CAT Practice Test - 15 - CAT MCQ

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

Nihilism is often associated with extreme pessimism and a radical skepticism that condemns existence. A true nihilist would believe in nothing, have no loyalties, and no purpose other than, perhaps, an impulse to destroy. While few philosophers would claim to be nihilists, nihilism is most often associated with Friedrich Nietzsche who argued that its corrosive effects would eventually destroy all moral, religious, and metaphysical convictions and precipitate the greatest crisis in human history.
In the 20th century, nihilistic themes--epistemological failure, value destruction, and cosmic purposelessness--have preoccupied artists, social critics, and philosophers. Mid-century, for example, the existentialists helped popularize tenets of nihilism in their attempts to blunt its destructive potential. By the end of the century, existential despair as a response to nihilism gave way to an attitude of indifference, often associated with antifoundationalism.
It has been over a century now since Nietzsche explored nihilism and its implications for civilization. As he predicted, nihilism's impact on the culture and values of the 20th century has been pervasive, its apocalyptic tenor spawning a mood of gloom and a good deal of anxiety and terror. Interestingly, Nietzsche himself, a radical skeptic preoccupied with language, knowledge, and truth, anticipated many of the themes of postmodernity. It's helpful to note, then, that he believed we could--at a terrible price--eventually work through nihilism. I am sure if we survived the process of destroying all interpretations of the world, we could then perhaps discover the correct course for humankind.
For Nietzsche, there is no objective order or structure in the world except what we give it. Penetrating the façades buttressing convictions, the nihilist discovers that all values are baseless and that reason is impotent. "Every belief, every considering something-true," Nietzsche writes, "is necessarily false because there is simply no true world" (Will to Power [notes from 1883-1888]). For him, nihilism requires a radical repudiation of all imposed values and meaning: "Nihilism is . . . not only the belief that everything deserves to perish; but one actually puts one's shoulder to the plough; one destroys" (Will to Power).
The caustic strength of nihilism is absolute, Nietzsche argues, and under its withering scrutiny "the highest values devalue themselves. The aim is lacking, and 'Why' finds no answer" (Will to Power). Inevitably, nihilism will expose all cherished beliefs and sacrosanct truths as symptoms of a defective Western mythos. This collapse of meaning, relevance, and purpose will be the most destructive force in history, constituting a total assault on reality and nothing less than the greatest crisis of humanity.
Since Nietzsche's compelling critique, nihilistic themes--epistemological failure, value destruction, and cosmic purposelessness--have preoccupied artists, social critics, and philosophers. Convinced that Nietzsche's analysis was accurate, for example, Oswald Spengler in The Decline of the West (1926) studied several cultures to confirm that patterns of nihilism were indeed a conspicuous feature of collapsing civilizations. In each of the failed cultures he examines, Spengler noticed that centuries-old religious, artistic, and political traditions were weakened and finally toppled by the insidious workings of several distinct nihilistic postures: the Faustian nihilist "shatters the ideals"; the Apollinian nihilist "watches them crumble before his eyes"; and the Indian nihilist "withdraws from their presence into himself." Withdrawal, for instance, often identified with the negation of reality and resignation advocated by Eastern religions, is in the West associated with various versions of epicureanism and stoicism. In his study, Spengler concludes that Western civilization is already in the advanced stages of decay with all three forms of nihilism working to undermine epistemological authority and ontological grounding.
In 1927, Martin Heidegger, to cite another example, observed that nihilism in various and hidden forms was already "the normal state of man" (The Question of Being). Other philosophers' predictions about nihilism's impact have been dire. Outlining the symptoms of nihilism in the 20th century, Helmut Thielicke wrote that "Nihilism literally has only one truth to declare, namely, that ultimately Nothingness prevails and the world is meaningless" (Nihilism: Its Origin and Nature, with a Christian Answer, 1969). From the nihilist's perspective, one can conclude that life is completely amoral, a conclusion, Thielicke believes, that motivates such monstrosities as the Nazi reign of terror. Gloomy predictions of nihilism's impact are also charted in Eugene Rose's Nihilism: The Root of the Revolution of the Modern Age (1994). If nihilism proves victorious--and it's well on its way, he argues--our world will become "a cold, inhuman world" where "nothingness, incoherence, and absurdity" will triumph.

Q. It can be understood from the passage that nihilism is most closely represented by which of the following beliefs?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

Nihilism is often associated with extreme pessimism and a radical skepticism that condemns existence. A true nihilist would believe in nothing, have no loyalties, and no purpose other than, perhaps, an impulse to destroy. While few philosophers would claim to be nihilists, nihilism is most often associated with Friedrich Nietzsche who argued that its corrosive effects would eventually destroy all moral, religious, and metaphysical convictions and precipitate the greatest crisis in human history.
In the 20th century, nihilistic themes--epistemological failure, value destruction, and cosmic purposelessness--have preoccupied artists, social critics, and philosophers. Mid-century, for example, the existentialists helped popularize tenets of nihilism in their attempts to blunt its destructive potential. By the end of the century, existential despair as a response to nihilism gave way to an attitude of indifference, often associated with antifoundationalism.
It has been over a century now since Nietzsche explored nihilism and its implications for civilization. As he predicted, nihilism's impact on the culture and values of the 20th century has been pervasive, its apocalyptic tenor spawning a mood of gloom and a good deal of anxiety and terror. Interestingly, Nietzsche himself, a radical skeptic preoccupied with language, knowledge, and truth, anticipated many of the themes of postmodernity. It's helpful to note, then, that he believed we could--at a terrible price--eventually work through nihilism. I am sure if we survived the process of destroying all interpretations of the world, we could then perhaps discover the correct course for humankind.
For Nietzsche, there is no objective order or structure in the world except what we give it. Penetrating the façades buttressing convictions, the nihilist discovers that all values are baseless and that reason is impotent. "Every belief, every considering something-true," Nietzsche writes, "is necessarily false because there is simply no true world" (Will to Power [notes from 1883-1888]). For him, nihilism requires a radical repudiation of all imposed values and meaning: "Nihilism is . . . not only the belief that everything deserves to perish; but one actually puts one's shoulder to the plough; one destroys" (Will to Power).
The caustic strength of nihilism is absolute, Nietzsche argues, and under its withering scrutiny "the highest values devalue themselves. The aim is lacking, and 'Why' finds no answer" (Will to Power). Inevitably, nihilism will expose all cherished beliefs and sacrosanct truths as symptoms of a defective Western mythos. This collapse of meaning, relevance, and purpose will be the most destructive force in history, constituting a total assault on reality and nothing less than the greatest crisis of humanity.
Since Nietzsche's compelling critique, nihilistic themes--epistemological failure, value destruction, and cosmic purposelessness--have preoccupied artists, social critics, and philosophers. Convinced that Nietzsche's analysis was accurate, for example, Oswald Spengler in The Decline of the West (1926) studied several cultures to confirm that patterns of nihilism were indeed a conspicuous feature of collapsing civilizations. In each of the failed cultures he examines, Spengler noticed that centuries-old religious, artistic, and political traditions were weakened and finally toppled by the insidious workings of several distinct nihilistic postures: the Faustian nihilist "shatters the ideals"; the Apollinian nihilist "watches them crumble before his eyes"; and the Indian nihilist "withdraws from their presence into himself." Withdrawal, for instance, often identified with the negation of reality and resignation advocated by Eastern religions, is in the West associated with various versions of epicureanism and stoicism. In his study, Spengler concludes that Western civilization is already in the advanced stages of decay with all three forms of nihilism working to undermine epistemological authority and ontological grounding.
In 1927, Martin Heidegger, to cite another example, observed that nihilism in various and hidden forms was already "the normal state of man" (The Question of Being). Other philosophers' predictions about nihilism's impact have been dire. Outlining the symptoms of nihilism in the 20th century, Helmut Thielicke wrote that "Nihilism literally has only one truth to declare, namely, that ultimately Nothingness prevails and the world is meaningless" (Nihilism: Its Origin and Nature, with a Christian Answer, 1969). From the nihilist's perspective, one can conclude that life is completely amoral, a conclusion, Thielicke believes, that motivates such monstrosities as the Nazi reign of terror. Gloomy predictions of nihilism's impact are also charted in Eugene Rose's Nihilism: The Root of the Revolution of the Modern Age (1994). If nihilism proves victorious--and it's well on its way, he argues--our world will become "a cold, inhuman world" where "nothingness, incoherence, and absurdity" will triumph.

