapable even while thermal and hydro power continue to be the dominant elements.

(C) However, commercial aspects of exploiting nuclear capabilities, especially for power-generation programmes, have been recently given high priority.

(D) Atomic energy programmes have been subject to severe restrictions for very obvious reasons as the Department of Atomic Energy is becoming self-reliant in areas in which only a few countries have such capability.

(E) Even to meet these nuclear power requirements, India critically requires a commercial-level power-generation capability, with its commensurate safety and nuclear waste management arrangements.

(F) Thus, in the Indian context energy security is also crucial, perhaps much more than it is for the USA, because India imports a good part of its crude oil requirements, paying for it with precious foreign exchange.

Q. Which of the following will be the FIFTH sentence after rearrangement?

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them.

(A) There are a number of items in the atomic energy programme which are being made indigenously.

(B) Given the overall energy situation in India, the use of nuclear power in some measure is inescapable even while thermal and hydro power continue to be the dominant elements.

(C) However, commercial aspects of exploiting nuclear capabilities, especially for power-generation programmes, have been recently given high priority.

(D) Atomic energy programmes have been subject to severe restrictions for very obvious reasons as the Department of Atomic Energy is becoming self-reliant in areas in which only a few countries have such capability.

(E) Even to meet these nuclear power requirements, India critically requires a commercial-level power-generation capability, with its commensurate safety and nuclear waste management arrangements.

(F) Thus, in the Indian context energy security is also crucial, perhaps much more than it is for the USA, because India imports a good part of its crude oil requirements, paying for it with precious foreign exchange.

Q. Which of the following will be the THIRD sentence after rearrangement?

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them.

(A) There are a number of items in the atomic energy programme which are being made indigenously.

(B) Given the overall energy situation in India, the use of nuclear power in some measure is inescapable even while thermal and hydro power continue to be the dominant elements.

(C) However, commercial aspects of exploiting nuclear capabilities, especially for power-generation programmes, have been recently given high priority.

(D) Atomic energy programmes have been subject to severe restrictions for very obvious reasons as the Department of Atomic Energy is becoming self-reliant in areas in which only a few countries have such capability.

(E) Even to meet these nuclear power requirements, India critically requires a commercial-level power-generation capability, with its commensurate safety and nuclear waste management arrangements.

(F) Thus, in the Indian context energy security is also crucial, perhaps much more than it is for the USA, because India imports a good part of its crude oil requirements, paying for it with precious foreign exchange.

Q. Which of the following will be the SECOND sentence after rearrangement?

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them.

(A) There are a number of items in the atomic energy programme which are being made indigenously.

(B) Given the overall energy situation in India, the use of nuclear power in some measure is inescapable even while thermal and hydro power continue to be the dominant elements.

(C) However, commercial aspects of exploiting nuclear capabilities, especially for power-generation programmes, have been recently given high priority.

(D) Atomic energy programmes have been subject to severe restrictions for very obvious reasons as the Department of Atomic Energy is becoming self-reliant in areas in which only a few countries have such capability.

(E) Even to meet these nuclear power requirements, India critically requires a commercial-level power-generation capability, with its commensurate safety and nuclear waste management arrangements.

(F) Thus, in the Indian context energy security is also crucial, perhaps much more than it is for the USA, because India imports a good part of its crude oil requirements, paying for it with precious foreign exchange.

Q. Which of the following will be the FIRST sentence after rearrangement?

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them.

(A) There are a number of items in the atomic energy programme which are being made indigenously.

(B) Given the overall energy situation in India, the use of nuclear power in some measure is inescapable even while thermal and hydro power continue to be the dominant elements.

(C) However, commercial aspects of exploiting nuclear capabilities, especially for power-generation programmes, have been recently given high priority.

(D) Atomic energy programmes have been subject to severe restrictions for very obvious reasons as the Department of Atomic Energy is becoming self-reliant in areas in which only a few countries have such capability.

(E) Even to meet these nuclear power requirements, India critically requires a commercial-level power-generation capability, with its commensurate safety and nuclear waste management arrangements.

(F) Thus, in the Indian context energy security is also crucial, perhaps much more than it is for the USA, because India imports a good part of its crude oil requirements, paying for it with precious foreign exchange.

Q. Which of the following will be the FOURTH sentence after rearrangement? 

Directions : Which of the phrase (1), (2), (3), (4) given below each sentences should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, mark (5) is ‘No correction required’ as the answer.

In spite of trying his best, Karthik delivered whatever he had promised.

Directions : Which of the phrase (1), (2), (3), (4) given below each sentences should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, mark (5) is ‘No correction required’ as the answer.

It was very hot last year that the roads used to be empty in the afternoon.

Directions : Which of the phrase (1), (2), (3), (4) given below each sentences should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, mark (5) is ‘No correction required’ as the answer.

The salaries we pay our employees are equal the ones that commercial banks pay theirs.

Directions : Which of the phrase (1), (2), (3), (4) given below each sentences should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, mark (5) is ‘No correction required’ as the answer.

To develop their problem solving skills trainees are encouraged to analyse situations and came to its own solutions.

Directions : Which of the phrase (1), (2), (3), (4) given below each sentences should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, mark (5) is ‘No correction required’ as the answer.

Overcoming obstacles in the course of her job giving her a lot of self-confidence.

Directions :In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pairs of words denoted by numbers (1), (2), (3) ,(4) and (5). Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence grammatically correct and meaningfully complete.

 The Dalits have never had a ___________ of freedom in the suffocating society. They are a wounded people ___________ and broken.

Directions :In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pairs of words denoted by numbers (1), (2), (3) ,(4) and (5). Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence grammatically correct and meaningfully complete.

His vision could well be the ____________ that the policy-makers use to _____________ the banking sector.

Directions :In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pairs of words denoted by numbers (1), (2), (3) ,(4) and (5). Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence grammatically correct and meaningfully complete.

A person’s formal educational background may ___________ rich but complex information. To some degree education ___________ a person’s knowledge and skill base.

Directions :In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pairs of words denoted by numbers (1), (2), (3) ,(4) and (5). Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence grammatically correct and meaningfully complete.

The RBI in consultation with Government of India has _____________ a working group to suggest measures for _____________ of weak public sector banks.

Directions :In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pairs of words denoted by numbers (1), (2), (3) ,(4) and (5). Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence grammatically correct and meaningfully complete.

The textile industry in India has _____________ rough weather in recent times. The textile mill in one of the few companies to have ____________ this storm.

 Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is 'No error' the answer is 5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any)

Yet for historical reasons, 1)/ many organisation today 2)/ don't have 3)/ much leadership. 4)/ No error 5 

Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is 'No error' the answer is 5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any)

There is a sense of 1)/ joy in doing 2)/ one's work 3)/ honestly and efficiently. 4) /No error 5)

Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is 'No error' the answer is 5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any)

Any attempt to abolish 1)/ child labour 2)/ through legal recourse would, 3)/ in the circumstances, not be practical. 4)/ No error 5)

Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is 'No error' the answer is 5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any)

Kashmir had been 1)/ the bone of 2)/ contention from 3) /a very long time. 4)/ No error 5)

Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is 'No error' the answer is 5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any)

A moment's reflection 1)/ would show that 2)/ there can be 3)/ another reason. 4)/ No error 5)