Test: Verbal Ability- 1 - CLAT MCQ

Ever since the final whistle brought World Cup 2006 to a close, the atmosphere in the two neighbouring capitals could not be more different. In Rome, there were scenes of euphoria over Italy's victory. Ecstatic Italian demonstrators partied into the early hours of the morning. The victorious team was given a rapturous welcome both at the airport and in Rome's Circolo Massimo, where over a million fans braved the Roman sun to greet the returning heroes. The great expanse of the Circolo Massimo was strewn with red, white and green flags, while the air was thick with the crowd's hooting, chanting and music-making. Late on Monday the winning team was expected to be greeted by Prime Minister Romano Prodi. Then, a parade through the streets of Rome, with the solid gold trophy in an open top bus.
In Paris, the Champs Elysees, which had seen crowds of up to 5,00,000 when France entered the quarterfinals and then the semifinals, had barely 50,000 fans who felt they had to tell their team it had been heroic despite the defeat. But their heart was not in it. A special TV show organised to celebrate victory turned into a virtual wake. [Mournful faces were trying to mask a sense of overwhelming sorrow, not least because superstar Zidane's final match had been tarnished by his expulsion from the game.]
There will be no parade down the Champs Elysees as had been planned. The players had lunch with President Jacques Chirac on their return. But a tight-lipped Raymond Domenech said brusquely: "I am the manager,
I decide. There will be no parade." Instead, fans had a glimpse of their favourite stars from a balcony of the chic Crillon Hotel at the Place de la Concorde. In Italy, on the other hand, the victory was experienced as a double triumph, with the feeling that Italians had avenged their Euro 2000 defeat at the hands of the French. The Italian press was lavish in its praise for the squadra azzura with headlines like "The world Belongs to Us" or simply, "Champions." Newspapers hoped this victory would augur a new era of hope and economic recovery for Italy.

Which of the following is incorrect with respect to the passage?
1. Zidane was excluded from the football team before the final match got over.
2. France mourned over a not-so-glorious end of Zidane's career.
3. Italy has lost a match against France.
4. Italy triumphed over France twice in World Cup 2006.

Ever since the final whistle brought World Cup 2006 to a close, the atmosphere in the two neighbouring capitals could not be more different. In Rome, there were scenes of euphoria over Italy's victory. Ecstatic Italian demonstrators partied into the early hours of the morning. The victorious team was given a rapturous welcome both at the airport and in Rome's Circolo Massimo, where over a million fans braved the Roman sun to greet the returning heroes. The great expanse of the Circolo Massimo was strewn with red, white and green flags, while the air was thick with the crowd's hooting, chanting and music-making. Late on Monday the winning team was expected to be greeted by Prime Minister Romano Prodi. Then, a parade through the streets of Rome, with the solid gold trophy in an open top bus.
In Paris, the Champs Elysees, which had seen crowds of up to 5,00,000 when France entered the quarterfinals and then the semifinals, had barely 50,000 fans who felt they had to tell their team it had been heroic despite the defeat. But their heart was not in it. A special TV show organised to celebrate victory turned into a virtual wake. [Mournful faces were trying to mask a sense of overwhelming sorrow, not least because superstar Zidane's final match had been tarnished by his expulsion from the game.]
There will be no parade down the Champs Elysees as had been planned. The players had lunch with President Jacques Chirac on their return. But a tight-lipped Raymond Domenech said brusquely: "I am the manager,
I decide. There will be no parade." Instead, fans had a glimpse of their favourite stars from a balcony of the chic Crillon Hotel at the Place de la Concorde. In Italy, on the other hand, the victory was experienced as a double triumph, with the feeling that Italians had avenged their Euro 2000 defeat at the hands of the French. The Italian press was lavish in its praise for the squadra azzura with headlines like "The world Belongs to Us" or simply, "Champions." Newspapers hoped this victory would augur a new era of hope and economic recovery for Italy.

Choose the most appropriate title for the given passage:

Weaver sees hypocrisy in the World Bank as a predictable feature in a large international organization especially when viewed using resource dependency (viewing the competitive environment) and sociological institutionalism (the authorising environment). The Bank's emphasis on organizational survival and legitimacy shows itself in its interactions with multiple actors in its competitive and authoritarian environments. Many critics of the Bank simply see the Bank as unable to achieve the goals it sets and help its client states. Weaver however launches into an in-depth description of two "worlds"-the World's Bank and the Bank's World. The former indicates the complex structure of the Bank including its donor states, client states, its private capita markets and the watchdog Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Weaver's examination reveals the various pressures exerted on the Bank and the degree of American influence on the bank.
In as much as the Bank is pressured from many sides, Weaver notes a strong degree of operational authority and autonomy in the "Bank's World". This stems from the complexity of its operations, some which are not open to extensive review. Second the diversity of member states allows the Bank some autonomy and most importantly, the Bank holds a strong monopoly over development related knowledge. This control of ideas is coupled with a technocratic and economic rationality, reinforced with the influx of Western trained neo-classical economists. Bank ideological coherence is also maintained by the editing of reports to align with neoliberal beliefs. It is within these strong intellectual norms that Weaver examines World Bank reforms. Contrary to some critics, the Bank did engage in reforms in the 1990s. The Strategic Compact arose as a need to transform the Bank back as an effort to re-orientate itself as the premier development agency, after external criticism and an internal evaluation. The first aim of streamlining bureaucracy was easily reached however the aim of being more "poverty focused and accountable" came at odds with the technical, economic and apolitical rationality. New efforts such as listening to clients and conducting consultations clashed with the existing approval culture. Overall, changes occurred but still the approval culture remained strong.
Similarly, the focus on good governance was not that effective with apolitical stances amongst staff. Furthermore, the dominating neo-liberal mindset resulted in governance issues framed with economic objectives in mind. Just as with the Strategic Compact, Weaver notes that governance reform challenged the Bank's conventional method of conducting business. Weaver does qualify that the constant need to placate the demands of various external groups also hampered Bank reform. She however noted that the Bank deep culture will prevent any productive change. Weaver thus delves away from the normal criticism of the World Bank to explain the reasons of Bank actions and activities. She shed a new light noting that such hypocrisy is a tenet in any large international organisation. In order for any improvement to the World Bank, it is not simply the initiation of change but the need to re work the internal settings of one of the world's most important development groups.

