Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Until recently, many anthropologists assumed that the environment of what is now the southwestern United States shaped the social history and culture of the region’s indigenous peoples. Building on this assumption, archaeologists asserted that adverse environmental conditions and droughts were responsible for the disappearances and migrations of southwestern populations from many sites they once inhabited. However, such deterministic arguments fail to acknowledge that local environmental variability in the Southwest makes generalizing about that environment difficult. To examine the relationship between environmental variation and sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region of central Arizona, which indigenous tribes have occupied continuously for at least 800 years, a research team recently reconstructed the climatic, vegetational, and erosional cycles of past centuries. The researchers found it impossible to provide a single, generally applicable characterization of environmental conditions for the region. Rather, they found that local areas experienced different patterns of rainfall, wind, and erosion, and that such conditions had prevailed in the Southwest for the last 1,400 years. Rainfall, for example, varied within and between local valley systems, so that even adjacent agricultural fields can produce significantly different yields. The researchers characterized episodes of variation in southwestern environments by frequency: low-frequency environmental processes occur in cycles longer than one human generation, which generally is considered to last about 25 years, and high frequency processes have shorter cycles. The researchers pointed out that low-frequency processes, such as fluctuations in stream flow and groundwater levels, would not usually be apparent to human populations. In contrast, high-frequency fluctuations such as seasonal temperature variations are observable and somewhat predictable, so that groups could have adapted their behaviors accordingly. When the researchers compared sequences of sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region with episodes of low- and high-frequency environmental variation, however, they found no simple correlation between environmental process and sociocultural change or persistence. Although early Pueblo peoples did protect themselves against environmental risk and uncertainty, they responded variously on different occasions to similar patterns of highfrequency climatic and environmental change. The researchers identified seven major adaptive responses, including increased mobility, relocation of permanent settlements, changes in subsistence foods, and reliance on trade with other groups. These findings suggest that groups’ adaptive choices depended on cultural and social as well as environmental factors and were flexible strategies rather than uncomplicated reactions to environmental change. Environmental conditions mattered, but they were rarely, if ever, sufficient to account for sociocultural persistence and change. Group size and composition, culture, contact with other groups, and individual choices and actions were— barring catastrophes such as floods or earthquakes—more significant for a population’s survival than were climate and environment. Q. The passage is primarily concerned with

explaining why certain research findings have created controversy

pointing out the flaws in a research methodology and suggesting a different approach

presenting evidence to challenge an explanation and offering an alternative explanation

elucidating the means by which certain groups have adapted to their environment

defending a long-held interpretation by presenting new research findings

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Until recently, many anthropologists assumed that the environment of what is now the southwestern United States shaped the social history and culture of the region’s indigenous peoples. Building on this assumption, archaeologists asserted that adverse environmental conditions and droughts were responsible for the disappearances and migrations of southwestern populations from many sites they once inhabited. However, such deterministic arguments fail to acknowledge that local environmental variability in the Southwest makes generalizing about that environment difficult. To examine the relationship between environmental variation and sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region of central Arizona, which indigenous tribes have occupied continuously for at least 800 years, a research team recently reconstructed the climatic, vegetational, and erosional cycles of past centuries. The researchers found it impossible to provide a single, generally applicable characterization of environmental conditions for the region. Rather, they found that local areas experienced different patterns of rainfall, wind, and erosion, and that such conditions had prevailed in the Southwest for the last 1,400 years. Rainfall, for example, varied within and between local valley systems, so that even adjacent agricultural fields can produce significantly different yields. The researchers characterized episodes of variation in southwestern environments by frequency: low-frequency environmental processes occur in cycles longer than one human generation, which generally is considered to last about 25 years, and high frequency processes have shorter cycles. The researchers pointed out that low-frequency processes, such as fluctuations in stream flow and groundwater levels, would not usually be apparent to human populations. In contrast, high-frequency fluctuations such as seasonal temperature variations are observable and somewhat predictable, so that groups could have adapted their behaviors accordingly. When the researchers compared sequences of sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region with episodes of low- and high-frequency environmental variation, however, they found no simple correlation between environmental process and sociocultural change or persistence. Although early Pueblo peoples did protect themselves against environmental risk and uncertainty, they responded variously on different occasions to similar patterns of high frequency climatic and environmental change. The researchers identified seven major adaptive responses, including increased mobility, relocation of permanent settlements, changes in subsistence foods, and reliance on trade with other groups. These findings suggest that groups’ adaptive choices depended on cultural and social as well as environmental factors and were flexible strategies rather than uncomplicated reactions to environmental change. Environmental conditions mattered, but they were rarely, if ever, sufficient to account for sociocultural persistence and change. Group size and composition, culture, contact with other groups, and individual choices and actions were— barring catastrophes such as floods or earthquakes—more significant for a population’s survival than were climate and environment. Q. Which of the following findings would most strongly support the assertion made by the archaeologists mentioned in line 3?