Q. Which of the following can be understood about the author regarding his view on nihilism?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

Nihilism is often associated with extreme pessimism and a radical skepticism that condemns existence. A true nihilist would believe in nothing, have no loyalties, and no purpose other than, perhaps, an impulse to destroy. While few philosophers would claim to be nihilists, nihilism is most often associated with Friedrich Nietzsche who argued that its corrosive effects would eventually destroy all moral, religious, and metaphysical convictions and precipitate the greatest crisis in human history.
In the 20th century, nihilistic themes--epistemological failure, value destruction, and cosmic purposelessness--have preoccupied artists, social critics, and philosophers. Mid-century, for example, the existentialists helped popularize tenets of nihilism in their attempts to blunt its destructive potential. By the end of the century, existential despair as a response to nihilism gave way to an attitude of indifference, often associated with antifoundationalism.
It has been over a century now since Nietzsche explored nihilism and its implications for civilization. As he predicted, nihilism's impact on the culture and values of the 20th century has been pervasive, its apocalyptic tenor spawning a mood of gloom and a good deal of anxiety and terror. Interestingly, Nietzsche himself, a radical skeptic preoccupied with language, knowledge, and truth, anticipated many of the themes of postmodernity. It's helpful to note, then, that he believed we could--at a terrible price--eventually work through nihilism. I am sure if we survived the process of destroying all interpretations of the world, we could then perhaps discover the correct course for humankind.
For Nietzsche, there is no objective order or structure in the world except what we give it. Penetrating the façades buttressing convictions, the nihilist discovers that all values are baseless and that reason is impotent. "Every belief, every considering something-true," Nietzsche writes, "is necessarily false because there is simply no true world" (Will to Power [notes from 1883-1888]). For him, nihilism requires a radical repudiation of all imposed values and meaning: "Nihilism is . . . not only the belief that everything deserves to perish; but one actually puts one's shoulder to the plough; one destroys" (Will to Power).
The caustic strength of nihilism is absolute, Nietzsche argues, and under its withering scrutiny "the highest values devalue themselves. The aim is lacking, and 'Why' finds no answer" (Will to Power). Inevitably, nihilism will expose all cherished beliefs and sacrosanct truths as symptoms of a defective Western mythos. This collapse of meaning, relevance, and purpose will be the most destructive force in history, constituting a total assault on reality and nothing less than the greatest crisis of humanity.
Since Nietzsche's compelling critique, nihilistic themes--epistemological failure, value destruction, and cosmic purposelessness--have preoccupied artists, social critics, and philosophers. Convinced that Nietzsche's analysis was accurate, for example, Oswald Spengler in The Decline of the West (1926) studied several cultures to confirm that patterns of nihilism were indeed a conspicuous feature of collapsing civilizations. In each of the failed cultures he examines, Spengler noticed that centuries-old religious, artistic, and political traditions were weakened and finally toppled by the insidious workings of several distinct nihilistic postures: the Faustian nihilist "shatters the ideals"; the Apollinian nihilist "watches them crumble before his eyes"; and the Indian nihilist "withdraws from their presence into himself." Withdrawal, for instance, often identified with the negation of reality and resignation advocated by Eastern religions, is in the West associated with various versions of epicureanism and stoicism. In his study, Spengler concludes that Western civilization is already in the advanced stages of decay with all three forms of nihilism working to undermine epistemological authority and ontological grounding.
In 1927, Martin Heidegger, to cite another example, observed that nihilism in various and hidden forms was already "the normal state of man" (The Question of Being). Other philosophers' predictions about nihilism's impact have been dire. Outlining the symptoms of nihilism in the 20th century, Helmut Thielicke wrote that "Nihilism literally has only one truth to declare, namely, that ultimately Nothingness prevails and the world is meaningless" (Nihilism: Its Origin and Nature, with a Christian Answer, 1969). From the nihilist's perspective, one can conclude that life is completely amoral, a conclusion, Thielicke believes, that motivates such monstrosities as the Nazi reign of terror. Gloomy predictions of nihilism's impact are also charted in Eugene Rose's Nihilism: The Root of the Revolution of the Modern Age (1994). If nihilism proves victorious--and it's well on its way, he argues--our world will become "a cold, inhuman world" where "nothingness, incoherence, and absurdity" will triumph.

Q. Which of the following would be the most appropriate title for the above passage?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

An umbrella tumbles from the old man's hands, a smile spreading slowly across his dripping face. He watches it fill with water. Men, women and children crowd the flooded streets, carrying pots, cups, and hats to gather the gift of water falling from the sky. In the midst of these idyllic images, a message scrolls across the bottom of the TV screen: "Rainwater belongs to each of us, but how do we keep and share?"
Water is a plentiful blessing in this depiction, produced by the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a public interest organization that lobbies for environmental issues in India. The compelling image is a response to increasingly worrisome water supply issues in Delhi. The vast and crowded capital of India struggles to provide enough water to its neighbourhoods, where citizens rely on communal taps that draw from a limited municipal groundwater source. CSE promotes rainwater harvesting, the gathering of rainwater, to supplement the city's ever-dwindling water supply. The depiction presents a blunt conclusion in the final shot: "Rainwater harvesting: Solve your water problem yourself."
The current water supply system in Delhi begs for change, and it is becoming increasingly obvious that the government will do little to improve it. While the wealthy see running water gush to their sinks every day, most of Delhi must wait their turn at the communal taps, uncertain whether they will be able to gather enough water for basic needs. The Delhi Jal Board, the city's water municipality, supplies 696 million gallons of water per day, but some estimate Delhi consumes as much as 1,280 million gallons daily. In this parched city, access to water is a privilege, not a right.
The Basti, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood in Delhi, stands disconnected from the modern world. No cars fit through its narrow, dirt alleyways, where women scrub laundry with rocks and young children wander the streets begging for a spare rupee. Here, most families share the public taps, yet cooperation is not always forged by this communal burden. "Women wait in line to get their share from the tap, but there are arguments if anyone takes someone's share." explained Praveen Abdul Kaleem, a 21-year-old resident of the Basti. "Sometimes the argument gets so heated, the police get called in." And sometimes, there is no water to share. "The biggest problem with the water supply happens in the hot and dry season," said Gauri Patel, a maidservant and mother of four who relies on a weak tap outside her home. "Sometimes it doesn't come until the night; sometimes not for a day or two. When it doesn't come, there's nothing to do but be patient."
Located in a region with few standing bodies of water, Delhi has always struggled to provide water for its 17 million inhabitants. The city still uses the colonial system of centralized distribution and pays the northern state of Uttar Pradesh to pipe water into Delhi. But centralized distribution is archaic and inefficient. "There are huge losses in centrally-operated systems," said Salahuddin Saiphy, assistant coordinator of community water management and rainwater harvesting at CSE. "It is extremely inefficient to import water 4,000 kilometres."
While the Delhi government perpetuates the inefficiencies of this colonial relic, CSE and other NGOs across the country have proposed rainwater harvesting as an organic solution to provide water to the citizens of Delhi. "Rainwater harvesting technology is very basic and decentralized to individual households. It facilitates a larger philosophy of water management," said Pradip Saha, also of CSE.
Still, the government remains only partially committed to the idea. Although laws ensure that rainwater harvesting facilities are installed on all new buildings, the city has been postponing the deadline for the rooftops of old buildings to be converted to harvesting systems since 2001. This lack of action comes as no surprise, said Saha at CSE. "We can't trust the government only, because it has failed miserably over the years." In a country known for a massive bureaucracy left over from British rule, people have learned not to expect change from the government.
When water fleetingly arrives at the taps, it is not easy to gather enough to last. People try to store it in large containers, but some of the poorest people don't even have those. What can they do? This dilemma is left unanswered by CSE's campaign. Television commercials and informative websites may encourage wealthy philanthropists to change their ways, and CSE must be lauded for its persistent and innovative advocacy. But rainwater harvesting, while promising, is not yet accessible to the citizens of the Basti. For those who need water the most, true change may remain a pipe dream for some time to come.

Q. It can be understood that the first paragraph of the passage describes an image most likely to be which of the following?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

An umbrella tumbles from the old man's hands, a smile spreading slowly across his dripping face. He watches it fill with water. Men, women and children crowd the flooded streets, carrying pots, cups, and hats to gather the gift of water falling from the sky. In the midst of these idyllic images, a message scrolls across the bottom of the TV screen: "Rainwater belongs to each of us, but how do we keep and share?"
Water is a plentiful blessing in this depiction, produced by the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a public interest organization that lobbies for environmental issues in India. The compelling image is a response to increasingly worrisome water supply issues in Delhi. The vast and crowded capital of India struggles to provide enough water to its neighbourhoods, where citizens rely on communal taps that draw from a limited municipal groundwater source. CSE promotes rainwater harvesting, the gathering of rainwater, to supplement the city's ever-dwindling water supply. The depiction presents a blunt conclusion in the final shot: "Rainwater harvesting: Solve your water problem yourself."
The current water supply system in Delhi begs for change, and it is becoming increasingly obvious that the government will do little to improve it. While the wealthy see running water gush to their sinks every day, most of Delhi must wait their turn at the communal taps, uncertain whether they will be able to gather enough water for basic needs. The Delhi Jal Board, the city's water municipality, supplies 696 million gallons of water per day, but some estimate Delhi consumes as much as 1,280 million gallons daily. In this parched city, access to water is a privilege, not a right.
The Basti, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood in Delhi, stands disconnected from the modern world. No cars fit through its narrow, dirt alleyways, where women scrub laundry with rocks and young children wander the streets begging for a spare rupee. Here, most families share the public taps, yet cooperation is not always forged by this communal burden. "Women wait in line to get their share from the tap, but there are arguments if anyone takes someone's share." explained Praveen Abdul Kaleem, a 21-year-old resident of the Basti. "Sometimes the argument gets so heated, the police get called in." And sometimes, there is no water to share. "The biggest problem with the water supply happens in the hot and dry season," said Gauri Patel, a maidservant and mother of four who relies on a weak tap outside her home. "Sometimes it doesn't come until the night; sometimes not for a day or two. When it doesn't come, there's nothing to do but be patient."
Located in a region with few standing bodies of water, Delhi has always struggled to provide water for its 17 million inhabitants. The city still uses the colonial system of centralized distribution and pays the northern state of Uttar Pradesh to pipe water into Delhi. But centralized distribution is archaic and inefficient. "There are huge losses in centrally-operated systems," said Salahuddin Saiphy, assistant coordinator of community water management and rainwater harvesting at CSE. "It is extremely inefficient to import water 4,000 kilometres."
While the Delhi government perpetuates the inefficiencies of this colonial relic, CSE and other NGOs across the country have proposed rainwater harvesting as an organic solution to provide water to the citizens of Delhi. "Rainwater harvesting technology is very basic and decentralized to individual households. It facilitates a larger philosophy of water management," said Pradip Saha, also of CSE.
Still, the government remains only partially committed to the idea. Although laws ensure that rainwater harvesting facilities are installed on all new buildings, the city has been postponing the deadline for the rooftops of old buildings to be converted to harvesting systems since 2001. This lack of action comes as no surprise, said Saha at CSE. "We can't trust the government only, because it has failed miserably over the years." In a country known for a massive bureaucracy left over from British rule, people have learned not to expect change from the government.
When water fleetingly arrives at the taps, it is not easy to gather enough to last. People try to store it in large containers, but some of the poorest people don't even have those. What can they do? This dilemma is left unanswered by CSE's campaign. Television commercials and informative websites may encourage wealthy philanthropists to change their ways, and CSE must be lauded for its persistent and innovative advocacy. But rainwater harvesting, while promising, is not yet accessible to the citizens of the Basti. For those who need water the most, true change may remain a pipe dream for some time to come.