Under which environments does Weaver assess World Bank's hypocrisy?

Weaver sees hypocrisy in the World Bank as a predictable feature in a large international organization especially when viewed using resource dependency (viewing the competitive environment) and sociological institutionalism (the authorising environment). The Bank's emphasis on organizational survival and legitimacy shows itself in its interactions with multiple actors in its competitive and authoritarian environments. Many critics of the Bank simply see the Bank as unable to achieve the goals it sets and help its client states. Weaver however launches into an in-depth description of two "worlds"-the World's Bank and the Bank's World. The former indicates the complex structure of the Bank including its donor states, client states, its private capita markets and the watchdog Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Weaver's examination reveals the various pressures exerted on the Bank and the degree of American influence on the bank.
In as much as the Bank is pressured from many sides, Weaver notes a strong degree of operational authority and autonomy in the "Bank's World". This stems from the complexity of its operations, some which are not open to extensive review. Second the diversity of member states allows the Bank some autonomy and most importantly, the Bank holds a strong monopoly over development related knowledge. This control of ideas is coupled with a technocratic and economic rationality, reinforced with the influx of Western trained neo-classical economists. Bank ideological coherence is also maintained by the editing of reports to align with neoliberal beliefs. It is within these strong intellectual norms that Weaver examines World Bank reforms. Contrary to some critics, the Bank did engage in reforms in the 1990s. The Strategic Compact arose as a need to transform the Bank back as an effort to re-orientate itself as the premier development agency, after external criticism and an internal evaluation. The first aim of streamlining bureaucracy was easily reached however the aim of being more "poverty focused and accountable" came at odds with the technical, economic and apolitical rationality. New efforts such as listening to clients and conducting consultations clashed with the existing approval culture. Overall, changes occurred but still the approval culture remained strong.
Similarly, the focus on good governance was not that effective with apolitical stances amongst staff. Furthermore, the dominating neo-liberal mindset resulted in governance issues framed with economic objectives in mind. Just as with the Strategic Compact, Weaver notes that governance reform challenged the Bank's conventional method of conducting business. Weaver does qualify that the constant need to placate the demands of various external groups also hampered Bank reform. She however noted that the Bank deep culture will prevent any productive change. Weaver thus delves away from the normal criticism of the World Bank to explain the reasons of Bank actions and activities. She shed a new light noting that such hypocrisy is a tenet in any large international organisation. In order for any improvement to the World Bank, it is not simply the initiation of change but the need to re work the internal settings of one of the world's most important development groups.

What changes does Weaver feel the bank needs to bring in for true reform?

Weaver sees hypocrisy in the World Bank as a predictable feature in a large international organization especially when viewed using resource dependency (viewing the competitive environment) and sociological institutionalism (the authorising environment). The Bank's emphasis on organizational survival and legitimacy shows itself in its interactions with multiple actors in its competitive and authoritarian environments. Many critics of the Bank simply see the Bank as unable to achieve the goals it sets and help its client states. Weaver however launches into an in-depth description of two "worlds"-the World's Bank and the Bank's World. The former indicates the complex structure of the Bank including its donor states, client states, its private capita markets and the watchdog Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Weaver's examination reveals the various pressures exerted on the Bank and the degree of American influence on the bank.
In as much as the Bank is pressured from many sides, Weaver notes a strong degree of operational authority and autonomy in the "Bank's World". This stems from the complexity of its operations, some which are not open to extensive review. Second the diversity of member states allows the Bank some autonomy and most importantly, the Bank holds a strong monopoly over development related knowledge. This control of ideas is coupled with a technocratic and economic rationality, reinforced with the influx of Western trained neo-classical economists. Bank ideological coherence is also maintained by the editing of reports to align with neoliberal beliefs. It is within these strong intellectual norms that Weaver examines World Bank reforms. Contrary to some critics, the Bank did engage in reforms in the 1990s. The Strategic Compact arose as a need to transform the Bank back as an effort to re-orientate itself as the premier development agency, after external criticism and an internal evaluation. The first aim of streamlining bureaucracy was easily reached however the aim of being more "poverty focused and accountable" came at odds with the technical, economic and apolitical rationality. New efforts such as listening to clients and conducting consultations clashed with the existing approval culture. Overall, changes occurred but still the approval culture remained strong.
Similarly, the focus on good governance was not that effective with apolitical stances amongst staff. Furthermore, the dominating neo-liberal mindset resulted in governance issues framed with economic objectives in mind. Just as with the Strategic Compact, Weaver notes that governance reform challenged the Bank's conventional method of conducting business. Weaver does qualify that the constant need to placate the demands of various external groups also hampered Bank reform. She however noted that the Bank deep culture will prevent any productive change. Weaver thus delves away from the normal criticism of the World Bank to explain the reasons of Bank actions and activities. She shed a new light noting that such hypocrisy is a tenet in any large international organisation. In order for any improvement to the World Bank, it is not simply the initiation of change but the need to re work the internal settings of one of the world's most important development groups.

It can be inferred that Weaver's attitude to the World Bank is best reflected in which of the following statements?