A population remained in a certain region at least a century after erosion wore away much of the topsoil that sustained grass for their grazing animals.

The range of a certain group’s agricultural activity increased over a century of gradual decrease in annual rainfall.

As winters grew increasingly mild in a certain region, the nomadic residents of the region continued to move between their summer and winter encampments.

An agricultural population began to trade for supplies of a grain instead of producing the grain in its own fields as it had in the past.

A half century of drought and falling groundwater levels caused a certain population to abandon their settlements along a riverbank.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Until recently, many anthropologists assumed that the environment of what is now the southwestern United States shaped the social history and culture of the region’s indigenous peoples. Building on this assumption, archaeologists asserted that adverse environmental conditions and droughts were responsible for the disappearances and migrations of southwestern populations from many sites they once inhabited. However, such deterministic arguments fail to acknowledge that local environmental variability in the Southwest makes generalizing about that environment difficult. To examine the relationship between environmental variation and sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region of central Arizona, which indigenous tribes have occupied continuously for at least 800 years, a research team recently reconstructed the climatic, vegetational, and erosional cycles of past centuries. The researchers found it impossible to provide a single, generally applicable characterization of environmental conditions for the region. Rather, they found that local areas experienced different patterns of rainfall, wind, and erosion, and that such conditions had prevailed in the Southwest for the last 1,400 years. Rainfall, for example, varied within and between local valley systems, so that even adjacent agricultural fields can produce significantly different yields. The researchers characterized episodes of variation in southwestern environments by frequency: low-frequency environmental processes occur in cycles longer than one human generation, which generally is considered to last about 25 years, and highfrequency processes have shorter cycles. The researchers pointed out that low-frequency processes, such as fluctuations in stream flow and groundwater levels, would not usually be apparent to human populations. In contrast, high-frequency fluctuations such as seasonal temperature variations are observable and somewhat predictable, so that groups could have adapted their behaviors accordingly. When the researchers compared sequences of sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region with episodes of low- and high-frequency environmental variation, however, they found no simple correlation between environmental process and sociocultural change or persistence. Although early Pueblo peoples did protect themselves against environmental risk and uncertainty, they responded variously on different occasions to similar patterns of high frequency climatic and environmental change. The researchers identified seven major adaptive responses, including increased mobility, relocation of permanent settlements, changes in subsistence foods, and reliance on trade with other groups. These findings suggest that groups’ adaptive choices depended on cultural and social as well as environmental factors and were flexible strategies rather than uncomplicated reactions to environmental change. Environmental conditions mattered, but they were rarely, if ever, sufficient to account for sociocultural persistence and change. Group size and composition, culture, contact with other groups, and individual choices and actions were— barring catastrophes such as floods or earthquakes—more significant for a population’s survival than were climate and environment. Q. The fact that “adjacent agricultural fields can produce significantly different yields” (lines 16–17) is offered as evidence of the

unpredictability of the climate and environment of the southwestern United States

difficulty of producing a consistent food supply for a large population in the Western Pueblo region