Q. Which of the following best describes the tone of the passage?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

An umbrella tumbles from the old man's hands, a smile spreading slowly across his dripping face. He watches it fill with water. Men, women and children crowd the flooded streets, carrying pots, cups, and hats to gather the gift of water falling from the sky. In the midst of these idyllic images, a message scrolls across the bottom of the TV screen: "Rainwater belongs to each of us, but how do we keep and share?"
Water is a plentiful blessing in this depiction, produced by the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a public interest organization that lobbies for environmental issues in India. The compelling image is a response to increasingly worrisome water supply issues in Delhi. The vast and crowded capital of India struggles to provide enough water to its neighbourhoods, where citizens rely on communal taps that draw from a limited municipal groundwater source. CSE promotes rainwater harvesting, the gathering of rainwater, to supplement the city's ever-dwindling water supply. The depiction presents a blunt conclusion in the final shot: "Rainwater harvesting: Solve your water problem yourself."
The current water supply system in Delhi begs for change, and it is becoming increasingly obvious that the government will do little to improve it. While the wealthy see running water gush to their sinks every day, most of Delhi must wait their turn at the communal taps, uncertain whether they will be able to gather enough water for basic needs. The Delhi Jal Board, the city's water municipality, supplies 696 million gallons of water per day, but some estimate Delhi consumes as much as 1,280 million gallons daily. In this parched city, access to water is a privilege, not a right.
The Basti, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood in Delhi, stands disconnected from the modern world. No cars fit through its narrow, dirt alleyways, where women scrub laundry with rocks and young children wander the streets begging for a spare rupee. Here, most families share the public taps, yet cooperation is not always forged by this communal burden. "Women wait in line to get their share from the tap, but there are arguments if anyone takes someone's share." explained Praveen Abdul Kaleem, a 21-year-old resident of the Basti. "Sometimes the argument gets so heated, the police get called in." And sometimes, there is no water to share. "The biggest problem with the water supply happens in the hot and dry season," said Gauri Patel, a maidservant and mother of four who relies on a weak tap outside her home. "Sometimes it doesn't come until the night; sometimes not for a day or two. When it doesn't come, there's nothing to do but be patient."
Located in a region with few standing bodies of water, Delhi has always struggled to provide water for its 17 million inhabitants. The city still uses the colonial system of centralized distribution and pays the northern state of Uttar Pradesh to pipe water into Delhi. But centralized distribution is archaic and inefficient. "There are huge losses in centrally-operated systems," said Salahuddin Saiphy, assistant coordinator of community water management and rainwater harvesting at CSE. "It is extremely inefficient to import water 4,000 kilometres."
While the Delhi government perpetuates the inefficiencies of this colonial relic, CSE and other NGOs across the country have proposed rainwater harvesting as an organic solution to provide water to the citizens of Delhi. "Rainwater harvesting technology is very basic and decentralized to individual households. It facilitates a larger philosophy of water management," said Pradip Saha, also of CSE.
Still, the government remains only partially committed to the idea. Although laws ensure that rainwater harvesting facilities are installed on all new buildings, the city has been postponing the deadline for the rooftops of old buildings to be converted to harvesting systems since 2001. This lack of action comes as no surprise, said Saha at CSE. "We can't trust the government only, because it has failed miserably over the years." In a country known for a massive bureaucracy left over from British rule, people have learned not to expect change from the government.
When water fleetingly arrives at the taps, it is not easy to gather enough to last. People try to store it in large containers, but some of the poorest people don't even have those. What can they do? This dilemma is left unanswered by CSE's campaign. Television commercials and informative websites may encourage wealthy philanthropists to change their ways, and CSE must be lauded for its persistent and innovative advocacy. But rainwater harvesting, while promising, is not yet accessible to the citizens of the Basti. For those who need water the most, true change may remain a pipe dream for some time to come.

Q. Which of the following is the main purpose of the fourth paragraph?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

An umbrella tumbles from the old man's hands, a smile spreading slowly across his dripping face. He watches it fill with water. Men, women and children crowd the flooded streets, carrying pots, cups, and hats to gather the gift of water falling from the sky. In the midst of these idyllic images, a message scrolls across the bottom of the TV screen: "Rainwater belongs to each of us, but how do we keep and share?"
Water is a plentiful blessing in this depiction, produced by the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a public interest organization that lobbies for environmental issues in India. The compelling image is a response to increasingly worrisome water supply issues in Delhi. The vast and crowded capital of India struggles to provide enough water to its neighbourhoods, where citizens rely on communal taps that draw from a limited municipal groundwater source. CSE promotes rainwater harvesting, the gathering of rainwater, to supplement the city's ever-dwindling water supply. The depiction presents a blunt conclusion in the final shot: "Rainwater harvesting: Solve your water problem yourself."
The current water supply system in Delhi begs for change, and it is becoming increasingly obvious that the government will do little to improve it. While the wealthy see running water gush to their sinks every day, most of Delhi must wait their turn at the communal taps, uncertain whether they will be able to gather enough water for basic needs. The Delhi Jal Board, the city's water municipality, supplies 696 million gallons of water per day, but some estimate Delhi consumes as much as 1,280 million gallons daily. In this parched city, access to water is a privilege, not a right.
The Basti, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood in Delhi, stands disconnected from the modern world. No cars fit through its narrow, dirt alleyways, where women scrub laundry with rocks and young children wander the streets begging for a spare rupee. Here, most families share the public taps, yet cooperation is not always forged by this communal burden. "Women wait in line to get their share from the tap, but there are arguments if anyone takes someone's share." explained Praveen Abdul Kaleem, a 21-year-old resident of the Basti. "Sometimes the argument gets so heated, the police get called in." And sometimes, there is no water to share. "The biggest problem with the water supply happens in the hot and dry season," said Gauri Patel, a maidservant and mother of four who relies on a weak tap outside her home. "Sometimes it doesn't come until the night; sometimes not for a day or two. When it doesn't come, there's nothing to do but be patient."
Located in a region with few standing bodies of water, Delhi has always struggled to provide water for its 17 million inhabitants. The city still uses the colonial system of centralized distribution and pays the northern state of Uttar Pradesh to pipe water into Delhi. But centralized distribution is archaic and inefficient. "There are huge losses in centrally-operated systems," said Salahuddin Saiphy, assistant coordinator of community water management and rainwater harvesting at CSE. "It is extremely inefficient to import water 4,000 kilometres."
While the Delhi government perpetuates the inefficiencies of this colonial relic, CSE and other NGOs across the country have proposed rainwater harvesting as an organic solution to provide water to the citizens of Delhi. "Rainwater harvesting technology is very basic and decentralized to individual households. It facilitates a larger philosophy of water management," said Pradip Saha, also of CSE.
Still, the government remains only partially committed to the idea. Although laws ensure that rainwater harvesting facilities are installed on all new buildings, the city has been postponing the deadline for the rooftops of old buildings to be converted to harvesting systems since 2001. This lack of action comes as no surprise, said Saha at CSE. "We can't trust the government only, because it has failed miserably over the years." In a country known for a massive bureaucracy left over from British rule, people have learned not to expect change from the government.
When water fleetingly arrives at the taps, it is not easy to gather enough to last. People try to store it in large containers, but some of the poorest people don't even have those. What can they do? This dilemma is left unanswered by CSE's campaign. Television commercials and informative websites may encourage wealthy philanthropists to change their ways, and CSE must be lauded for its persistent and innovative advocacy. But rainwater harvesting, while promising, is not yet accessible to the citizens of the Basti. For those who need water the most, true change may remain a pipe dream for some time to come.