Weaver sees hypocrisy in the World Bank as a predictable feature in a large international organization especially when viewed using resource dependency (viewing the competitive environment) and sociological institutionalism (the authorising environment). The Bank's emphasis on organizational survival and legitimacy shows itself in its interactions with multiple actors in its competitive and authoritarian environments. Many critics of the Bank simply see the Bank as unable to achieve the goals it sets and help its client states. Weaver however launches into an in-depth description of two "worlds"-the World's Bank and the Bank's World. The former indicates the complex structure of the Bank including its donor states, client states, its private capita markets and the watchdog Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Weaver's examination reveals the various pressures exerted on the Bank and the degree of American influence on the bank.
In as much as the Bank is pressured from many sides, Weaver notes a strong degree of operational authority and autonomy in the "Bank's World". This stems from the complexity of its operations, some which are not open to extensive review. Second the diversity of member states allows the Bank some autonomy and most importantly, the Bank holds a strong monopoly over development related knowledge. This control of ideas is coupled with a technocratic and economic rationality, reinforced with the influx of Western trained neo-classical economists. Bank ideological coherence is also maintained by the editing of reports to align with neoliberal beliefs. It is within these strong intellectual norms that Weaver examines World Bank reforms. Contrary to some critics, the Bank did engage in reforms in the 1990s. The Strategic Compact arose as a need to transform the Bank back as an effort to re-orientate itself as the premier development agency, after external criticism and an internal evaluation. The first aim of streamlining bureaucracy was easily reached however the aim of being more "poverty focused and accountable" came at odds with the technical, economic and apolitical rationality. New efforts such as listening to clients and conducting consultations clashed with the existing approval culture. Overall, changes occurred but still the approval culture remained strong.
Similarly, the focus on good governance was not that effective with apolitical stances amongst staff. Furthermore, the dominating neo-liberal mindset resulted in governance issues framed with economic objectives in mind. Just as with the Strategic Compact, Weaver notes that governance reform challenged the Bank's conventional method of conducting business. Weaver does qualify that the constant need to placate the demands of various external groups also hampered Bank reform. She however noted that the Bank deep culture will prevent any productive change. Weaver thus delves away from the normal criticism of the World Bank to explain the reasons of Bank actions and activities. She shed a new light noting that such hypocrisy is a tenet in any large international organisation. In order for any improvement to the World Bank, it is not simply the initiation of change but the need to re work the internal settings of one of the world's most important development groups.

What is the tone of the author?

Weaver sees hypocrisy in the World Bank as a predictable feature in a large international organization especially when viewed using resource dependency (viewing the competitive environment) and sociological institutionalism (the authorising environment). The Bank's emphasis on organizational survival and legitimacy shows itself in its interactions with multiple actors in its competitive and authoritarian environments. Many critics of the Bank simply see the Bank as unable to achieve the goals it sets and help its client states. Weaver however launches into an in-depth description of two "worlds"-the World's Bank and the Bank's World. The former indicates the complex structure of the Bank including its donor states, client states, its private capita markets and the watchdog Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Weaver's examination reveals the various pressures exerted on the Bank and the degree of American influence on the bank.
In as much as the Bank is pressured from many sides, Weaver notes a strong degree of operational authority and autonomy in the "Bank's World". This stems from the complexity of its operations, some which are not open to extensive review. Second the diversity of member states allows the Bank some autonomy and most importantly, the Bank holds a strong monopoly over development related knowledge. This control of ideas is coupled with a technocratic and economic rationality, reinforced with the influx of Western trained neo-classical economists. Bank ideological coherence is also maintained by the editing of reports to align with neoliberal beliefs. It is within these strong intellectual norms that Weaver examines World Bank reforms. Contrary to some critics, the Bank did engage in reforms in the 1990s. The Strategic Compact arose as a need to transform the Bank back as an effort to re-orientate itself as the premier development agency, after external criticism and an internal evaluation. The first aim of streamlining bureaucracy was easily reached however the aim of being more "poverty focused and accountable" came at odds with the technical, economic and apolitical rationality. New efforts such as listening to clients and conducting consultations clashed with the existing approval culture. Overall, changes occurred but still the approval culture remained strong.
Similarly, the focus on good governance was not that effective with apolitical stances amongst staff. Furthermore, the dominating neo-liberal mindset resulted in governance issues framed with economic objectives in mind. Just as with the Strategic Compact, Weaver notes that governance reform challenged the Bank's conventional method of conducting business. Weaver does qualify that the constant need to placate the demands of various external groups also hampered Bank reform. She however noted that the Bank deep culture will prevent any productive change. Weaver thus delves away from the normal criticism of the World Bank to explain the reasons of Bank actions and activities. She shed a new light noting that such hypocrisy is a tenet in any large international organisation. In order for any improvement to the World Bank, it is not simply the initiation of change but the need to re work the internal settings of one of the world's most important development groups.

Consider the following statements:
1. The World Bank engaged in reforms in the 1980s.
2. Every operation of the World Bank is open to extensive reviews.
According to the above passage, which of the statements is/are valid?

Beauty is a valuable commodity in our image-obsessed society, so it's not surprising that Miss Indias and Miss Worlds make headlines. These young women aren't just beautiful; they're most often thin too. But Chloe Marshall, the 2008 Miss England runner-up, was size 16 ("full- figured" or "ample," to put it politely) and therefore made even more news. A full-figured beauty pageant finalist creating a stop-the-press moment highlights the fact that larger women are not usually considered "the fairest of them all." Indeed, pick up a magazine or newspaper on any other day and the message is loud and clear -thin is in. With the average woman hovering around a size 14 or above, the comparison is odious. A recent survey revealed only six percent of women aged 18 to 64 were "very satisfied" with their looks. That leaves 94 percent of women critical of their appearance. In other words, the majority of the women sitting with you in the metro this morning woke up feeling judgmental and negative about their looks. "If every woman in the world woke up, slapped herself on the head and said: 'I'm happy with who I am,' entire economies would collapse," says Jane Caro, an award-winning advertising writer.
The media is often portrayed as the bogeyman in the body-image debate, but experts say it's only part of the picture. Paxton notes women are getting messages from family from an early age. The way in which parents view their bodies impacts their children's attitudes. "A mother who is always dieting or being critical of her body is sending a clear message to her daughters," says Tiggemann. "That sense of body dissatisfaction is passed on." The anti-obesity push is also unhelpful. "It's shifted the focus away from health and onto weight and looks," she says. "It's perpetuating the notion that fat is bad, thin is good, and thinner is better." And it's a notion that has recently been proved to be untrue.

Which of the following statements can be inferred from the passage?