lack of water and land suitable for cultivation in central Arizona

local climatic variation in the environment of the southwestern United States

high-frequency environmental processes at work in the southwestern United States

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Until recently, many anthropologists assumed that the environment of what is now the southwestern United States shaped the social history and culture of the region’s indigenous peoples. Building on this assumption, archaeologists asserted that adverse environmental conditions and droughts were responsible for the disappearances and migrations of southwestern populations from many sites they once inhabited. However, such deterministic arguments fail to acknowledge that local environmental variability in the Southwest makes generalizing about that environment difficult. To examine the relationship between environmental variation and sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region of central Arizona, which indigenous tribes have occupied continuously for at least 800 years, a research team recently reconstructed the climatic, vegetational, and erosional cycles of past centuries. The researchers found it impossible to provide a single, generally applicable characterization of environmental conditions for the region. Rather, they found that local areas experienced different patterns of rainfall, wind, and erosion, and that such conditions had prevailed in the Southwest for the last 1,400 years. Rainfall, for example, varied within and between local valley systems, so that even adjacent agricultural fields can produce significantly different yields. The researchers characterized episodes of variation in southwestern environments by frequency: low-frequency environmental processes occur in cycles longer than one human generation, which generally is considered to last about 25 years, and high frequency processes have shorter cycles. The researchers pointed out that low-frequency processes, such as fluctuations in stream flow and groundwater levels, would not usually be apparent to human populations. In contrast, high-frequency fluctuations such as seasonal temperature variations are observable and somewhat predictable, so that groups could have adapted their behaviors accordingly. When the researchers compared sequences of sociocultural change in the Western Pueblo region with episodes of low- and high-frequency environmental variation, however, they found no simple correlation between environmental process and sociocultural change or persistence. Although early Pueblo peoples did protect themselves against environmental risk and uncertainty, they responded variously on different occasions to similar patterns of high frequency climatic and environmental change. The researchers identified seven major adaptive responses, including increased mobility, relocation of permanent settlements, changes in subsistence foods, and reliance on trade with other groups. These findings suggest that groups’ adaptive choices depended on cultural and social as well as environmental factors and were flexible strategies rather than uncomplicated reactions to environmental change. Environmental conditions mattered, but they were rarely, if ever, sufficient to account for sociocultural persistence and change. Group size and composition, culture, contact with other groups, and individual choices and actions were— barring catastrophes such as floods or earthquakes—more significant for a population’s survival than were climate and environment. Q. It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following activities is NOT an example of a population responding to high-frequency environmental processes?

Developing watertight jars in which to collect and store water during the rainy season

Building multistory dwellings in low-lying areas to avoid the flash flooding that occurs each summer

Moving a village because groundwater levels have changed over the last generation

Trading with other groups for furs from which to make winter clothes.

Moving one’s herds of grazing animals each year between summer and winter pastures

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Nineteenth-century architect Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc contended that Paris’s Notre-Dame cathedral, built primarily in the late twelfth century, was supported from the very beginning by a system of flying buttresses—a series of exterior arches (flyers) and their supports (buttresses)—which permitted the construction of taller vaulted buildings with slimmer walls and interior supports than had been possible previously. Other commentators insist, however, that Notre-Dame did not have flying buttresses until the thirteenth or fourteenth century, when they were added to update the building aesthetically and correct its structural flaws. Although post-twelfth-century modifications and renovations complicate efforts to resolve this controversy—all pre fifteenth-century flyers have been replaced, and the buttresses have been rebuilt and/or resurfaced—it is nevertheless possible to tell that both the nave and the choir, the church’s two major parts, have always had flying buttresses. It is clear, now that nineteenth-century paint and plaster have been removed, that the nave’s lower buttresses date from the twelfth century. Moreover, the choir’s lower flyers have chevron (zigzag) decoration. Chevron decoration, which was characteristic of the second half of the twelfth century and was out of favor by the fourteenth century, is entirely absent from modifications to the building that can be dated with confidence to the thirteenth century. Q. The passage is primarily concerned with

tracing the development of a controversy

discussing obstacles to resolving a controversy

arguing in support of one side in a controversy

analyzing the assumptions underlying the claims made in a controversy

explaining why evidence relevant to a controversy has been overlooked

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Nineteenth-century architect Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc contended that Paris’s Notre-Dame cathedral, built primarily in the late twelfth century, was supported from the very beginning by a system of flying buttresses—a series of exterior arches (flyers) and their supports (buttresses)—which permitted the construction of taller vaulted buildings with slimmer walls and interior supports than had been possible previously. Other commentators insist, however, that Notre-Dame did not have flying buttresses until the thirteenth or fourteenth century, when they were added to update the building aesthetically and correct its structural flaws. Although post-twelfth-century modifications and renovations complicate efforts to resolve this controversy—all pre fifteenth-century flyers have been replaced, and the buttresses have been rebuilt and/or resurfaced—it is nevertheless possible to tell that both the nave and the choir, the church’s two major parts, have always had flying buttresses. It is clear, now that nineteenth-century paint and plaster have been removed, that the nave’s lower buttresses date from the twelfth century. Moreover, the choir’s lower flyers have chevron (zigzag) decoration. Chevron decoration, which was characteristic of the second half of the twelfth century and was out of favor by the fourteenth century, is entirely absent from modifications to the building that can be dated with confidence to the thirteenth century. Q. The claim of the “other commentators” (line 6) suggests that they believe which of the following about Notre-Dame?

