Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
Picture-taking is a technique both for annexing the objective world and for expressing the singular self. Photographs depict objective realities that already exist, though only the camera can disclose them. And they depict an individual photographer’s temperament, discovering itself through the camera’s cropping of reality. That is, photography has two antithetical ideals: in the first, photography is about the world and the photographer is a mere observer who counts for little; but in the second, photography is the instrument of intrepid, questing subjectivity and the photographer is all.
These conflicting ideals arise from a fundamental uneasiness on the part of both photographers and viewers of photographs toward the aggressive component in “taking” a picture. Accordingly, the ideal of a photographer as observer is attractive because it implicitly denies that picture-taking is an aggressive act. The issue, of course, is not so clear-cut. What photographers do cannot be characterized as simply predatory or as simply, and essentially, benevolent. As a consequence, one ideal of picture-taking or the other is always being rediscovered and championed.
An important result of the coexistence of these two ideals is a recurrent ambivalence toward photography’s means. Whatever the claims that photography might make to be a form of personal expression on a par with painting, its originality is inextricably linked to the powers of a machine. The steady growth of these powers has made possible the extraordinary informativeness and imaginative formal beauty of many photographs, like Harold Edgerton’s high-speed photographs of a bullet hitting its target or of the swirls and eddies of a tennis stroke. But as cameras become more sophisticated, more automated, some photographers are tempted to disarm themselves or to suggest that they are not really armed, preferring to submit themselves to the limits imposed by premodern camera technology because a cruder, less high-powered machine is thought to give more interesting or emotive results, to leave more room for creative accident. For example, it has been virtually a point of honor for many photographers, including Walker Evans and CartierBresson, to refuse to use modern equipment. These photographers have come to doubt the value of the camera as an instrument of “fast seeing.” Cartier-Bresson, in fact, claims that the modern camera may see too fast.
This ambivalence toward photographic means determines trends in taste. The cult of the future (of faster and faster seeing) alternates over time with the wish to return to a purer past—when images had a handmade quality. This nostalgia for some pristine state of the photographic enterprise is currently widespread and underlies the present-day enthusiasm for daguerreotypes and the work of forgotten nineteenth-century provincial photographers. Photographers and viewers of photographs, it seems, need periodically to resist their own knowingness.
Q. According to the passage, interest among photographers in each of photography’s two ideals can be described as
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
Picture-taking is a technique both for annexing the objective world and for expressing the singular self. Photographs depict objective realities that already exist, though only the camera can disclose them. And they depict an individual photographer’s temperament, discovering itself through the camera’s cropping of reality. That is, photography has two antithetical ideals: in the first, photography is about the world and the photographer is a mere observer who counts for little; but in the second, photography is the instrument of intrepid, questing subjectivity and the photographer is all.
These conflicting ideals arise from a fundamental uneasiness on the part of both photographers and viewers of photographs toward the aggressive component in “taking” a picture. Accordingly, the ideal of a photographer as observer is attractive because it implicitly denies that picture-taking is an aggressive act. The issue, of course, is not so clear-cut. What photographers do cannot be characterized as simply predatory or as simply, and essentially, benevolent. As a consequence, one ideal of picture-taking or the other is always being rediscovered and championed.
An important result of the coexistence of these two ideals is a recurrent ambivalence toward photography’s means. Whatever the claims that photography might make to be a form of personal expression on a par with painting, its originality is inextricably linked to the powers of a machine. The steady growth of these powers has made possible the extraordinary informativeness and imaginative formal beauty of many photographs, like Harold Edgerton’s high-speed photographs of a bullet hitting its target or of the swirls and eddies of a tennis stroke. But as cameras become more sophisticated, more automated, some photographers are tempted to disarm themselves or to suggest that they are not really armed, preferring to submit themselves to the limits imposed by premodern camera technology because a cruder, less high-powered machine is thought to give more interesting or emotive results, to leave more room for creative accident. For example, it has been virtually a point of honor for many photographers, including Walker Evans and CartierBresson, to refuse to use modern equipment. These photographers have come to doubt the value of the camera as an instrument of “fast seeing.” Cartier-Bresson, in fact, claims that the modern camera may see too fast.