Q. It can be understood from the context of the passage that the image portrayed by the CSE suggests that people must solve the water problem themselves due to which of the following reasons?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

An umbrella tumbles from the old man's hands, a smile spreading slowly across his dripping face. He watches it fill with water. Men, women and children crowd the flooded streets, carrying pots, cups, and hats to gather the gift of water falling from the sky. In the midst of these idyllic images, a message scrolls across the bottom of the TV screen: "Rainwater belongs to each of us, but how do we keep and share?"
Water is a plentiful blessing in this depiction, produced by the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a public interest organization that lobbies for environmental issues in India. The compelling image is a response to increasingly worrisome water supply issues in Delhi. The vast and crowded capital of India struggles to provide enough water to its neighbourhoods, where citizens rely on communal taps that draw from a limited municipal groundwater source. CSE promotes rainwater harvesting, the gathering of rainwater, to supplement the city's ever-dwindling water supply. The depiction presents a blunt conclusion in the final shot: "Rainwater harvesting: Solve your water problem yourself."
The current water supply system in Delhi begs for change, and it is becoming increasingly obvious that the government will do little to improve it. While the wealthy see running water gush to their sinks every day, most of Delhi must wait their turn at the communal taps, uncertain whether they will be able to gather enough water for basic needs. The Delhi Jal Board, the city's water municipality, supplies 696 million gallons of water per day, but some estimate Delhi consumes as much as 1,280 million gallons daily. In this parched city, access to water is a privilege, not a right.
The Basti, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood in Delhi, stands disconnected from the modern world. No cars fit through its narrow, dirt alleyways, where women scrub laundry with rocks and young children wander the streets begging for a spare rupee. Here, most families share the public taps, yet cooperation is not always forged by this communal burden. "Women wait in line to get their share from the tap, but there are arguments if anyone takes someone's share." explained Praveen Abdul Kaleem, a 21-year-old resident of the Basti. "Sometimes the argument gets so heated, the police get called in." And sometimes, there is no water to share. "The biggest problem with the water supply happens in the hot and dry season," said Gauri Patel, a maidservant and mother of four who relies on a weak tap outside her home. "Sometimes it doesn't come until the night; sometimes not for a day or two. When it doesn't come, there's nothing to do but be patient."
Located in a region with few standing bodies of water, Delhi has always struggled to provide water for its 17 million inhabitants. The city still uses the colonial system of centralized distribution and pays the northern state of Uttar Pradesh to pipe water into Delhi. But centralized distribution is archaic and inefficient. "There are huge losses in centrally-operated systems," said Salahuddin Saiphy, assistant coordinator of community water management and rainwater harvesting at CSE. "It is extremely inefficient to import water 4,000 kilometres."
While the Delhi government perpetuates the inefficiencies of this colonial relic, CSE and other NGOs across the country have proposed rainwater harvesting as an organic solution to provide water to the citizens of Delhi. "Rainwater harvesting technology is very basic and decentralized to individual households. It facilitates a larger philosophy of water management," said Pradip Saha, also of CSE.
Still, the government remains only partially committed to the idea. Although laws ensure that rainwater harvesting facilities are installed on all new buildings, the city has been postponing the deadline for the rooftops of old buildings to be converted to harvesting systems since 2001. This lack of action comes as no surprise, said Saha at CSE. "We can't trust the government only, because it has failed miserably over the years." In a country known for a massive bureaucracy left over from British rule, people have learned not to expect change from the government.
When water fleetingly arrives at the taps, it is not easy to gather enough to last. People try to store it in large containers, but some of the poorest people don't even have those. What can they do? This dilemma is left unanswered by CSE's campaign. Television commercials and informative websites may encourage wealthy philanthropists to change their ways, and CSE must be lauded for its persistent and innovative advocacy. But rainwater harvesting, while promising, is not yet accessible to the citizens of the Basti. For those who need water the most, true change may remain a pipe dream for some time to come.

Q. Which of the following best sums up the central idea of the passage?

Directions : Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow.

An umbrella tumbles from the old man's hands, a smile spreading slowly across his dripping face. He watches it fill with water. Men, women and children crowd the flooded streets, carrying pots, cups, and hats to gather the gift of water falling from the sky. In the midst of these idyllic images, a message scrolls across the bottom of the TV screen: "Rainwater belongs to each of us, but how do we keep and share?"
Water is a plentiful blessing in this depiction, produced by the Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), a public interest organization that lobbies for environmental issues in India. The compelling image is a response to increasingly worrisome water supply issues in Delhi. The vast and crowded capital of India struggles to provide enough water to its neighbourhoods, where citizens rely on communal taps that draw from a limited municipal groundwater source. CSE promotes rainwater harvesting, the gathering of rainwater, to supplement the city's ever-dwindling water supply. The depiction presents a blunt conclusion in the final shot: "Rainwater harvesting: Solve your water problem yourself."
The current water supply system in Delhi begs for change, and it is becoming increasingly obvious that the government will do little to improve it. While the wealthy see running water gush to their sinks every day, most of Delhi must wait their turn at the communal taps, uncertain whether they will be able to gather enough water for basic needs. The Delhi Jal Board, the city's water municipality, supplies 696 million gallons of water per day, but some estimate Delhi consumes as much as 1,280 million gallons daily. In this parched city, access to water is a privilege, not a right.
The Basti, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood in Delhi, stands disconnected from the modern world. No cars fit through its narrow, dirt alleyways, where women scrub laundry with rocks and young children wander the streets begging for a spare rupee. Here, most families share the public taps, yet cooperation is not always forged by this communal burden. "Women wait in line to get their share from the tap, but there are arguments if anyone takes someone's share." explained Praveen Abdul Kaleem, a 21-year-old resident of the Basti. "Sometimes the argument gets so heated, the police get called in." And sometimes, there is no water to share. "The biggest problem with the water supply happens in the hot and dry season," said Gauri Patel, a maidservant and mother of four who relies on a weak tap outside her home. "Sometimes it doesn't come until the night; sometimes not for a day or two. When it doesn't come, there's nothing to do but be patient."
Located in a region with few standing bodies of water, Delhi has always struggled to provide water for its 17 million inhabitants. The city still uses the colonial system of centralized distribution and pays the northern state of Uttar Pradesh to pipe water into Delhi. But centralized distribution is archaic and inefficient. "There are huge losses in centrally-operated systems," said Salahuddin Saiphy, assistant coordinator of community water management and rainwater harvesting at CSE. "It is extremely inefficient to import water 4,000 kilometres."
While the Delhi government perpetuates the inefficiencies of this colonial relic, CSE and other NGOs across the country have proposed rainwater harvesting as an organic solution to provide water to the citizens of Delhi. "Rainwater harvesting technology is very basic and decentralized to individual households. It facilitates a larger philosophy of water management," said Pradip Saha, also of CSE.
Still, the government remains only partially committed to the idea. Although laws ensure that rainwater harvesting facilities are installed on all new buildings, the city has been postponing the deadline for the rooftops of old buildings to be converted to harvesting systems since 2001. This lack of action comes as no surprise, said Saha at CSE. "We can't trust the government only, because it has failed miserably over the years." In a country known for a massive bureaucracy left over from British rule, people have learned not to expect change from the government.
When water fleetingly arrives at the taps, it is not easy to gather enough to last. People try to store it in large containers, but some of the poorest people don't even have those. What can they do? This dilemma is left unanswered by CSE's campaign. Television commercials and informative websites may encourage wealthy philanthropists to change their ways, and CSE must be lauded for its persistent and innovative advocacy. But rainwater harvesting, while promising, is not yet accessible to the citizens of the Basti. For those who need water the most, true change may remain a pipe dream for some time to come.

Q. It can be understood that the passage is most likely to be an excerpt from which of the following sources?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully, and answer the questions that follow.