It was the inspiration for many vaulted cathedrals built in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

Its design flaws were not apparent until flying buttresses were added in the thirteenth or fourteenth century.

Its flying buttresses are embellished with decoration characteristic of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

It had been modified in some respects before flying buttresses were added in the thirteenth or fourteenth century.

It was originally constructed in an architectural style that was considered outmoded by the thirteenth or fourteenth century.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Nineteenth-century architect Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc contended that Paris’s Notre-Dame cathedral, built primarily in the late twelfth century, was supported from the very beginning by a system of flying buttresses—a series of exterior arches (flyers) and their supports (buttresses)—which permitted the construction of taller vaulted buildings with slimmer walls and interior supports than had been possible previously. Other commentators insist, however, that Notre-Dame did not have flying buttresses until the thirteenth or fourteenth century, when they were added to update the building aesthetically and correct its structural flaws. Although post-twelfth-century modifications and renovations complicate efforts to resolve this controversy—all pre-fifteenth-century flyers have been replaced, and the buttresses have been rebuilt and/or resurfaced—it is nevertheless possible to tell that both the nave and the choir, the church’s two major parts, have always had flying buttresses. It is clear, now that nineteenth-century paint and plaster have been removed, that the nave’s lower buttresses date from the twelfth century. Moreover, the choir’s lower flyers have chevron (zigzag) decoration. Chevron decoration, which was characteristic of the second half of the twelfth century and was out of favor by the fourteenth century, is entirely absent from modifications to the building that can be dated with confidence to the thirteenth century. Q. The author’s argument concerning Notre-Dame’s flying buttresses depends on which of the following assumptions about the choir’s lower flyers?

They accurately reproduce the decoration on the choir’s original lower flyers.

They have a type of decoration used exclusively for exterior surfaces.

They were the models for the choir’s original upper flyers.

They were the models for the nave’s original lower flyers.

They were constructed after the nave’s flyers were constructed.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. The average temperature of the lobster-rich waters off the coast of Foerkland has been increasing for some years. In warmer water, lobsters grow faster. In particular, lobster larvae take less time to reach the size at which they are no longer vulnerable to predation by young cod, the chief threat to their survival. Consequently, the survival rate of lobster larvae must be going up, and the lobster population in Foerkland’s coastal waters is bound to increase. Q. Which of the following, if true, most seriously weakens the argument?

There are indications that in recent years the fishing fleet operating off the coast of Foerkland has been taking cod at an unsustainably high rate.

The increase in water temperatures off Foerkland has not been as pronounced as the increase in average soil temperatures in Foerkland.

Because of their speeded-up growth, lobsters now get large enough to be legal catch before they reach reproductive maturity.

Even though lobsters grow faster in warmer waters, warmer waters have no effect on the maximum size to which a lobster can eventually grow.

Cod are a cold-water species, and the increasing water temperatures have caused a northward shift in Foerkland’s cod population.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Astronomers found a large body orbiting close to the star Upsilon Andromedae. The standard theory of planet formation holds that no planet that large could be formed so close to a star, leading to the suggestion that the body is a companion star. A subsequent discovery puts that suggestion in doubt: two other large bodies were found orbit ing close to Upsilon Andromedae, and the standard theory of companion stars allows for at most one companion star. Q. Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the status of the orbiting body without casting doubt on the two standard theories mentioned?

The smaller a planet orbiting a star is, and the farther away it is from the star, the less likely it is to be discovered.

If a planet’s orbit is disturbed, the planet can be drawn by gravity toward the star it is orbiting.

The largest of the bodies orbiting Upsilon Andromedae is the farthest away from the star, and the smallest is the nearest.

It is likely that there are many stars, in addition to Upsilon Andromedae and the Sun, that are orbited by more than one smaller body.

In most cases of companion stars, the smaller companion is much fainter than the larger star.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. In Gilavia, the number of reported workplace injuries has declined 16 percent in the last five years. However, perhaps part of the decline results from injuries going unreported: many employers have introduced safety-incentive programs, such as prize drawings for which only employees who have a perfect work-safety record are eligible. Since a workplace injury would disqualify an employee from such programs, some employees might be concealing injury, when it is feasible to do so. Q. Which of the following, if true in Gilavia, most strongly supports the proposed explanation?