This ambivalence toward photographic means determines trends in taste. The cult of the future (of faster and faster seeing) alternates over time with the wish to return to a purer past—when images had a handmade quality. This nostalgia for some pristine state of the photographic enterprise is currently widespread and underlies the present-day enthusiasm for daguerreotypes and the work of forgotten nineteenth-century provincial photographers. Photographers and viewers of photographs, it seems, need periodically to resist their own knowingness.
Q. The author is primarily concerned with
1 Crore+ students have signed up on EduRev. Have you? Download the App |
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
Picture-taking is a technique both for annexing the objective world and for expressing the singular self. Photographs depict objective realities that already exist, though only the camera can disclose them. And they depict an individual photographer’s temperament, discovering itself through the camera’s cropping of reality. That is, photography has two antithetical ideals: in the first, photography is about the world and the photographer is a mere observer who counts for little; but in the second, photography is the instrument of intrepid, questing subjectivity and the photographer is all.
These conflicting ideals arise from a fundamental uneasiness on the part of both photographers and viewers of photographs toward the aggressive component in “taking” a picture. Accordingly, the ideal of a photographer as observer is attractive because it implicitly denies that picture-taking is an aggressive act. The issue, of course, is not so clear-cut. What photographers do cannot be characterized as simply predatory or as simply, and essentially, benevolent. As a consequence, one ideal of picture-taking or the other is always being rediscovered and championed.
An important result of the coexistence of these two ideals is a recurrent ambivalence toward photography’s means. Whatever the claims that photography might make to be a form of personal expression on a par with painting, its originality is inextricably linked to the powers of a machine. The steady growth of these powers has made possible the extraordinary informativeness and imaginative formal beauty of many photographs, like Harold Edgerton’s high-speed photographs of a bullet hitting its target or of the swirls and eddies of a tennis stroke. But as cameras become more sophisticated, more automated, some photographers are tempted to disarm themselves or to suggest that they are not really armed, preferring to submit themselves to the limits imposed by premodern camera technology because a cruder, less high-powered machine is thought to give more interesting or emotive results, to leave more room for creative accident. For example, it has been virtually a point of honor for many photographers, including Walker Evans and CartierBresson, to refuse to use modern equipment. These photographers have come to doubt the value of the camera as an instrument of “fast seeing.” Cartier-Bresson, in fact, claims that the modern camera may see too fast.
This ambivalence toward photographic means determines trends in taste. The cult of the future (of faster and faster seeing) alternates over time with the wish to return to a purer past—when images had a handmade quality. This nostalgia for some pristine state of the photographic enterprise is currently widespread and underlies the present-day enthusiasm for daguerreotypes and the work of forgotten nineteenth-century provincial photographers. Photographers and viewers of photographs, it seems, need periodically to resist their own knowingness.
Q. The passage states all of the following about photographs EXCEPT:
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
Picture-taking is a technique both for annexing the objective world and for expressing the singular self. Photographs depict objective realities that already exist, though only the camera can disclose them. And they depict an individual photographer’s temperament, discovering itself through the camera’s cropping of reality. That is, photography has two antithetical ideals: in the first, photography is about the world and the photographer is a mere observer who counts for little; but in the second, photography is the instrument of intrepid, questing subjectivity and the photographer is all.
These conflicting ideals arise from a fundamental uneasiness on the part of both photographers and viewers of photographs toward the aggressive component in “taking” a picture. Accordingly, the ideal of a photographer as observer is attractive because it implicitly denies that picture-taking is an aggressive act. The issue, of course, is not so clear-cut. What photographers do cannot be characterized as simply predatory or as simply, and essentially, benevolent. As a consequence, one ideal of picture-taking or the other is always being rediscovered and championed.
An important result of the coexistence of these two ideals is a recurrent ambivalence toward photography’s means. Whatever the claims that photography might make to be a form of personal expression on a par with painting, its originality is inextricably linked to the powers of a machine. The steady growth of these powers has made possible the extraordinary informativeness and imaginative formal beauty of many photographs, like Harold Edgerton’s high-speed photographs of a bullet hitting its target or of the swirls and eddies of a tennis stroke. But as cameras become more sophisticated, more automated, some photographers are tempted to disarm themselves or to suggest that they are not really armed, preferring to submit themselves to the limits imposed by premodern camera technology because a cruder, less high-powered machine is thought to give more interesting or emotive results, to leave more room for creative accident. For example, it has been virtually a point of honor for many photographers, including Walker Evans and CartierBresson, to refuse to use modern equipment. These photographers have come to doubt the value of the camera as an instrument of “fast seeing.” Cartier-Bresson, in fact, claims that the modern camera may see too fast.