Beauty is a valuable commodity in our image-obsessed society, so it's not surprising that Miss Indias and Miss Worlds make headlines. These young women aren't just beautiful; they're most often thin too. But Chloe Marshall, the 2008 Miss England runner-up, was size 16 ("full- figured" or "ample," to put it politely) and therefore made even more news. A full-figured beauty pageant finalist creating a stop-the-press moment highlights the fact that larger women are not usually considered "the fairest of them all." Indeed, pick up a magazine or newspaper on any other day and the message is loud and clear -thin is in. With the average woman hovering around a size 14 or above, the comparison is odious. A recent survey revealed only six percent of women aged 18 to 64 were "very satisfied" with their looks. That leaves 94 percent of women critical of their appearance. In other words, the majority of the women sitting with you in the metro this morning woke up feeling judgmental and negative about their looks. "If every woman in the world woke up, slapped herself on the head and said: 'I'm happy with who I am,' entire economies would collapse," says Jane Caro, an award-winning advertising writer.
The media is often portrayed as the bogeyman in the body-image debate, but experts say it's only part of the picture. Paxton notes women are getting messages from family from an early age. The way in which parents view their bodies impacts their children's attitudes. "A mother who is always dieting or being critical of her body is sending a clear message to her daughters," says Tiggemann. "That sense of body dissatisfaction is passed on." The anti-obesity push is also unhelpful. "It's shifted the focus away from health and onto weight and looks," she says. "It's perpetuating the notion that fat is bad, thin is good, and thinner is better." And it's a notion that has recently been proved to be untrue.

Why did Chloe Marshall make headlines?

Beauty is a valuable commodity in our image-obsessed society, so it's not surprising that Miss Indias and Miss Worlds make headlines. These young women aren't just beautiful; they're most often thin too. But Chloe Marshall, the 2008 Miss England runner-up, was size 16 ("full- figured" or "ample," to put it politely) and therefore made even more news. A full-figured beauty pageant finalist creating a stop-the-press moment highlights the fact that larger women are not usually considered "the fairest of them all." Indeed, pick up a magazine or newspaper on any other day and the message is loud and clear -thin is in. With the average woman hovering around a size 14 or above, the comparison is odious. A recent survey revealed only six percent of women aged 18 to 64 were "very satisfied" with their looks. That leaves 94 percent of women critical of their appearance. In other words, the majority of the women sitting with you in the metro this morning woke up feeling judgmental and negative about their looks. "If every woman in the world woke up, slapped herself on the head and said: 'I'm happy with who I am,' entire economies would collapse," says Jane Caro, an award-winning advertising writer.
The media is often portrayed as the bogeyman in the body-image debate, but experts say it's only part of the picture. Paxton notes women are getting messages from family from an early age. The way in which parents view their bodies impacts their children's attitudes. "A mother who is always dieting or being critical of her body is sending a clear message to her daughters," says Tiggemann. "That sense of body dissatisfaction is passed on." The anti-obesity push is also unhelpful. "It's shifted the focus away from health and onto weight and looks," she says. "It's perpetuating the notion that fat is bad, thin is good, and thinner is better." And it's a notion that has recently been proved to be untrue.

Which notion is being talked about in the last line of the passage?

Beauty is a valuable commodity in our image-obsessed society, so it's not surprising that Miss Indias and Miss Worlds make headlines. These young women aren't just beautiful; they're most often thin too. But Chloe Marshall, the 2008 Miss England runner-up, was size 16 ("full- figured" or "ample," to put it politely) and therefore made even more news. A full-figured beauty pageant finalist creating a stop-the-press moment highlights the fact that larger women are not usually considered "the fairest of them all." Indeed, pick up a magazine or newspaper on any other day and the message is loud and clear -thin is in. With the average woman hovering around a size 14 or above, the comparison is odious. A recent survey revealed only six percent of women aged 18 to 64 were "very satisfied" with their looks. That leaves 94 percent of women critical of their appearance. In other words, the majority of the women sitting with you in the metro this morning woke up feeling judgmental and negative about their looks. "If every woman in the world woke up, slapped herself on the head and said: 'I'm happy with who I am,' entire economies would collapse," says Jane Caro, an award-winning advertising writer.
The media is often portrayed as the bogeyman in the body-image debate, but experts say it's only part of the picture. Paxton notes women are getting messages from family from an early age. The way in which parents view their bodies impacts their children's attitudes. "A mother who is always dieting or being critical of her body is sending a clear message to her daughters," says Tiggemann. "That sense of body dissatisfaction is passed on." The anti-obesity push is also unhelpful. "It's shifted the focus away from health and onto weight and looks," she says. "It's perpetuating the notion that fat is bad, thin is good, and thinner is better." And it's a notion that has recently been proved to be untrue.

Which of the following is the author most likely to agree with?
A. Beauty is given great importance in today's society.
B. Only a few women are happy the way they look.
C. Media is considered the Lilliputian character that is responsible for the body-image debate.

Beauty is a valuable commodity in our image-obsessed society, so it's not surprising that Miss Indias and Miss Worlds make headlines. These young women aren't just beautiful; they're most often thin too. But Chloe Marshall, the 2008 Miss England runner-up, was size 16 ("full- figured" or "ample," to put it politely) and therefore made even more news. A full-figured beauty pageant finalist creating a stop-the-press moment highlights the fact that larger women are not usually considered "the fairest of them all." Indeed, pick up a magazine or newspaper on any other day and the message is loud and clear -thin is in. With the average woman hovering around a size 14 or above, the comparison is odious. A recent survey revealed only six percent of women aged 18 to 64 were "very satisfied" with their looks. That leaves 94 percent of women critical of their appearance. In other words, the majority of the women sitting with you in the metro this morning woke up feeling judgmental and negative about their looks. "If every woman in the world woke up, slapped herself on the head and said: 'I'm happy with who I am,' entire economies would collapse," says Jane Caro, an award-winning advertising writer.
The media is often portrayed as the bogeyman in the body-image debate, but experts say it's only part of the picture. Paxton notes women are getting messages from family from an early age. The way in which parents view their bodies impacts their children's attitudes. "A mother who is always dieting or being critical of her body is sending a clear message to her daughters," says Tiggemann. "That sense of body dissatisfaction is passed on." The anti-obesity push is also unhelpful. "It's shifted the focus away from health and onto weight and looks," she says. "It's perpetuating the notion that fat is bad, thin is good, and thinner is better." And it's a notion that has recently been proved to be untrue.

Which of the following is the synonym of the word "odious"?