In 1980, Wasal Khan, a brick kiln worker from Sirhind, a city in India's north-western state of Punjab, came to the capital city of New Delhi, driven by desperation and fear. His family members had been serving as bonded labourers in a brick kiln for 20 years in order to repay a debt owed to the kiln owner, who now threatened to sell Khan's adolescent daughter to a brothel. Exploited by his employer and ignored by the authorities, he chanced across the newsletter of an organization working for the socially marginalized and somehow managed to locate their office.
Khan found an unexpected source of help in an electrical engineer-turned journalist and human rights activist, Kailash Satyarthi, and his team of like-minded activists at Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), or Save the Children Mission. Soon after, Satyarthi the engineer and his team of like-minded activists rescued 34 brick kiln workers and the Khan's 15-year old daughter, Sabo. This episode laid the foundations of the India's largest grassroots movement against child labour and trafficking.
Today, Satyarthi is a world-renowned voice against the exploitation of children, making headlines in 2014 when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize along with Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai. Child labour activists are hopeful that BBA's Nobel Peace Prize will lead to a renewed discussion and initiative among all sections of Indian society to ultimately end child labour. "It is extremely overwhelming - the BBA receives dozens of calls every day from common people, asking us what they can do about child labour," a female activist working in victim assistance, who wished to remain anonymous, told me. "While everyone cannot dedicate their lives to ending child labour, at the very least they could boycott those places and goods that employ child labour."
Her statement carries weight. As I sipped a cup of piping hot masala chai, the characteristic Indian tea, I could see BBA activists busy at work on the lower level of the office. I thought of the number of times I have seen young children working at roadside tea stalls across India, seemingly content and happy with their lives. Several industries such as carpet-making, fire-cracker manufacturing, marble inlay work, filigree metal work, and many others are particularly notorious for using child labour as the children's small thin hands are better suited for the fine motor skills required by these processes. Since children generally accept lower wages than adult labourers, it is also cost-effective for many firms to employ child laborers. The employed children are often unaware that they are victims of physical and mental abuse, denied access to opportunities that other children take for granted. Even today, India has about 60 million child labourers waiting to be rescued.
In India and other nearby developing countries, child labour was not considered a pertinent issue until thirty years ago. Even today, the constant refrain heard from a large part of India's population is that children have no option but to work to financially support their impoverished families. Unfortunately, such people fail to recognize that the effects of child labour encompass all sections of society. A study conducted by Sathyarthi and BBA titled "Capital Corruption" estimates that the amount of illegal money generated by Indian firms employing child labourers could be as high as $20,000 million every year. The income earned by child labourers thus represents a huge leakage from the nation's economy, also impacting adult employment and income generation.
Societal attitudes towards child labour have ensured its perpetuation. The affected children have been conditioned into believing their work is a perfectly normal obligation to their families and employers. BBA rescues a large number of such children every day and takes some of them to its rehabilitation centres in Delhi and Rajasthan, as well as to rescue homes run by other organizations. But the response from these children is often negative. Some beg to be sent back. As the same female activist put it, "Many of them view their employer as their guru, their master, and what he says or does is sacrosanct. It takes intensive counselling to help them realize the exploitation they have been subject to."
Many people continue to live the experiences of Wasal Khan, the brick kiln worker whose daughter was rescued from a life of forced prostitution by Kailash Satyarthi and Bachpan Bachao Andolan. But increasingly, the work of such human rights activists has inspired other individuals to play their own part in the movement. Take Razia Sultan, an inhabitant of Meerut, a city in Uttar Pradesh, who worked as a child labourer in football stitching. When her village was transformed into a Bal Mitra Gram, she helped bring 75 children in the village to school through her work with the Bal Panchayat. She also initiated a campaign against schools that charged tuition fees. She was rewarded for her efforts in 2013 as the first recipient of the Malala Peace Prize. BBA has achieved much over thirty years, but perhaps its most commendable success is this: giving India's child labourers the power to dream and have these dreams realized.

Q. It can be understood that the passage is most likely to be an excerpt from which of the following sources?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully, and answer the questions that follow.

In 1980, Wasal Khan, a brick kiln worker from Sirhind, a city in India's north-western state of Punjab, came to the capital city of New Delhi, driven by desperation and fear. His family members had been serving as bonded labourers in a brick kiln for 20 years in order to repay a debt owed to the kiln owner, who now threatened to sell Khan's adolescent daughter to a brothel. Exploited by his employer and ignored by the authorities, he chanced across the newsletter of an organization working for the socially marginalized and somehow managed to locate their office.
Khan found an unexpected source of help in an electrical engineer-turned journalist and human rights activist, Kailash Satyarthi, and his team of like-minded activists at Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), or Save the Children Mission. Soon after, Satyarthi the engineer and his team of like-minded activists rescued 34 brick kiln workers and the Khan's 15-year old daughter, Sabo. This episode laid the foundations of the India's largest grassroots movement against child labour and trafficking.
Today, Satyarthi is a world-renowned voice against the exploitation of children, making headlines in 2014 when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize along with Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai. Child labour activists are hopeful that BBA's Nobel Peace Prize will lead to a renewed discussion and initiative among all sections of Indian society to ultimately end child labour. "It is extremely overwhelming - the BBA receives dozens of calls every day from common people, asking us what they can do about child labour," a female activist working in victim assistance, who wished to remain anonymous, told me. "While everyone cannot dedicate their lives to ending child labour, at the very least they could boycott those places and goods that employ child labour."
Her statement carries weight. As I sipped a cup of piping hot masala chai, the characteristic Indian tea, I could see BBA activists busy at work on the lower level of the office. I thought of the number of times I have seen young children working at roadside tea stalls across India, seemingly content and happy with their lives. Several industries such as carpet-making, fire-cracker manufacturing, marble inlay work, filigree metal work, and many others are particularly notorious for using child labour as the children's small thin hands are better suited for the fine motor skills required by these processes. Since children generally accept lower wages than adult labourers, it is also cost-effective for many firms to employ child laborers. The employed children are often unaware that they are victims of physical and mental abuse, denied access to opportunities that other children take for granted. Even today, India has about 60 million child labourers waiting to be rescued.
In India and other nearby developing countries, child labour was not considered a pertinent issue until thirty years ago. Even today, the constant refrain heard from a large part of India's population is that children have no option but to work to financially support their impoverished families. Unfortunately, such people fail to recognize that the effects of child labour encompass all sections of society. A study conducted by Sathyarthi and BBA titled "Capital Corruption" estimates that the amount of illegal money generated by Indian firms employing child labourers could be as high as $20,000 million every year. The income earned by child labourers thus represents a huge leakage from the nation's economy, also impacting adult employment and income generation.
Societal attitudes towards child labour have ensured its perpetuation. The affected children have been conditioned into believing their work is a perfectly normal obligation to their families and employers. BBA rescues a large number of such children every day and takes some of them to its rehabilitation centres in Delhi and Rajasthan, as well as to rescue homes run by other organizations. But the response from these children is often negative. Some beg to be sent back. As the same female activist put it, "Many of them view their employer as their guru, their master, and what he says or does is sacrosanct. It takes intensive counselling to help them realize the exploitation they have been subject to."
Many people continue to live the experiences of Wasal Khan, the brick kiln worker whose daughter was rescued from a life of forced prostitution by Kailash Satyarthi and Bachpan Bachao Andolan. But increasingly, the work of such human rights activists has inspired other individuals to play their own part in the movement. Take Razia Sultan, an inhabitant of Meerut, a city in Uttar Pradesh, who worked as a child labourer in football stitching. When her village was transformed into a Bal Mitra Gram, she helped bring 75 children in the village to school through her work with the Bal Panchayat. She also initiated a campaign against schools that charged tuition fees. She was rewarded for her efforts in 2013 as the first recipient of the Malala Peace Prize. BBA has achieved much over thirty years, but perhaps its most commendable success is this: giving India's child labourers the power to dream and have these dreams realized.

Q. Which of the following questions cannot be answered on the basis of the information given in the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully, and answer the questions that follow.

In 1980, Wasal Khan, a brick kiln worker from Sirhind, a city in India's north-western state of Punjab, came to the capital city of New Delhi, driven by desperation and fear. His family members had been serving as bonded labourers in a brick kiln for 20 years in order to repay a debt owed to the kiln owner, who now threatened to sell Khan's adolescent daughter to a brothel. Exploited by his employer and ignored by the authorities, he chanced across the newsletter of an organization working for the socially marginalized and somehow managed to locate their office.
Khan found an unexpected source of help in an electrical engineer-turned journalist and human rights activist, Kailash Satyarthi, and his team of like-minded activists at Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), or Save the Children Mission. Soon after, Satyarthi the engineer and his team of like-minded activists rescued 34 brick kiln workers and the Khan's 15-year old daughter, Sabo. This episode laid the foundations of the India's largest grassroots movement against child labour and trafficking.
Today, Satyarthi is a world-renowned voice against the exploitation of children, making headlines in 2014 when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize along with Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai. Child labour activists are hopeful that BBA's Nobel Peace Prize will lead to a renewed discussion and initiative among all sections of Indian society to ultimately end child labour. "It is extremely overwhelming - the BBA receives dozens of calls every day from common people, asking us what they can do about child labour," a female activist working in victim assistance, who wished to remain anonymous, told me. "While everyone cannot dedicate their lives to ending child labour, at the very least they could boycott those places and goods that employ child labour."
Her statement carries weight. As I sipped a cup of piping hot masala chai, the characteristic Indian tea, I could see BBA activists busy at work on the lower level of the office. I thought of the number of times I have seen young children working at roadside tea stalls across India, seemingly content and happy with their lives. Several industries such as carpet-making, fire-cracker manufacturing, marble inlay work, filigree metal work, and many others are particularly notorious for using child labour as the children's small thin hands are better suited for the fine motor skills required by these processes. Since children generally accept lower wages than adult labourers, it is also cost-effective for many firms to employ child laborers. The employed children are often unaware that they are victims of physical and mental abuse, denied access to opportunities that other children take for granted. Even today, India has about 60 million child labourers waiting to be rescued.
In India and other nearby developing countries, child labour was not considered a pertinent issue until thirty years ago. Even today, the constant refrain heard from a large part of India's population is that children have no option but to work to financially support their impoverished families. Unfortunately, such people fail to recognize that the effects of child labour encompass all sections of society. A study conducted by Sathyarthi and BBA titled "Capital Corruption" estimates that the amount of illegal money generated by Indian firms employing child labourers could be as high as $20,000 million every year. The income earned by child labourers thus represents a huge leakage from the nation's economy, also impacting adult employment and income generation.
Societal attitudes towards child labour have ensured its perpetuation. The affected children have been conditioned into believing their work is a perfectly normal obligation to their families and employers. BBA rescues a large number of such children every day and takes some of them to its rehabilitation centres in Delhi and Rajasthan, as well as to rescue homes run by other organizations. But the response from these children is often negative. Some beg to be sent back. As the same female activist put it, "Many of them view their employer as their guru, their master, and what he says or does is sacrosanct. It takes intensive counselling to help them realize the exploitation they have been subject to."
Many people continue to live the experiences of Wasal Khan, the brick kiln worker whose daughter was rescued from a life of forced prostitution by Kailash Satyarthi and Bachpan Bachao Andolan. But increasingly, the work of such human rights activists has inspired other individuals to play their own part in the movement. Take Razia Sultan, an inhabitant of Meerut, a city in Uttar Pradesh, who worked as a child labourer in football stitching. When her village was transformed into a Bal Mitra Gram, she helped bring 75 children in the village to school through her work with the Bal Panchayat. She also initiated a campaign against schools that charged tuition fees. She was rewarded for her efforts in 2013 as the first recipient of the Malala Peace Prize. BBA has achieved much over thirty years, but perhaps its most commendable success is this: giving India's child labourers the power to dream and have these dreams realized.