This ambivalence toward photographic means determines trends in taste. The cult of the future (of faster and faster seeing) alternates over time with the wish to return to a purer past—when images had a handmade quality. This nostalgia for some pristine state of the photographic enterprise is currently widespread and underlies the present-day enthusiasm for daguerreotypes and the work of forgotten nineteenth-century provincial photographers. Photographers and viewers of photographs, it seems, need periodically to resist their own knowingness.
Q. The passage suggests that photographers such as Walker Evans prefer old-fashioned techniques and equipment because these photographers
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
Picture-taking is a technique both for annexing the objective world and for expressing the singular self. Photographs depict objective realities that already exist, though only the camera can disclose them. And they depict an individual photographer’s temperament, discovering itself through the camera’s cropping of reality. That is, photography has two antithetical ideals: in the first, photography is about the world and the photographer is a mere observer who counts for little; but in the second, photography is the instrument of intrepid, questing subjectivity and the photographer is all.
These conflicting ideals arise from a fundamental uneasiness on the part of both photographers and viewers of photographs toward the aggressive component in “taking” a picture. Accordingly, the ideal of a photographer as observer is attractive because it implicitly denies that picture-taking is an aggressive act. The issue, of course, is not so clear-cut. What photographers do cannot be characterized as simply predatory or as simply, and essentially, benevolent. As a consequence, one ideal of picture-taking or the other is always being rediscovered and championed.
An important result of the coexistence of these two ideals is a recurrent ambivalence toward photography’s means. Whatever the claims that photography might make to be a form of personal expression on a par with painting, its originality is inextricably linked to the powers of a machine. The steady growth of these powers has made possible the extraordinary informativeness and imaginative formal beauty of many photographs, like Harold Edgerton’s high-speed photographs of a bullet hitting its target or of the swirls and eddies of a tennis stroke. But as cameras become more sophisticated, more automated, some photographers are tempted to disarm themselves or to suggest that they are not really armed, preferring to submit themselves to the limits imposed by premodern camera technology because a cruder, less high-powered machine is thought to give more interesting or emotive results, to leave more room for creative accident. For example, it has been virtually a point of honor for many photographers, including Walker Evans and CartierBresson, to refuse to use modern equipment. These photographers have come to doubt the value of the camera as an instrument of “fast seeing.” Cartier-Bresson, in fact, claims that the modern camera may see too fast.
This ambivalence toward photographic means determines trends in taste. The cult of the future (of faster and faster seeing) alternates over time with the wish to return to a purer past—when images had a handmade quality. This nostalgia for some pristine state of the photographic enterprise is currently widespread and underlies the present-day enthusiasm for daguerreotypes and the work of forgotten nineteenth-century provincial photographers. Photographers and viewers of photographs, it seems, need periodically to resist their own knowingness.
Q. According to the passage, the two antithetical ideals of photography differ primarily in the
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
There are two major systems of criminal procedure in the modern world—the adversarial and the inquisitorial. Both systems were historically preceded by the system of private vengeance in which the victim of a crime fashioned a remedy and administered it privately, either personally or through an agent.
The modern adversarial system is only one historical step removed from the private vengeance system and still retains some of its characteristic features. For example, even though the right to initiate legal action against a criminal has now been extended to all members of society (as represented by the office of the public prosecutor), and even though the police department has effectively assumed the pretrial investigative functions on behalf of the prosecution, the adversarial system still leaves the defendant to conduct his or her own pretrial investigation. The trial is viewed as a forensic duel between two adversaries, presided over by a judge who, at the start, has no knowledge of the investigative background of the case. In the final analysis the adversarial system of criminal procedure symbolizes and regularizes punitive combat.
By contrast, the inquisitorial system begins historically where the adversarial system stopped its development. It is two historical steps removed from the system of private vengeance.