In the wake of the varying forms which the idea of the end of history has taken, the intellectual history of disillusionment and resignation has been countered with a Leftist framework. But, with almost 10 million nonwhite people in the EU, the rising number of impoverished masses in Brazil, or in South Asia, as well as the problems of health and illiteracy, the Left has a formidable task before it; issues concerning economic deprivation, the brutalisation of workers, increasing spending on nuclear enhancement and the need for all ethnic minorities to explicitly feature in a pluralistic vision needs to be the foundation of any reinvention of the Left.
The long drawn out economic and political tensions, for instance, in Latin America have moved the Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro and Evo Morales trio towards an international agenda for social reconstruction within which socialism does not need to be replaced but must be put forward as a programme to salvage a world from inequality and the abuse of power, especially the hegemony of the White House. They have together constructed a progressive alliance, insisting on a collective leadership that endorses the rich diversity of radical and socialist traditions.
In a drastically damaged world in which received political ideologies have been exhausted, anti-imperialist agenda and far-reaching remedies have been initiated in Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela to check the erratic play of market forces. Chavez has been particularly hard hitting through his move of cutting off oil supplies to the US and his unquestionable allegiance with Castro. He has not hesitated to build trade relations with China and to back Iran's nuclear ambitions. The dream of an anti-imperialist union has finally come true by the induction of Brazil, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Chile into the club headed by Castro and Chavez, and underpinned by the age-old vision for a strong Leftist opposition to the interventionist policies of the U.S. Inspired by great heroes like Simon Bolivar and Che Guevara, Chavez has been fighting for regional integration and a society that bases itself on the ideology of the new South American Left.

What issues, according to the passage, should form the basis for the Left to rise and be counted?

In the wake of the varying forms which the idea of the end of history has taken, the intellectual history of disillusionment and resignation has been countered with a Leftist framework. But, with almost 10 million nonwhite people in the EU, the rising number of impoverished masses in Brazil, or in South Asia, as well as the problems of health and illiteracy, the Left has a formidable task before it; issues concerning economic deprivation, the brutalisation of workers, increasing spending on nuclear enhancement and the need for all ethnic minorities to explicitly feature in a pluralistic vision needs to be the foundation of any reinvention of the Left.
The long drawn out economic and political tensions, for instance, in Latin America have moved the Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro and Evo Morales trio towards an international agenda for social reconstruction within which socialism does not need to be replaced but must be put forward as a programme to salvage a world from inequality and the abuse of power, especially the hegemony of the White House. They have together constructed a progressive alliance, insisting on a collective leadership that endorses the rich diversity of radical and socialist traditions.
In a drastically damaged world in which received political ideologies have been exhausted, anti-imperialist agenda and far-reaching remedies have been initiated in Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela to check the erratic play of market forces. Chavez has been particularly hard hitting through his move of cutting off oil supplies to the US and his unquestionable allegiance with Castro. He has not hesitated to build trade relations with China and to back Iran's nuclear ambitions. The dream of an anti-imperialist union has finally come true by the induction of Brazil, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Chile into the club headed by Castro and Chavez, and underpinned by the age-old vision for a strong Leftist opposition to the interventionist policies of the U.S. Inspired by great heroes like Simon Bolivar and Che Guevara, Chavez has been fighting for regional integration and a society that bases itself on the ideology of the new South American Left.

What do you feel is the political ideology of leaders like Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro and Evo Morales?

In the wake of the varying forms which the idea of the end of history has taken, the intellectual history of disillusionment and resignation has been countered with a Leftist framework. But, with almost 10 million nonwhite people in the EU, the rising number of impoverished masses in Brazil, or in South Asia, as well as the problems of health and illiteracy, the Left has a formidable task before it; issues concerning economic deprivation, the brutalisation of workers, increasing spending on nuclear enhancement and the need for all ethnic minorities to explicitly feature in a pluralistic vision needs to be the foundation of any reinvention of the Left.
The long drawn out economic and political tensions, for instance, in Latin America have moved the Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro and Evo Morales trio towards an international agenda for social reconstruction within which socialism does not need to be replaced but must be put forward as a programme to salvage a world from inequality and the abuse of power, especially the hegemony of the White House. They have together constructed a progressive alliance, insisting on a collective leadership that endorses the rich diversity of radical and socialist traditions.
In a drastically damaged world in which received political ideologies have been exhausted, anti-imperialist agenda and far-reaching remedies have been initiated in Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela to check the erratic play of market forces. Chavez has been particularly hard hitting through his move of cutting off oil supplies to the US and his unquestionable allegiance with Castro. He has not hesitated to build trade relations with China and to back Iran's nuclear ambitions. The dream of an anti-imperialist union has finally come true by the induction of Brazil, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Chile into the club headed by Castro and Chavez, and underpinned by the age-old vision for a strong Leftist opposition to the interventionist policies of the U.S. Inspired by great heroes like Simon Bolivar and Che Guevara, Chavez has been fighting for regional integration and a society that bases itself on the ideology of the new South American Left.

Why have remedial measures been taken in Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela?

In the wake of the varying forms which the idea of the end of history has taken, the intellectual history of disillusionment and resignation has been countered with a Leftist framework. But, with almost 10 million nonwhite people in the EU, the rising number of impoverished masses in Brazil, or in South Asia, as well as the problems of health and illiteracy, the Left has a formidable task before it; issues concerning economic deprivation, the brutalisation of workers, increasing spending on nuclear enhancement and the need for all ethnic minorities to explicitly feature in a pluralistic vision needs to be the foundation of any reinvention of the Left.
The long drawn out economic and political tensions, for instance, in Latin America have moved the Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro and Evo Morales trio towards an international agenda for social reconstruction within which socialism does not need to be replaced but must be put forward as a programme to salvage a world from inequality and the abuse of power, especially the hegemony of the White House. They have together constructed a progressive alliance, insisting on a collective leadership that endorses the rich diversity of radical and socialist traditions.
In a drastically damaged world in which received political ideologies have been exhausted, anti-imperialist agenda and far-reaching remedies have been initiated in Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela to check the erratic play of market forces. Chavez has been particularly hard hitting through his move of cutting off oil supplies to the US and his unquestionable allegiance with Castro. He has not hesitated to build trade relations with China and to back Iran's nuclear ambitions. The dream of an anti-imperialist union has finally come true by the induction of Brazil, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Chile into the club headed by Castro and Chavez, and underpinned by the age-old vision for a strong Leftist opposition to the interventionist policies of the U.S. Inspired by great heroes like Simon Bolivar and Che Guevara, Chavez has been fighting for regional integration and a society that bases itself on the ideology of the new South American Left.