Q. Which of the following is confirmed from the facts provided in the passage?
I. A large number of people who work(ed) as child labourers can be encouraged to end their plight after being made aware of the prospects of better life.
II. Should society change its mindset towards familial responsibility, a large number of lives can be saved from child labour.
III. The fact that young children employed as labourers are unaware of the fact that the life they go through is undeserved, helps child labour to persist.

Directions: Read the following passage carefully, and answer the questions that follow.

In 1980, Wasal Khan, a brick kiln worker from Sirhind, a city in India's north-western state of Punjab, came to the capital city of New Delhi, driven by desperation and fear. His family members had been serving as bonded labourers in a brick kiln for 20 years in order to repay a debt owed to the kiln owner, who now threatened to sell Khan's adolescent daughter to a brothel. Exploited by his employer and ignored by the authorities, he chanced across the newsletter of an organization working for the socially marginalized and somehow managed to locate their office.
Khan found an unexpected source of help in an electrical engineer-turned journalist and human rights activist, Kailash Satyarthi, and his team of like-minded activists at Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), or Save the Children Mission. Soon after, Satyarthi the engineer and his team of like-minded activists rescued 34 brick kiln workers and the Khan's 15-year old daughter, Sabo. This episode laid the foundations of the India's largest grassroots movement against child labour and trafficking.
Today, Satyarthi is a world-renowned voice against the exploitation of children, making headlines in 2014 when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize along with Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai. Child labour activists are hopeful that BBA's Nobel Peace Prize will lead to a renewed discussion and initiative among all sections of Indian society to ultimately end child labour. "It is extremely overwhelming - the BBA receives dozens of calls every day from common people, asking us what they can do about child labour," a female activist working in victim assistance, who wished to remain anonymous, told me. "While everyone cannot dedicate their lives to ending child labour, at the very least they could boycott those places and goods that employ child labour."
Her statement carries weight. As I sipped a cup of piping hot masala chai, the characteristic Indian tea, I could see BBA activists busy at work on the lower level of the office. I thought of the number of times I have seen young children working at roadside tea stalls across India, seemingly content and happy with their lives. Several industries such as carpet-making, fire-cracker manufacturing, marble inlay work, filigree metal work, and many others are particularly notorious for using child labour as the children's small thin hands are better suited for the fine motor skills required by these processes. Since children generally accept lower wages than adult labourers, it is also cost-effective for many firms to employ child laborers. The employed children are often unaware that they are victims of physical and mental abuse, denied access to opportunities that other children take for granted. Even today, India has about 60 million child labourers waiting to be rescued.
In India and other nearby developing countries, child labour was not considered a pertinent issue until thirty years ago. Even today, the constant refrain heard from a large part of India's population is that children have no option but to work to financially support their impoverished families. Unfortunately, such people fail to recognize that the effects of child labour encompass all sections of society. A study conducted by Sathyarthi and BBA titled "Capital Corruption" estimates that the amount of illegal money generated by Indian firms employing child labourers could be as high as $20,000 million every year. The income earned by child labourers thus represents a huge leakage from the nation's economy, also impacting adult employment and income generation.
Societal attitudes towards child labour have ensured its perpetuation. The affected children have been conditioned into believing their work is a perfectly normal obligation to their families and employers. BBA rescues a large number of such children every day and takes some of them to its rehabilitation centres in Delhi and Rajasthan, as well as to rescue homes run by other organizations. But the response from these children is often negative. Some beg to be sent back. As the same female activist put it, "Many of them view their employer as their guru, their master, and what he says or does is sacrosanct. It takes intensive counselling to help them realize the exploitation they have been subject to."
Many people continue to live the experiences of Wasal Khan, the brick kiln worker whose daughter was rescued from a life of forced prostitution by Kailash Satyarthi and Bachpan Bachao Andolan. But increasingly, the work of such human rights activists has inspired other individuals to play their own part in the movement. Take Razia Sultan, an inhabitant of Meerut, a city in Uttar Pradesh, who worked as a child labourer in football stitching. When her village was transformed into a Bal Mitra Gram, she helped bring 75 children in the village to school through her work with the Bal Panchayat. She also initiated a campaign against schools that charged tuition fees. She was rewarded for her efforts in 2013 as the first recipient of the Malala Peace Prize. BBA has achieved much over thirty years, but perhaps its most commendable success is this: giving India's child labourers the power to dream and have these dreams realized.

Q. The author of the passage would clearly support how many of the following statements:
I. Effective abolition of child labour requires a concerted effort by all stakeholders in society: the police, local authorities, the source communities of child and bonded labour, as well as common citizens.
II. Child labour is a complex issue involving multiple stakeholders, and any strategy to address it will have to be multi-pronged, simultaneously targeting civil society, the affected communities and children and the traffickers themselves.

III. Not only do the laws against child labour have to be enforced better, the punishment and penalties against those who flout these laws, be it middlemen or police authorities, need to be much stricter.

Directions: Read the following passage carefully, and answer the questions that follow.

In 1980, Wasal Khan, a brick kiln worker from Sirhind, a city in India's north-western state of Punjab, came to the capital city of New Delhi, driven by desperation and fear. His family members had been serving as bonded labourers in a brick kiln for 20 years in order to repay a debt owed to the kiln owner, who now threatened to sell Khan's adolescent daughter to a brothel. Exploited by his employer and ignored by the authorities, he chanced across the newsletter of an organization working for the socially marginalized and somehow managed to locate their office.
Khan found an unexpected source of help in an electrical engineer-turned journalist and human rights activist, Kailash Satyarthi, and his team of like-minded activists at Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), or Save the Children Mission. Soon after, Satyarthi the engineer and his team of like-minded activists rescued 34 brick kiln workers and the Khan's 15-year old daughter, Sabo. This episode laid the foundations of the India's largest grassroots movement against child labour and trafficking.
Today, Satyarthi is a world-renowned voice against the exploitation of children, making headlines in 2014 when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize along with Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai. Child labour activists are hopeful that BBA's Nobel Peace Prize will lead to a renewed discussion and initiative among all sections of Indian society to ultimately end child labour. "It is extremely overwhelming - the BBA receives dozens of calls every day from common people, asking us what they can do about child labour," a female activist working in victim assistance, who wished to remain anonymous, told me. "While everyone cannot dedicate their lives to ending child labour, at the very least they could boycott those places and goods that employ child labour."
Her statement carries weight. As I sipped a cup of piping hot masala chai, the characteristic Indian tea, I could see BBA activists busy at work on the lower level of the office. I thought of the number of times I have seen young children working at roadside tea stalls across India, seemingly content and happy with their lives. Several industries such as carpet-making, fire-cracker manufacturing, marble inlay work, filigree metal work, and many others are particularly notorious for using child labour as the children's small thin hands are better suited for the fine motor skills required by these processes. Since children generally accept lower wages than adult labourers, it is also cost-effective for many firms to employ child laborers. The employed children are often unaware that they are victims of physical and mental abuse, denied access to opportunities that other children take for granted. Even today, India has about 60 million child labourers waiting to be rescued.
In India and other nearby developing countries, child labour was not considered a pertinent issue until thirty years ago. Even today, the constant refrain heard from a large part of India's population is that children have no option but to work to financially support their impoverished families. Unfortunately, such people fail to recognize that the effects of child labour encompass all sections of society. A study conducted by Sathyarthi and BBA titled "Capital Corruption" estimates that the amount of illegal money generated by Indian firms employing child labourers could be as high as $20,000 million every year. The income earned by child labourers thus represents a huge leakage from the nation's economy, also impacting adult employment and income generation.
Societal attitudes towards child labour have ensured its perpetuation. The affected children have been conditioned into believing their work is a perfectly normal obligation to their families and employers. BBA rescues a large number of such children every day and takes some of them to its rehabilitation centres in Delhi and Rajasthan, as well as to rescue homes run by other organizations. But the response from these children is often negative. Some beg to be sent back. As the same female activist put it, "Many of them view their employer as their guru, their master, and what he says or does is sacrosanct. It takes intensive counselling to help them realize the exploitation they have been subject to."
Many people continue to live the experiences of Wasal Khan, the brick kiln worker whose daughter was rescued from a life of forced prostitution by Kailash Satyarthi and Bachpan Bachao Andolan. But increasingly, the work of such human rights activists has inspired other individuals to play their own part in the movement. Take Razia Sultan, an inhabitant of Meerut, a city in Uttar Pradesh, who worked as a child labourer in football stitching. When her village was transformed into a Bal Mitra Gram, she helped bring 75 children in the village to school through her work with the Bal Panchayat. She also initiated a campaign against schools that charged tuition fees. She was rewarded for her efforts in 2013 as the first recipient of the Malala Peace Prize. BBA has achieved much over thirty years, but perhaps its most commendable success is this: giving India's child labourers the power to dream and have these dreams realized.