From the standpoint of legal anthropology, then, it is historically superior to the adversarial system. Under the inquisitorial system, the public prosecutor has the duty to investigate not just on behalf of society but also on behalf of the defendant. Additionally, the public prosecutor has the duty to present the court not only evidence that would convict the defendant, but also evidence that could prove the defendant’s innocence. The system mandates that both parties permit full pretrial discovery of the evidence in their possession. Finally, an aspect of the system that makes the trial less like a duel between two adversarial parties is that the inquisitorial system mandates that the judge take an active part in the conduct of the trial, with a role that is both directive and protective. Fact-finding is at the heart of the inquisitorial system. This system operates on the philosophical premise that in a criminal action the crucial factor is the body of facts, not the legal rule (in contrast to the adversarial system), and the goal of the entire procedure is to attempt to recreate, in the mind of the court, the commission of the alleged crime.
Because of the inquisitorial system’s thoroughness in conducting its pretrial investigation, it can be concluded that, if given the choice, a defendant who is innocent would prefer to be tried under the inquisitorial system, whereas a defendant who is guilty would prefer to be tried under the adversarial system.
Q. It can be inferred from the passage that the crucial factor in a trial under the adversarial system is
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
There are two major systems of criminal procedure in the modern world—the adversarial and the inquisitorial. Both systems were historically preceded by the system of private vengeance in which the victim of a crime fashioned a remedy and administered it privately, either personally or through an agent.
The modern adversarial system is only one historical step removed from the private vengeance system and still retains some of its characteristic features. For example, even though the right to initiate legal action against a criminal has now been extended to all members of society (as represented by the office of the public prosecutor), and even though the police department has effectively assumed the pretrial investigative functions on behalf of the prosecution, the adversarial system still leaves the defendant to conduct his or her own pretrial investigation. The trial is viewed as a forensic duel between two adversaries, presided over by a judge who, at the start, has no knowledge of the investigative background of the case. In the final analysis the adversarial system of criminal procedure symbolizes and regularizes punitive combat.
By contrast, the inquisitorial system begins historically where the adversarial system stopped its development. It is two historical steps removed from the system of private vengeance.
From the standpoint of legal anthropology, then, it is historically superior to the adversarial system. Under the inquisitorial system, the public prosecutor has the duty to investigate not just on behalf of society but also on behalf of the defendant. Additionally, the public prosecutor has the duty to present the court not only evidence that would convict the defendant, but also evidence that could prove the defendant’s innocence. The system mandates that both parties permit full pretrial discovery of the evidence in their possession. Finally, an aspect of the system that makes the trial less like a duel between two adversarial parties is that the inquisitorial system mandates that the judge take an active part in the conduct of the trial, with a role that is both directive and protective. Fact-finding is at the heart of the inquisitorial system. This system operates on the philosophical premise that in a criminal action the crucial factor is the body of facts, not the legal rule (in contrast to the adversarial system), and the goal of the entire procedure is to attempt to recreate, in the mind of the court, the commission of the alleged crime.
Because of the inquisitorial system’s thoroughness in conducting its pretrial investigation, it can be concluded that, if given the choice, a defendant who is innocent would prefer to be tried under the inquisitorial system, whereas a defendant who is guilty would prefer to be tried under the adversarial system.
Q. The author sees the judge’s primary role in a trial under the inquisitorial system as that of
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
There are two major systems of criminal procedure in the modern world—the adversarial and the inquisitorial. Both systems were historically preceded by the system of private vengeance in which the victim of a crime fashioned a remedy and administered it privately, either personally or through an agent.
The modern adversarial system is only one historical step removed from the private vengeance system and still retains some of its characteristic features. For example, even though the right to initiate legal action against a criminal has now been extended to all members of society (as represented by the office of the public prosecutor), and even though the police department has effectively assumed the pretrial investigative functions on behalf of the prosecution, the adversarial system still leaves the defendant to conduct his or her own pretrial investigation. The trial is viewed as a forensic duel between two adversaries, presided over by a judge who, at the start, has no knowledge of the investigative background of the case. In the final analysis the adversarial system of criminal procedure symbolizes and regularizes punitive combat.
