Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Choose an appropriate title for the passage.
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is true according to the passage?
A) The smart city project and Make in India Project has not yielded any effect on the lives of ordinary people so far.
B) For the last one year, Govt. extended the tax benefits to the poorer and specially guarantying the job in the land acquisition bill.
C) Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag.
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Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is the reason for such comparison of Modi Govt. work?
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is not true according to the passage?
A) The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results
B) Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was.
C) The government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. What does the author mean by the phrase, “but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations”?
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is not the synonym of the word “entwined”?
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is not the synonym of the word “uneventful”?
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “remote”?
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “substantial”?
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.
Having come to power on the strength of mega-promises centred on the prospect of achhe din for all, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cannot but feel the weight of popular expectations on his government after an uneventful first year. The vast majority of those who backed him, those who gave the BJP he led a clear mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, bought his words of hope in toto, and believed he could bring in much-needed change and put the country back on a trajectory of growth and development. On the first anniversary, some of the promises remain as proposals and many others appear too remote with little or no chance of coming to fruition in the next four years. Given the state of India’s slow-moving bureaucracy the expectations were perhaps unrealistic to begin with, but Mr. Modi had fed them with election-time rhetoric. From ensuring efficient delivery of basic services and quickening clearance for infrastructure and industrial projects to ending corruption and bringing back black money kept in foreign banks, his was a long and exhaustive list of promises. As the previous Congress-led government ended its term entwined in scams and scandals, Mr. Modi marketed himself as everything his predecessor Manmohan Singh was not, and sought to represent the varied aspirations of whole classes of people. He wanted to offer much more than a concrete programme of action; he wanted to present a vision of the future, a vision of India taking its place as an economic superpower in the first world. Of course, it was not as if nothing got done during the year, but the achievements pale in relation to the expectations. Inevitably, the comparison being made is not between the last year of the Manmohan Singh government and the first year of the Modi government, but between Mr. Modi’s words and his deeds, between the promise of achhe din and the harsh, unchanging realities on the ground. To the government’s credit, inflation is down. Falling international oil prices might have had a role as also the resoluteness of the Reserve Bank of India in not lowering interest rates, but the government kept a close watch on food prices. The push toward financial inclusion through the Jan Dhan Yojana seems to have yielded quick results with crores of poor people induced to open a bank account for the first time in their lives. This is quite unlike the proposal for smart cities and the Make in India project that have had no substantial results to show for all their potential, and haven’t so far made any tangible change in the lives of ordinary people. Not surprisingly, the government appears to be aware of this shortcoming and is preparing to announce a large-scale social sector scheme. In contrast to the lack of forward movement in social welfare programmes in the last one year, the government looked as if it were in a hurry to accommodate big business by seeking to dilute the safeguards in the land acquisition legislation and extending tax benefits to the rich. While it was not enthusiastic about the previous government’s rural employment guarantee and food security schemes, it took up in all earnest the controversy-ridden Aadhaar scheme, seen as a first step towards targeted social benefits and capped subsidies. Instead of laying claim to a pro-growth label, the government found itself trying to fend off an anti-poor tag. All told and added up on the political ledger, the debit column has certainly ended up being longer than the credit column.
Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “rhetoric”?
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.
At just (11) midnight on July 1, 1997 in a glittering and poignant ceremony, Hong Kong passed from being a jewel of the British empire to a (12) of a new global power. Hong Kong people (13) their city's handover from the UK to China with (14) feelings: apprehension over the future, joy at a fresh start, sadness at seeing the British go, pride over returning to their motherland. On the eve of the handover, the stock market index, a key barometer of Hong Kong's wealth, (15) at a record 15,200 points and today it (16) near the 21,000 mark. Being a part of a booming China almost guarantees that Hong Kong will remain (17). But mainland China is a (18) as well as a partner. China's new ports, for example, will siphon trade (19) from Hong Kong and its lower labour costs will impact the jobs. However, there is little doubt that Hong Kong is fortunate to have become a part of China at a time when mainland China can provide (20) opportunity.
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
Today most employees complain 1) / of suffering for the stress 2)/ of attending to 3)/ rude customers all day. 4) / No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
Since the tenant failed l)/ to pay his rent on time 2) / the landlord denied him 3) / access to the premise. 4) / No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
His industrious nature 1)/ and calm temperament 2) / have endeared him 3) / to his colleagues and one’s superiors. 4) / No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
After careful scrutiny of the report l)/ variety mistakes that had been 2) / made by the research 3) / department were found. 4) / No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
Since the online education system 1) / has been poorly designed there 2) / are not many institute 3)/ that offer this facility. 4) / No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
By comparing figures before 1)/ any during the pandemic, 2)/ the researchers can determine how many people were infected 3)/ as the virus spread around the world. 4)/ No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
An institution in Goa 1)/ helps public around the city 2)/ create swachh Bot, 3)/ which picks up garbage on the beach. 4) /No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
Bank safe deposit lockers 1)/ is a good option 2)/ for safeguarding 3)/ your valuables and documents 4)/ No error 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
Newspapers and magazines traditionally 1)/ have had three 2)/ revenue sources: newsstand sales, subscriptions 3) /and advertising 4)/ No error/ 5)
Directions : Read each sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number of that part is the answer. If there is no error the answer is (5). (Ignore errors of punctuation, if any.)
In this backdrop, 1)/ become a small finance bank 2)/ is a golden opportunity to access public deposits, 3)/ by tapping their existing customer base. 4)/ No error 5)
160 tests
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