Q. Which of the following can be attributed to as the central purpose of the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully, and answer the questions that follow.

In 1980, Wasal Khan, a brick kiln worker from Sirhind, a city in India's north-western state of Punjab, came to the capital city of New Delhi, driven by desperation and fear. His family members had been serving as bonded labourers in a brick kiln for 20 years in order to repay a debt owed to the kiln owner, who now threatened to sell Khan's adolescent daughter to a brothel. Exploited by his employer and ignored by the authorities, he chanced across the newsletter of an organization working for the socially marginalized and somehow managed to locate their office.
Khan found an unexpected source of help in an electrical engineer-turned journalist and human rights activist, Kailash Satyarthi, and his team of like-minded activists at Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), or Save the Children Mission. Soon after, Satyarthi the engineer and his team of like-minded activists rescued 34 brick kiln workers and the Khan's 15-year old daughter, Sabo. This episode laid the foundations of the India's largest grassroots movement against child labour and trafficking.
Today, Satyarthi is a world-renowned voice against the exploitation of children, making headlines in 2014 when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize along with Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai. Child labour activists are hopeful that BBA's Nobel Peace Prize will lead to a renewed discussion and initiative among all sections of Indian society to ultimately end child labour. "It is extremely overwhelming - the BBA receives dozens of calls every day from common people, asking us what they can do about child labour," a female activist working in victim assistance, who wished to remain anonymous, told me. "While everyone cannot dedicate their lives to ending child labour, at the very least they could boycott those places and goods that employ child labour."
Her statement carries weight. As I sipped a cup of piping hot masala chai, the characteristic Indian tea, I could see BBA activists busy at work on the lower level of the office. I thought of the number of times I have seen young children working at roadside tea stalls across India, seemingly content and happy with their lives. Several industries such as carpet-making, fire-cracker manufacturing, marble inlay work, filigree metal work, and many others are particularly notorious for using child labour as the children's small thin hands are better suited for the fine motor skills required by these processes. Since children generally accept lower wages than adult labourers, it is also cost-effective for many firms to employ child laborers. The employed children are often unaware that they are victims of physical and mental abuse, denied access to opportunities that other children take for granted. Even today, India has about 60 million child labourers waiting to be rescued.
In India and other nearby developing countries, child labour was not considered a pertinent issue until thirty years ago. Even today, the constant refrain heard from a large part of India's population is that children have no option but to work to financially support their impoverished families. Unfortunately, such people fail to recognize that the effects of child labour encompass all sections of society. A study conducted by Sathyarthi and BBA titled "Capital Corruption" estimates that the amount of illegal money generated by Indian firms employing child labourers could be as high as $20,000 million every year. The income earned by child labourers thus represents a huge leakage from the nation's economy, also impacting adult employment and income generation.
Societal attitudes towards child labour have ensured its perpetuation. The affected children have been conditioned into believing their work is a perfectly normal obligation to their families and employers. BBA rescues a large number of such children every day and takes some of them to its rehabilitation centres in Delhi and Rajasthan, as well as to rescue homes run by other organizations. But the response from these children is often negative. Some beg to be sent back. As the same female activist put it, "Many of them view their employer as their guru, their master, and what he says or does is sacrosanct. It takes intensive counselling to help them realize the exploitation they have been subject to."
Many people continue to live the experiences of Wasal Khan, the brick kiln worker whose daughter was rescued from a life of forced prostitution by Kailash Satyarthi and Bachpan Bachao Andolan. But increasingly, the work of such human rights activists has inspired other individuals to play their own part in the movement. Take Razia Sultan, an inhabitant of Meerut, a city in Uttar Pradesh, who worked as a child labourer in football stitching. When her village was transformed into a Bal Mitra Gram, she helped bring 75 children in the village to school through her work with the Bal Panchayat. She also initiated a campaign against schools that charged tuition fees. She was rewarded for her efforts in 2013 as the first recipient of the Malala Peace Prize. BBA has achieved much over thirty years, but perhaps its most commendable success is this: giving India's child labourers the power to dream and have these dreams realized.

Q. Which of the following would best describe the tone of the passage?

Directions : Read the passage given below and answer the questions with the most appropriate choice.

The success of the campaign to legalise gay marriage across many western countries is quite astonishing. Political and popular opposition has crumbled in the face of the reasonable demand for a public justification for banning it. The feeble excuses for arguments trotted out by its opponents - including religious institutions, talking heads, politicians and lawyers in court - are increasingly perceived as mere rationalisations for bigotry. This is democracy as public reasoning at its best.
Yet I see something to regret in the line of reasoning behind the 'marriage equality' movement. Proponents have overwhelmingly argued that it is unfair to treat homosexual relationships differently from heterosexual ones because they are in every significant respect the same. As a rhetorical strategy to advance marriage rights and the acceptance of homosexuals in general this argument may be justified by its political success.But as a contribution to public reasoning such a justification is disappointing. It does not really advance the idea of equality of deep freedom because it is a demand to have one's conformity recognised rather than to have one's difference respected.
I don't begrudge the gay rights movement its victory. Discrimination is a very real injustice that is worth fighting against. Preventing homosexual couples from marrying violates the principle of equality under the law - treating similar cases in the same way - and the principle of equality of dignity in a democracy. There are hundreds if not thousands of government benefits and ancillary rights linked to marriage status which it is unfair and demeaning to deny to people on the basis of an irrelevant feature: their sexuality.
In terms of justice, opening these benefits to homosexual couples is a comparative improvement. Yet it is only an incremental movement and not necessarily a step in the right direction. A genuinely just society would respect everyone's equal right to live your own life for yourself, rather than to have to satisfy other people's ideas of how you should live. Moving towards that goal would seem to require more than merely tinkering with the distributional rules about who gets the legal and financial benefits of marriage. It requires challenging their legitimacy. After all, a great many of those government benefits are explicitly intended to support the institution of marriage at the expense of alternative non-monogamous, non-sexual, non-long term relationships or singleness, partly by incentivising people to pursue conventional ideas of the good life and partly by making it hard for them not to. This is the bureaucratisation of morality - the use of state resources and power to institutionalise certain private moral conventions in the order of society. Extending membership of the marriage club to homosexuals merely extends the benefits of conventional conformity to them: the right to live in the same way as heterosexuals are supposed to - the right to fit in.

Q. It can be inferred from the passage that the author is:

Directions : Read the passage given below and answer the questions with the most appropriate choice.

The success of the campaign to legalise gay marriage across many western countries is quite astonishing. Political and popular opposition has crumbled in the face of the reasonable demand for a public justification for banning it. The feeble excuses for arguments trotted out by its opponents - including religious institutions, talking heads, politicians and lawyers in court - are increasingly perceived as mere rationalisations for bigotry. This is democracy as public reasoning at its best.
Yet I see something to regret in the line of reasoning behind the 'marriage equality' movement. Proponents have overwhelmingly argued that it is unfair to treat homosexual relationships differently from heterosexual ones because they are in every significant respect the same. As a rhetorical strategy to advance marriage rights and the acceptance of homosexuals in general this argument may be justified by its political success.But as a contribution to public reasoning such a justification is disappointing. It does not really advance the idea of equality of deep freedom because it is a demand to have one's conformity recognised rather than to have one's difference respected.
I don't begrudge the gay rights movement its victory. Discrimination is a very real injustice that is worth fighting against. Preventing homosexual couples from marrying violates the principle of equality under the law - treating similar cases in the same way - and the principle of equality of dignity in a democracy. There are hundreds if not thousands of government benefits and ancillary rights linked to marriage status which it is unfair and demeaning to deny to people on the basis of an irrelevant feature: their sexuality.
In terms of justice, opening these benefits to homosexual couples is a comparative improvement. Yet it is only an incremental movement and not necessarily a step in the right direction. A genuinely just society would respect everyone's equal right to live your own life for yourself, rather than to have to satisfy other people's ideas of how you should live. Moving towards that goal would seem to require more than merely tinkering with the distributional rules about who gets the legal and financial benefits of marriage. It requires challenging their legitimacy. After all, a great many of those government benefits are explicitly intended to support the institution of marriage at the expense of alternative non-monogamous, non-sexual, non-long term relationships or singleness, partly by incentivising people to pursue conventional ideas of the good life and partly by making it hard for them not to. This is the bureaucratisation of morality - the use of state resources and power to institutionalise certain private moral conventions in the order of society. Extending membership of the marriage club to homosexuals merely extends the benefits of conventional conformity to them: the right to live in the same way as heterosexuals are supposed to - the right to fit in.