By contrast, the inquisitorial system begins historically where the adversarial system stopped its development. It is two historical steps removed from the system of private vengeance.
From the standpoint of legal anthropology, then, it is historically superior to the adversarial system. Under the inquisitorial system, the public prosecutor has the duty to investigate not just on behalf of society but also on behalf of the defendant. Additionally, the public prosecutor has the duty to present the court not only evidence that would convict the defendant, but also evidence that could prove the defendant’s innocence. The system mandates that both parties permit full pretrial discovery of the evidence in their possession. Finally, an aspect of the system that makes the trial less like a duel between two adversarial parties is that the inquisitorial system mandates that the judge take an active part in the conduct of the trial, with a role that is both directive and protective. Fact-finding is at the heart of the inquisitorial system. This system operates on the philosophical premise that in a criminal action the crucial factor is the body of facts, not the legal rule (in contrast to the adversarial system), and the goal of the entire procedure is to attempt to recreate, in the mind of the court, the commission of the alleged crime.
Because of the inquisitorial system’s thoroughness in conducting its pretrial investigation, it can be concluded that, if given the choice, a defendant who is innocent would prefer to be tried under the inquisitorial system, whereas a defendant who is guilty would prefer to be tried under the adversarial system.
Q. According to the passage, a central distinction between the system of private vengeance and the two modern criminal procedure systems was the shift in responsibility for initiating legal action against a criminal from the
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
There are two major systems of criminal procedure in the modern world—the adversarial and the inquisitorial. Both systems were historically preceded by the system of private vengeance in which the victim of a crime fashioned a remedy and administered it privately, either personally or through an agent.
The modern adversarial system is only one historical step removed from the private vengeance system and still retains some of its characteristic features. For example, even though the right to initiate legal action against a criminal has now been extended to all members of society (as represented by the office of the public prosecutor), and even though the police department has effectively assumed the pretrial investigative functions on behalf of the prosecution, the adversarial system still leaves the defendant to conduct his or her own pretrial investigation. The trial is viewed as a forensic duel between two adversaries, presided over by a judge who, at the start, has no knowledge of the investigative background of the case. In the final analysis the adversarial system of criminal procedure symbolizes and regularizes punitive combat.
By contrast, the inquisitorial system begins historically where the adversarial system stopped its development. It is two historical steps removed from the system of private vengeance.
From the standpoint of legal anthropology, then, it is historically superior to the adversarial system. Under the inquisitorial system, the public prosecutor has the duty to investigate not just on behalf of society but also on behalf of the defendant. Additionally, the public prosecutor has the duty to present the court not only evidence that would convict the defendant, but also evidence that could prove the defendant’s innocence. The system mandates that both parties permit full pretrial discovery of the evidence in their possession. Finally, an aspect of the system that makes the trial less like a duel between two adversarial parties is that the inquisitorial system mandates that the judge take an active part in the conduct of the trial, with a role that is both directive and protective. Fact-finding is at the heart of the inquisitorial system. This system operates on the philosophical premise that in a criminal action the crucial factor is the body of facts, not the legal rule (in contrast to the adversarial system), and the goal of the entire procedure is to attempt to recreate, in the mind of the court, the commission of the alleged crime.
Because of the inquisitorial system’s thoroughness in conducting its pretrial investigation, it can be concluded that, if given the choice, a defendant who is innocent would prefer to be tried under the inquisitorial system, whereas a defendant who is guilty would prefer to be tried under the adversarial system.
Q. All of the following are characteristics of the inquisitorial system that the author cites EXCEPT:
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
There are two major systems of criminal procedure in the modern world—the adversarial and the inquisitorial. Both systems were historically preceded by the system of private vengeance in which the victim of a crime fashioned a remedy and administered it privately, either personally or through an agent.
The modern adversarial system is only one historical step removed from the private vengeance system and still retains some of its characteristic features. For example, even though the right to initiate legal action against a criminal has now been extended to all members of society (as represented by the office of the public prosecutor), and even though the police department has effectively assumed the pretrial investigative functions on behalf of the prosecution, the adversarial system still leaves the defendant to conduct his or her own pretrial investigation. The trial is viewed as a forensic duel between two adversaries, presided over by a judge who, at the start, has no knowledge of the investigative background of the case. In the final analysis the adversarial system of criminal procedure symbolizes and regularizes punitive combat.