What has Chavez been struggling for?

In the wake of the varying forms which the idea of the end of history has taken, the intellectual history of disillusionment and resignation has been countered with a Leftist framework. But, with almost 10 million nonwhite people in the EU, the rising number of impoverished masses in Brazil, or in South Asia, as well as the problems of health and illiteracy, the Left has a formidable task before it; issues concerning economic deprivation, the brutalisation of workers, increasing spending on nuclear enhancement and the need for all ethnic minorities to explicitly feature in a pluralistic vision needs to be the foundation of any reinvention of the Left.
The long drawn out economic and political tensions, for instance, in Latin America have moved the Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro and Evo Morales trio towards an international agenda for social reconstruction within which socialism does not need to be replaced but must be put forward as a programme to salvage a world from inequality and the abuse of power, especially the hegemony of the White House. They have together constructed a progressive alliance, insisting on a collective leadership that endorses the rich diversity of radical and socialist traditions.
In a drastically damaged world in which received political ideologies have been exhausted, anti-imperialist agenda and far-reaching remedies have been initiated in Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela to check the erratic play of market forces. Chavez has been particularly hard hitting through his move of cutting off oil supplies to the US and his unquestionable allegiance with Castro. He has not hesitated to build trade relations with China and to back Iran's nuclear ambitions. The dream of an anti-imperialist union has finally come true by the induction of Brazil, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Chile into the club headed by Castro and Chavez, and underpinned by the age-old vision for a strong Leftist opposition to the interventionist policies of the U.S. Inspired by great heroes like Simon Bolivar and Che Guevara, Chavez has been fighting for regional integration and a society that bases itself on the ideology of the new South American Left.

Hegemony means

Low wages, large numbers of casual and contract workers, authoritarianism in the workplace, unjust victimisation of workers who are at the forefront of resistance, the coming together of company and state to put down worker resistance with a heavy hand and the lack of a fighting spirit on the part of the central trade unions affiliated to the mainstream political parties - these are what the workers are up against, even in the public sector.
One is reminded of the 44-day strike that began in April this year of thousands of contract workers, of the public sector Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC), who have been struggling for many years to win wage parity with the company's permanent workers and the regularisation of their jobs. Sadly, the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) allied with it did not even give a call for the permanent workers to ally with these contract workers. Instead, all the AITUC did was to appeal to Jayalalithaa, the chief minister of Tamil Nadu, in which the NLC is located, to intervene on behalf of the workers and prevail upon the central government to help settle the strike in their favour. This, when the Tamil Nadu police had been ordered to arrest the striking workers after their strike had been declared "illegal" through a court order.
The political parties, to which the AITUC and the CITU are affiliated, had entered into a thoroughly opportunistic alliance with Jayalalithaa's AIADMK in the state assembly elections last year and wanted to keep the alliance going. Indeed, it was the AIADMK government along with the central government, which controls the NLC that was instrumental in the defeat of the strike when the AITUC decided to call it off after some vague promises of regularisation were made, without, of course, any agreement on pay parity. If this then is the plight of workers in leading enterprises in the private and public sector, Maruti Suzuki and NLC, one can only imagine what their predicament is in labour-intensive manufacturing like apparel and footwear, and in the sweatshops of diamond cutting and polishing, all industries where the growth of exports is faltering.

Which of the following options has not been mentioned as some of the challenges that workers face?

Low wages, large numbers of casual and contract workers, authoritarianism in the workplace, unjust victimisation of workers who are at the forefront of resistance, the coming together of company and state to put down worker resistance with a heavy hand and the lack of a fighting spirit on the part of the central trade unions affiliated to the mainstream political parties - these are what the workers are up against, even in the public sector.
One is reminded of the 44-day strike that began in April this year of thousands of contract workers, of the public sector Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC), who have been struggling for many years to win wage parity with the company's permanent workers and the regularisation of their jobs. Sadly, the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) allied with it did not even give a call for the permanent workers to ally with these contract workers. Instead, all the AITUC did was to appeal to Jayalalithaa, the chief minister of Tamil Nadu, in which the NLC is located, to intervene on behalf of the workers and prevail upon the central government to help settle the strike in their favour. This, when the Tamil Nadu police had been ordered to arrest the striking workers after their strike had been declared "illegal" through a court order.
The political parties, to which the AITUC and the CITU are affiliated, had entered into a thoroughly opportunistic alliance with Jayalalithaa's AIADMK in the state assembly elections last year and wanted to keep the alliance going. Indeed, it was the AIADMK government along with the central government, which controls the NLC that was instrumental in the defeat of the strike when the AITUC decided to call it off after some vague promises of regularisation were made, without, of course, any agreement on pay parity. If this then is the plight of workers in leading enterprises in the private and public sector, Maruti Suzuki and NLC, one can only imagine what their predicament is in labour-intensive manufacturing like apparel and footwear, and in the sweatshops of diamond cutting and polishing, all industries where the growth of exports is faltering.