In the last five years, there has been no decline in the number of workplace injuries leading to immediate admission to a hospital emergency room.

Employers generally have to pay financial compensation to employees who suffer work-related injuries.

Many injuries that happen on the job are injuries that would be impossible to conceal and yet would not be severe enough to require any change to either the employee’s work schedule or the employee’s job responsibilities.

A continuing shift in employment patterns has led to a decline in the percentage of the workforce that is employed in the dangerous occupations in which workplace injuries are likely.

Employers who have instituted safety-incentive programs do not in general have a lower proportion of reported workplace injuries among their employees than do employers without such programs.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. For much of the 20th century, paleontologists theorized that dinosaurs, like reptiles, were ectothermic, their body temperature regulated externally. These scientists, however, based their conclusions on faulty reasoning, claiming that scaly skin was common to all ectotherms (birds, which are ectothermic, do not have scaly skin) and that the dinosaur’s size could account for ectothermy (some adult dinosaurs weighed as little as ten pounds). Supplanting this theory is an entirely new line of thought: dinosaurs were actually mesothermic, neither warm- nor cold-blooded. By taking this middle ground, some paleontologists maintain that dinosaurs were faster than a similar-sized reptile yet did not require as much food as a similar-sized mammal. To substantiate this theory, paleontologists intend to study how birds, the dinosaur’s closest extant relative, might have at one time been mesothermic. Q. The two parts in parentheses serve to do which of the following?

Summarize two claims that the author of the passage ultimately repudiates.

Highlight commonalities between birds and dinosaurs.

Provide rebuttals to commonly held views regarding physical aspects of dinosaurs.

Describe a recent theory that the author of the passage supports.

Furnish information regarding contradictory notions of dinosaur behavior.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Defense Department analysts worry that the ability of the United States to wage a prolonged war would be seriously endangered if the machine-tool manufacturing base shrinks further. Before the Defense Department publicly connected this security issue with the import quota issue, however, the machine-tool industry raised the national security issue in its petition for import quotas. Q. Which of the following, if true, contributes most to an explanation of the machine-tool industry's raising the issue above regarding national security?

When the aircraft industries retooled, they provided a large amount of work for too builders.

The Defense Department is only marginally concerned with the effects of foreign competition on the machine-tool industry.

The machine-tool industry encountered difficulty in obtaining governmental protection against imports on grounds other than defense.

A few weapons important for defense consist of parts that do not require extensive machining.

Several federal government programs have been designed which will enable domestic machine-tool manufacturing firms to compete successfully with foreign toolmakers.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. Opponents of laws that require automobile drivers and passengers to wear seat belts argue that in a free society people have the right to take risks as long as the people do not harm other as a result of taking the risks. As a result, they conclude that it should be each person's decision whether or not to wear a seat belt Q. Which of the following, if true, most seriously weakens the conclusion drawn above?

Many new cars are built with seat belts that automatically fasten when someone sits in the front seat.

Automobile insurance rates for all automobile owners are higher because of the need to pay for the increased injuries or deaths of people not wearing seat belts.

Passengers in airplanes are required to wear seat belts during takeoffs and landings.

The rate of automobile fatalities in states that do not have mandatory seat belt laws is greater than the rate of fatalities in states that do have such laws.

In automobile accidents, a greater number of passengers who do not wear seat belts are injured than are passengers who do wear seat belts.

Directions: Answer the questions based on following reading passage. The cost of producing radios in Country Q is ten percent less than the cost of producing radios in Country Y. even after transportation fees and tariff charges are added, it is still cheaper for a company to import radios from Country Q to Country Y than to produce radios in Country Y. Q. The statements above, if true, best support which of the following assertions?

labor costs in Country Q are ten percent below those in Country Y.

importing radios from Country Q to Country Y will eliminate ten percent of the manufacturing jobs in Country Y.

the tariff on a radio imported from Country Q to Country Y is less than ten percent of the cost of manufacturing the radio in Country Y

the fee for transporting a radio from Country Q to Country Y is more than ten percent of the cost of manufacturing the radio in Country Q.

it takes ten percent less time to manufacture a radios in Country Q than it does in Country Y.

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