By contrast, the inquisitorial system begins historically where the adversarial system stopped its development. It is two historical steps removed from the system of private vengeance.
From the standpoint of legal anthropology, then, it is historically superior to the adversarial system. Under the inquisitorial system, the public prosecutor has the duty to investigate not just on behalf of society but also on behalf of the defendant. Additionally, the public prosecutor has the duty to present the court not only evidence that would convict the defendant, but also evidence that could prove the defendant’s innocence. The system mandates that both parties permit full pretrial discovery of the evidence in their possession. Finally, an aspect of the system that makes the trial less like a duel between two adversarial parties is that the inquisitorial system mandates that the judge take an active part in the conduct of the trial, with a role that is both directive and protective. Fact-finding is at the heart of the inquisitorial system. This system operates on the philosophical premise that in a criminal action the crucial factor is the body of facts, not the legal rule (in contrast to the adversarial system), and the goal of the entire procedure is to attempt to recreate, in the mind of the court, the commission of the alleged crime.
Because of the inquisitorial system’s thoroughness in conducting its pretrial investigation, it can be concluded that, if given the choice, a defendant who is innocent would prefer to be tried under the inquisitorial system, whereas a defendant who is guilty would prefer to be tried under the adversarial system.
Q. The author’s attitude toward the inquisitorial system can best be described as
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
In an unfinished but highly suggestive series of essays, the late Sarah Eisenstein has focused attention on the evolution of working women’s values from the turn of the century to the First World War. Eisenstein argues that turn-of-the-century women neither wholly accepted nor rejected what she calls the dominant “ideology of domesticity,” but rather took this and other available ideologies—feminism, socialism, trade unionism—and modified or adapted them in light of their own experiences and needs. In thus maintaining that wage-work helped to produce a new “consciousness” among women, Eisenstein to some extent challenges the recent, controversial proposal by Leslie Tentler that for women the work experience only served to reinforce the attractiveness of the dominant ideology. According to the Tentler, the degrading conditions under which many female wage earners worked made them view the family as a source of power and esteem available nowhere else in their social world. In contrast, Eisenstein’s study insists that wage-work had other implications for women’s identities and consciousness. Most importantly, her work aims to demonstrate that wagework enabled women to become aware of themselves as a distinct social group capable of defining their collective circumstance. Eisenstein insists that as a group working-class woman were not able to come to collective consciousness of their situation until they began entering the labor force, because domestic work tended to isolate them from one another.
Unfortunately, Eisenstein’s unfinished study does not develop these ideas in sufficient depth or detail, offering tantalizing hints rather than an exhaustive analysis. Whatever Eisenstein’s overall plan may have been, in its current form her study suffers from the limited nature of the sources she depended on. She uses the speeches and writings of reformers and labor organizers, who she acknowledges were far from representative, as the voice of the typical woman worker. And there is less than adequate attention given to the differing values of immigrant groups that made up a significant proportion of the population under investigation. While raising important questions, Eisenstein’s essays do not provide definitive answer, and it remains for others to take up the challenges they offer.
Q. The primary purpose of the passage is to
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
In an unfinished but highly suggestive series of essays, the late Sarah Eisenstein has focused attention on the evolution of working women’s values from the turn of the century to the First World War. Eisenstein argues that turn-of-the-century women neither wholly accepted nor rejected what she calls the dominant “ideology of domesticity,” but rather took this and other available ideologies—feminism, socialism, trade unionism—and modified or adapted them in light of their own experiences and needs. In thus maintaining that wage-work helped to produce a new “consciousness” among women, Eisenstein to some extent challenges the recent, controversial proposal by Leslie Tentler that for women the work experience only served to reinforce the attractiveness of the dominant ideology. According to the Tentler, the degrading conditions under which many female wage earners worked made them view the family as a source of power and esteem available nowhere else in their social world. In contrast, Eisenstein’s study insists that wage-work had other implications for women’s identities and consciousness. Most importantly, her work aims to demonstrate that wagework enabled women to become aware of themselves as a distinct social group capable of defining their collective circumstance. Eisenstein insists that as a group working-class woman were not able to come to collective consciousness of their situation until they began entering the labor force, because domestic work tended to isolate them from one another.