From the passage, it can be inferred that the AITUC called off the strike because

Low wages, large numbers of casual and contract workers, authoritarianism in the workplace, unjust victimisation of workers who are at the forefront of resistance, the coming together of company and state to put down worker resistance with a heavy hand and the lack of a fighting spirit on the part of the central trade unions affiliated to the mainstream political parties - these are what the workers are up against, even in the public sector.
One is reminded of the 44-day strike that began in April this year of thousands of contract workers, of the public sector Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC), who have been struggling for many years to win wage parity with the company's permanent workers and the regularisation of their jobs. Sadly, the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) allied with it did not even give a call for the permanent workers to ally with these contract workers. Instead, all the AITUC did was to appeal to Jayalalithaa, the chief minister of Tamil Nadu, in which the NLC is located, to intervene on behalf of the workers and prevail upon the central government to help settle the strike in their favour. This, when the Tamil Nadu police had been ordered to arrest the striking workers after their strike had been declared "illegal" through a court order.
The political parties, to which the AITUC and the CITU are affiliated, had entered into a thoroughly opportunistic alliance with Jayalalithaa's AIADMK in the state assembly elections last year and wanted to keep the alliance going. Indeed, it was the AIADMK government along with the central government, which controls the NLC that was instrumental in the defeat of the strike when the AITUC decided to call it off after some vague promises of regularisation were made, without, of course, any agreement on pay parity. If this then is the plight of workers in leading enterprises in the private and public sector, Maruti Suzuki and NLC, one can only imagine what their predicament is in labour-intensive manufacturing like apparel and footwear, and in the sweatshops of diamond cutting and polishing, all industries where the growth of exports is faltering.

The passage mentions Maruti Suzuki and NLC in order to

Low wages, large numbers of casual and contract workers, authoritarianism in the workplace, unjust victimisation of workers who are at the forefront of resistance, the coming together of company and state to put down worker resistance with a heavy hand and the lack of a fighting spirit on the part of the central trade unions affiliated to the mainstream political parties - these are what the workers are up against, even in the public sector.
One is reminded of the 44-day strike that began in April this year of thousands of contract workers, of the public sector Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC), who have been struggling for many years to win wage parity with the company's permanent workers and the regularisation of their jobs. Sadly, the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) allied with it did not even give a call for the permanent workers to ally with these contract workers. Instead, all the AITUC did was to appeal to Jayalalithaa, the chief minister of Tamil Nadu, in which the NLC is located, to intervene on behalf of the workers and prevail upon the central government to help settle the strike in their favour. This, when the Tamil Nadu police had been ordered to arrest the striking workers after their strike had been declared "illegal" through a court order.
The political parties, to which the AITUC and the CITU are affiliated, had entered into a thoroughly opportunistic alliance with Jayalalithaa's AIADMK in the state assembly elections last year and wanted to keep the alliance going. Indeed, it was the AIADMK government along with the central government, which controls the NLC that was instrumental in the defeat of the strike when the AITUC decided to call it off after some vague promises of regularisation were made, without, of course, any agreement on pay parity. If this then is the plight of workers in leading enterprises in the private and public sector, Maruti Suzuki and NLC, one can only imagine what their predicament is in labour-intensive manufacturing like apparel and footwear, and in the sweatshops of diamond cutting and polishing, all industries where the growth of exports is faltering.

Consider the following statements:
(i) Footwear is not a labour intensive industry.
(ii) The strike at NLC continued for over two months.
According to the above passage, which of the statements is/are valid?

All astronauts look forward to living in the lonely and unpredictable environment of space. In low earth orbit, for instance, you get to see 16 sunrises and 16 sunsets! For the day fades into night every 45 minutes as the spacecraft rotates slowly to keep its solar panels facing the sun. Viewers in Delhi shared a bit of this excitement with Sunita Williams aboard the international Space Station, when she tele chatted with them earlier this month.
Astronauts spend long periods in weightlessness of 'zero gravity'. It may be fun for us sitting in our gravity cocooned rooms and watching them on TV, as they float around. But inside their bodies things are happening that aren't any fun at all. Scientists study the effects of outer space on the human body to see how it behaves in zero gravity and then re-adapts to earth's gravity at the end of the spaceflight. In space the number of red blood cells, bone and muscle tissues are all altered and the metabolic process upset.
On Earth, gravity pulls blood to lower body, away from the head. Nerves called the baroreceptors detect this and redirect blood flow, ensuring that the brain gets enough oxygen and sugar. In space baroreceptors don't sense any pressure difference and the astronaut flies with an atypical redistribution of blood. On earth we build bones by running or jumping. But without gravity, the bones begin to lose calcium, which is absorbed in the body. (Bedridden and paraplegics suffer the same problem, losing 30% of their lower body bone mass within months). The minerals lost from the leg and hipbones aren't excreted and they migrate to the head, making the skull dense. This is the body's way of making better use of its resources: legs are useless in space, so the body moves to protect the brain!.
Unlike on earth there is no muscle tension in space. Muscles are relaxed, stretched and actually grow by five to seven inches in a space flight. Surprisingly one gets taller while one sleeps, too, because of relaxed muscles - sometimes enough to readjust one's car's rear-view mirror in the morning. To offset this, the astronauts aboard the ISS exercise on a treadmill every day. So every space payload has a large component of medical experiments to help scientists figure out what we gain-or lose-up there.

It can be inferred from the passage that living in space

All astronauts look forward to living in the lonely and unpredictable environment of space. In low earth orbit, for instance, you get to see 16 sunrises and 16 sunsets! For the day fades into night every 45 minutes as the spacecraft rotates slowly to keep its solar panels facing the sun. Viewers in Delhi shared a bit of this excitement with Sunita Williams aboard the international Space Station, when she tele chatted with them earlier this month.
Astronauts spend long periods in weightlessness of 'zero gravity'. It may be fun for us sitting in our gravity cocooned rooms and watching them on TV, as they float around. But inside their bodies things are happening that aren't any fun at all. Scientists study the effects of outer space on the human body to see how it behaves in zero gravity and then re-adapts to earth's gravity at the end of the spaceflight. In space the number of red blood cells, bone and muscle tissues are all altered and the metabolic process upset.
On Earth, gravity pulls blood to lower body, away from the head. Nerves called the baroreceptors detect this and redirect blood flow, ensuring that the brain gets enough oxygen and sugar. In space baroreceptors don't sense any pressure difference and the astronaut flies with an atypical redistribution of blood. On earth we build bones by running or jumping. But without gravity, the bones begin to lose calcium, which is absorbed in the body. (Bedridden and paraplegics suffer the same problem, losing 30% of their lower body bone mass within months). The minerals lost from the leg and hipbones aren't excreted and they migrate to the head, making the skull dense. This is the body's way of making better use of its resources: legs are useless in space, so the body moves to protect the brain!.
Unlike on earth there is no muscle tension in space. Muscles are relaxed, stretched and actually grow by five to seven inches in a space flight. Surprisingly one gets taller while one sleeps, too, because of relaxed muscles - sometimes enough to readjust one's car's rear-view mirror in the morning. To offset this, the astronauts aboard the ISS exercise on a treadmill every day. So every space payload has a large component of medical experiments to help scientists figure out what we gain-or lose-up there.