Q. What does the author mean when he says 'Yet it is only an incremental movement and not necessarily a step in the right direction'?

Directions : Read the passage given below and answer the questions with the most appropriate choice.

The success of the campaign to legalise gay marriage across many western countries is quite astonishing. Political and popular opposition has crumbled in the face of the reasonable demand for a public justification for banning it. The feeble excuses for arguments trotted out by its opponents - including religious institutions, talking heads, politicians and lawyers in court - are increasingly perceived as mere rationalisations for bigotry. This is democracy as public reasoning at its best.
Yet I see something to regret in the line of reasoning behind the 'marriage equality' movement. Proponents have overwhelmingly argued that it is unfair to treat homosexual relationships differently from heterosexual ones because they are in every significant respect the same. As a rhetorical strategy to advance marriage rights and the acceptance of homosexuals in general this argument may be justified by its political success.But as a contribution to public reasoning such a justification is disappointing. It does not really advance the idea of equality of deep freedom because it is a demand to have one's conformity recognised rather than to have one's difference respected.
I don't begrudge the gay rights movement its victory. Discrimination is a very real injustice that is worth fighting against. Preventing homosexual couples from marrying violates the principle of equality under the law - treating similar cases in the same way - and the principle of equality of dignity in a democracy. There are hundreds if not thousands of government benefits and ancillary rights linked to marriage status which it is unfair and demeaning to deny to people on the basis of an irrelevant feature: their sexuality.
In terms of justice, opening these benefits to homosexual couples is a comparative improvement. Yet it is only an incremental movement and not necessarily a step in the right direction. A genuinely just society would respect everyone's equal right to live your own life for yourself, rather than to have to satisfy other people's ideas of how you should live. Moving towards that goal would seem to require more than merely tinkering with the distributional rules about who gets the legal and financial benefits of marriage. It requires challenging their legitimacy. After all, a great many of those government benefits are explicitly intended to support the institution of marriage at the expense of alternative non-monogamous, non-sexual, non-long term relationships or singleness, partly by incentivising people to pursue conventional ideas of the good life and partly by making it hard for them not to. This is the bureaucratisation of morality - the use of state resources and power to institutionalise certain private moral conventions in the order of society. Extending membership of the marriage club to homosexuals merely extends the benefits of conventional conformity to them: the right to live in the same way as heterosexuals are supposed to - the right to fit in.

Q. Go through the following statements:
I. Homosexuals are like heterosexuals.
II. Homosexuals have the right to make their own decisions.
III. Homosexuals are the same as hererosexuals.
The author of the passage would agree with which of the above statements.

The question consists of four or five statements labelled 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 which when logically ordered forms a cogent passage. Choose the option that represents the most logical order.
1. That means we can satisfy more of our desires for the good things in life than humans have ever been able to.
2. But if all that we can already have isn't enough to satisfy us, then perhaps we should reconsider whether having even more would make us happier.
3. People in the west are richer than ever.
4. Consciously or not we have come to depend on a particular economic theory of welfare as mere preference satisfaction.
5. Yet we don't seem to be getting any happier.

Each question given below has five statements. The statements need to be arranged in a logical order to form a coherent paragraph. Choose the most appropriate option.
1. This is only a document, a bit of real life, a document which can give to those who are really anxious to discover the truth about the Kornilov affair.
2. I send you the stenographic copies of my fundamental statement on the Kornilovaffair which have been saved from destruction, with supplementary remarks and explanations which I have now made.
3. This is necessary, though I myself see all its imperfections from a literary point of view.
4. I place this manuscript at your disposal and ask you if possible to publish it, but exactly in its present form.
5. But this is not a literary production, not "memoirs" for history, not the fruit of my unfettered creative faculty.

The question consists of four or five statements labelled 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 which when logically ordered forms a cogent passage. Choose the option that represents the most logical order.
1. One study found that rates more than doubled between 1999 and 2003 for women on Medicaid; at present, about six to seven per cent of pregnant women take these medications.
2. For women with a history of depression, the rates are far higher.
3. Some fifteen per cent of women suffer from depression during pregnancy, and the use of antidepressants in expectant women is on the rise.
4. Pregnancy can easily trigger a relapse, and those who discontinue medications during pregnancy are nearly three times as likely to relapse as those who continue to take their medication.
5. Sampling of cord blood at birth indicates that the level of these medications in the fetal bloodstream is more than half of the level in the mother's; the drugs are also present in amniotic fluid.

Five sentences labelled 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5, when properly sequenced form a coherent paragraph. Choose the most logical order of sentences from among the given options
1. Distances were measured with increasing accuracy 'on the ground'; then it was found that by applying trigonometrical principles, it was unnecessary to measure every requisite distance directly, though this method required the much more accurate measurement of a number of short lines, or bases.
2. Meanwhile the astronomers showed that the earth is spherical, and that the position of any place on its surface could be expressed by its angular distances from the Equator (latitude) and a prime meridian (longitude), though for many centuries an accurate and practical method of finding longitude baffled scientists.
3. The history of cartography is largely that of the increase in the accuracy with which the elements of distance and direction are determined and in the comprehensiveness of the map content
4. In this development cartography has called in other sciences to its aid.
5. Similarly, instead of determining direction by observing the position of a shadow at midday, or of a constellation in the night sky, or even of a steady wind, use was made of terrestrial magnetism through the magnetic compass, and instruments were evolved which enabled horizontal angles to he measured with great accuracy.

Each question given below has five statements. The statements need to be arranged in a logical order to form a coherent paragraph. Choose the most appropriate option.
1. But we can free ourselves from both of these limitations without altering the nature of our specification of position.
2. On the basis of this illustration, we are able to see the manner in which a refinement of the conception of position has been developed.
3. If, for instance, a cloud is hovering over Times Square, then we can determine its position relative to the surface of the earth by erecting a pole perpendicularly on the Square, so that it reaches the cloud
4. This primitive method of place specification deals only with places on the surface of rigid bodies, and is dependent on the existence of points on this surface which are distinguishable from each other.
5. The length of the pole measured with the standard measuring-rod, combined with the specification of the position of the foot of the pole, supplies us with a complete place specification.

Directions: The following state-wise demographic information is available for the different states in North-East India. This demographic findings is conducted every 5 years, and the latest one was conducted this year in 2016.

Sex Ratio is defined as the number of females per 1000 males.
Birth Rate is the number of live births per 1000 population in a year
Literacy Rate is the percentage of the population who have the ability to read and write.
Each of these figures have been rounded off to the nearest integer.
The Government of India wants to track all these parameters and note key areas where the states have improved in the past 5 years. A higher sex ratio, higher literacy rate, and lower birth rate across this period is what the Government of India wants from these states.

Q. What is the approximate average literacy rate for the states of North-East India in 2016 if the ratio of the populations of the states listed in alphabetical order is 1:1:1:2:3:1:2:4 ?

Directions: The following state-wise demographic information is available for the different states in North-East India. This demographic findings is conducted every 5 years, and the latest one was conducted this year in 2016.

Sex Ratio is defined as the number of females per 1000 males.
Birth Rate is the number of live births per 1000 population in a year
Literacy Rate is the percentage of the population who have the ability to read and write.
Each of these figures have been rounded off to the nearest integer.
The Government of India wants to track all these parameters and note key areas where the states have improved in the past 5 years. A higher sex ratio, higher literacy rate, and lower birth rate across this period is what the Government of India wants from these states.

Q. How many states were able to make the Government of India pleased on all three parameters?

Directions: The following state-wise demographic information is available for the different states in North-East India. This demographic findings is conducted every 5 years, and the latest one was conducted this year in 2016.

Sex Ratio is defined as the number of females per 1000 males.
Birth Rate is the number of live births per 1000 population in a year
Literacy Rate is the percentage of the population who have the ability to read and write.
Each of these figures have been rounded off to the nearest integer.
The Government of India wants to track all these parameters and note key areas where the states have improved in the past 5 years. A higher sex ratio, higher literacy rate, and lower birth rate across this period is what the Government of India wants from these states.

Q. If the population of Meghalaya increased by 20% during this period 2011-2016, then by how much approximate percent did the population of women increase by in that state?

Directions: The following state-wise demographic information is available for the different states in North-East India. This demographic findings is conducted every 5 years, and the latest one was conducted this year in 2016.

Sex Ratio is defined as the number of females per 1000 males.
Birth Rate is the number of live births per 1000 population in a year
Literacy Rate is the percentage of the population who have the ability to read and write.
Each of these figures have been rounded off to the nearest integer.
The Government of India wants to track all these parameters and note key areas where the states have improved in the past 5 years. A higher sex ratio, higher literacy rate, and lower birth rate across this period is what the Government of India wants from these states.

Q. How many of these states saw an increase in the sex ratio figure by more than 3% during the 2011-2016 period?