Unfortunately, Eisenstein’s unfinished study does not develop these ideas in sufficient depth or detail, offering tantalizing hints rather than an exhaustive analysis. Whatever Eisenstein’s overall plan may have been, in its current form her study suffers from the limited nature of the sources she depended on. She uses the speeches and writings of reformers and labor organizers, who she acknowledges were far from representative, as the voice of the typical woman worker. And there is less than adequate attention given to the differing values of immigrant groups that made up a significant proportion of the population under investigation. While raising important questions, Eisenstein’s essays do not provide definitive answer, and it remains for others to take up the challenges they offer.
Q. It can be inferred from the passage that, in Eisenstein’s view, working women at the turn of the century had which of the following attitudes toward the dominant ideology of their time?
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
In an unfinished but highly suggestive series of essays, the late Sarah Eisenstein has focused attention on the evolution of working women’s values from the turn of the century to the First World War. Eisenstein argues that turn-of-the-century women neither wholly accepted nor rejected what she calls the dominant “ideology of domesticity,” but rather took this and other available ideologies—feminism, socialism, trade unionism—and modified or adapted them in light of their own experiences and needs. In thus maintaining that wage-work helped to produce a new “consciousness” among women, Eisenstein to some extent challenges the recent, controversial proposal by Leslie Tentler that for women the work experience only served to reinforce the attractiveness of the dominant ideology. According to the Tentler, the degrading conditions under which many female wage earners worked made them view the family as a source of power and esteem available nowhere else in their social world. In contrast, Eisenstein’s study insists that wage-work had other implications for women’s identities and consciousness. Most importantly, her work aims to demonstrate that wagework enabled women to become aware of themselves as a distinct social group capable of defining their collective circumstance. Eisenstein insists that as a group working-class woman were not able to come to collective consciousness of their situation until they began entering the labor force, because domestic work tended to isolate them from one another.
Unfortunately, Eisenstein’s unfinished study does not develop these ideas in sufficient depth or detail, offering tantalizing hints rather than an exhaustive analysis. Whatever Eisenstein’s overall plan may have been, in its current form her study suffers from the limited nature of the sources she depended on. She uses the speeches and writings of reformers and labor organizers, who she acknowledges were far from representative, as the voice of the typical woman worker. And there is less than adequate attention given to the differing values of immigrant groups that made up a significant proportion of the population under investigation. While raising important questions, Eisenstein’s essays do not provide definitive answer, and it remains for others to take up the challenges they offer.
Q. Which of the following best describes the organization of the first paragraph of the passage?
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context.
In an unfinished but highly suggestive series of essays, the late Sarah Eisenstein has focused attention on the evolution of working women’s values from the turn of the century to the First World War. Eisenstein argues that turn-of-the-century women neither wholly accepted nor rejected what she calls the dominant “ideology of domesticity,” but rather took this and other available ideologies—feminism, socialism, trade unionism—and modified or adapted them in light of their own experiences and needs. In thus maintaining that wage-work helped to produce a new “consciousness” among women, Eisenstein to some extent challenges the recent, controversial proposal by Leslie Tentler that for women the work experience only served to reinforce the attractiveness of the dominant ideology. According to the Tentler, the degrading conditions under which many female wage earners worked made them view the family as a source of power and esteem available nowhere else in their social world. In contrast, Eisenstein’s study insists that wage-work had other implications for women’s identities and consciousness. Most importantly, her work aims to demonstrate that wagework enabled women to become aware of themselves as a distinct social group capable of defining their collective circumstance. Eisenstein insists that as a group working-class woman were not able to come to collective consciousness of their situation until they began entering the labor force, because domestic work tended to isolate them from one another.
Unfortunately, Eisenstein’s unfinished study does not develop these ideas in sufficient depth or detail, offering tantalizing hints rather than an exhaustive analysis. Whatever Eisenstein’s overall plan may have been, in its current form her study suffers from the limited nature of the sources she depended on. She uses the speeches and writings of reformers and labor organizers, who she acknowledges were far from representative, as the voice of the typical woman worker. And there is less than adequate attention given to the differing values of immigrant groups that made up a significant proportion of the population under investigation. While raising important questions, Eisenstein’s essays do not provide definitive answer, and it remains for others to take up the challenges they offer.