The author would most likely agree with which of the following statements?

All astronauts look forward to living in the lonely and unpredictable environment of space. In low earth orbit, for instance, you get to see 16 sunrises and 16 sunsets! For the day fades into night every 45 minutes as the spacecraft rotates slowly to keep its solar panels facing the sun. Viewers in Delhi shared a bit of this excitement with Sunita Williams aboard the international Space Station, when she tele chatted with them earlier this month.
Astronauts spend long periods in weightlessness of 'zero gravity'. It may be fun for us sitting in our gravity cocooned rooms and watching them on TV, as they float around. But inside their bodies things are happening that aren't any fun at all. Scientists study the effects of outer space on the human body to see how it behaves in zero gravity and then re-adapts to earth's gravity at the end of the spaceflight. In space the number of red blood cells, bone and muscle tissues are all altered and the metabolic process upset.
On Earth, gravity pulls blood to lower body, away from the head. Nerves called the baroreceptors detect this and redirect blood flow, ensuring that the brain gets enough oxygen and sugar. In space baroreceptors don't sense any pressure difference and the astronaut flies with an atypical redistribution of blood. On earth we build bones by running or jumping. But without gravity, the bones begin to lose calcium, which is absorbed in the body. (Bedridden and paraplegics suffer the same problem, losing 30% of their lower body bone mass within months). The minerals lost from the leg and hipbones aren't excreted and they migrate to the head, making the skull dense. This is the body's way of making better use of its resources: legs are useless in space, so the body moves to protect the brain!.
Unlike on earth there is no muscle tension in space. Muscles are relaxed, stretched and actually grow by five to seven inches in a space flight. Surprisingly one gets taller while one sleeps, too, because of relaxed muscles - sometimes enough to readjust one's car's rear-view mirror in the morning. To offset this, the astronauts aboard the ISS exercise on a treadmill every day. So every space payload has a large component of medical experiments to help scientists figure out what we gain-or lose-up there.

The main purpose of the author in the passage is to

All astronauts look forward to living in the lonely and unpredictable environment of space. In low earth orbit, for instance, you get to see 16 sunrises and 16 sunsets! For the day fades into night every 45 minutes as the spacecraft rotates slowly to keep its solar panels facing the sun. Viewers in Delhi shared a bit of this excitement with Sunita Williams aboard the international Space Station, when she tele chatted with them earlier this month.
Astronauts spend long periods in weightlessness of 'zero gravity'. It may be fun for us sitting in our gravity cocooned rooms and watching them on TV, as they float around. But inside their bodies things are happening that aren't any fun at all. Scientists study the effects of outer space on the human body to see how it behaves in zero gravity and then re-adapts to earth's gravity at the end of the spaceflight. In space the number of red blood cells, bone and muscle tissues are all altered and the metabolic process upset.
On Earth, gravity pulls blood to lower body, away from the head. Nerves called the baroreceptors detect this and redirect blood flow, ensuring that the brain gets enough oxygen and sugar. In space baroreceptors don't sense any pressure difference and the astronaut flies with an atypical redistribution of blood. On earth we build bones by running or jumping. But without gravity, the bones begin to lose calcium, which is absorbed in the body. (Bedridden and paraplegics suffer the same problem, losing 30% of their lower body bone mass within months). The minerals lost from the leg and hipbones aren't excreted and they migrate to the head, making the skull dense. This is the body's way of making better use of its resources: legs are useless in space, so the body moves to protect the brain!.
Unlike on earth there is no muscle tension in space. Muscles are relaxed, stretched and actually grow by five to seven inches in a space flight. Surprisingly one gets taller while one sleeps, too, because of relaxed muscles - sometimes enough to readjust one's car's rear-view mirror in the morning. To offset this, the astronauts aboard the ISS exercise on a treadmill every day. So every space payload has a large component of medical experiments to help scientists figure out what we gain-or lose-up there.

According to the passage in the low earth orbit there are

All astronauts look forward to living in the lonely and unpredictable environment of space. In low earth orbit, for instance, you get to see 16 sunrises and 16 sunsets! For the day fades into night every 45 minutes as the spacecraft rotates slowly to keep its solar panels facing the sun. Viewers in Delhi shared a bit of this excitement with Sunita Williams aboard the international Space Station, when she tele chatted with them earlier this month.
Astronauts spend long periods in weightlessness of 'zero gravity'. It may be fun for us sitting in our gravity cocooned rooms and watching them on TV, as they float around. But inside their bodies things are happening that aren't any fun at all. Scientists study the effects of outer space on the human body to see how it behaves in zero gravity and then re-adapts to earth's gravity at the end of the spaceflight. In space the number of red blood cells, bone and muscle tissues are all altered and the metabolic process upset.
On Earth, gravity pulls blood to lower body, away from the head. Nerves called the baroreceptors detect this and redirect blood flow, ensuring that the brain gets enough oxygen and sugar. In space baroreceptors don't sense any pressure difference and the astronaut flies with an atypical redistribution of blood. On earth we build bones by running or jumping. But without gravity, the bones begin to lose calcium, which is absorbed in the body. (Bedridden and paraplegics suffer the same problem, losing 30% of their lower body bone mass within months). The minerals lost from the leg and hipbones aren't excreted and they migrate to the head, making the skull dense. This is the body's way of making better use of its resources: legs are useless in space, so the body moves to protect the brain!.
Unlike on earth there is no muscle tension in space. Muscles are relaxed, stretched and actually grow by five to seven inches in a space flight. Surprisingly one gets taller while one sleeps, too, because of relaxed muscles - sometimes enough to readjust one's car's rear-view mirror in the morning. To offset this, the astronauts aboard the ISS exercise on a treadmill every day. So every space payload has a large component of medical experiments to help scientists figure out what we gain-or lose-up there.

The tone of the author is