Q. Which of the following would the author of the passage be most likely to approve as a continuation of Eisenstein’s study?
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context
We can distinguish three different realms of matter, three levels on the quantum ladder. The first is the atomic realm, which includes the world of atoms, their interactions, and the structures that are formed by them, such as molecules, liquids and solids, and gases and plasmas. This realm includes all the phenomena of atomic physics, chemistry, and, in a certain sense, biology. The energy exchanges taking place in this realm are of a relatively low order. If these exchanges are below one electron volt, such as in the collisions between molecules of the air in a room, then atoms and molecules can be regarded as elementary particles. That is, they have “conditional elementarity” because they keep their identity and do not change in any collisions or in other processes at these low energy exchanges. If one goes to higher energy exchanges, say 104 electron volts, then atoms and molecules will decompose into nuclei and electrons; at this level, the latter particles must be considered as elementary. We find examples of structures and processes of this first rung of the quantum ladder on Earth, on planets, and on the surfaces of stars.
The next rung is the nuclear realm. Here the energy exchanges are much higher, on the order of millions of electron volts. As long as we are dealing with phenomena in the atomic realm, such amounts of energy are unavailable, and most nuclei are inert: they do not change. However, if one applies energies of millions of electron volts, nuclear reactions, fission and fusion, and the processes of radioactivity occur; our elementary particles then are protons, neutrons, and electrons. In addition, nuclear processes produce neutrinos, particles that have no detectable mass or charge. In the universe, energies at this level are available in the centers of stars and in star explosions. Indeed, the energy radiated by the stars is produced by nuclear reactions. The natural radioactivity we find on Earth is the long-lived remnant of the time when now-earthly matter was expelled into space by a major stellar explosion.
The third rung of the quantum ladder is the subnuclear realm. Here we are dealing with energy exchanges of many billions of electron volts. We encounter excited nucleons, new types of particles such as mesons, heavy electrons, quarks, and gluons, and also antimatter in large quantities. The gluons are the quanta, or smallest units, of the force (the strong force) that keeps the quarks together. As long as we are dealing with the atomic or nuclear realm, these new types of particles do not occur and the nucleons remain inert. But at subnuclear energy levels, the nucleons and mesons appear to be composed of quarks, so that the quarks and gluons figure as elementary particles.
Q. The primary topic of the passage is which of the following?
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context
We can distinguish three different realms of matter, three levels on the quantum ladder. The first is the atomic realm, which includes the world of atoms, their interactions, and the structures that are formed by them, such as molecules, liquids and solids, and gases and plasmas. This realm includes all the phenomena of atomic physics, chemistry, and, in a certain sense, biology. The energy exchanges taking place in this realm are of a relatively low order. If these exchanges are below one electron volt, such as in the collisions between molecules of the air in a room, then atoms and molecules can be regarded as elementary particles. That is, they have “conditional elementarity” because they keep their identity and do not change in any collisions or in other processes at these low energy exchanges. If one goes to higher energy exchanges, say 104 electron volts, then atoms and molecules will decompose into nuclei and electrons; at this level, the latter particles must be considered as elementary. We find examples of structures and processes of this first rung of the quantum ladder on Earth, on planets, and on the surfaces of stars.
The next rung is the nuclear realm. Here the energy exchanges are much higher, on the order of millions of electron volts. As long as we are dealing with phenomena in the atomic realm, such amounts of energy are unavailable, and most nuclei are inert: they do not change. However, if one applies energies of millions of electron volts, nuclear reactions, fission and fusion, and the processes of radioactivity occur; our elementary particles then are protons, neutrons, and electrons. In addition, nuclear processes produce neutrinos, particles that have no detectable mass or charge. In the universe, energies at this level are available in the centers of stars and in star explosions. Indeed, the energy radiated by the stars is produced by nuclear reactions. The natural radioactivity we find on Earth is the long-lived remnant of the time when now-earthly matter was expelled into space by a major stellar explosion.
The third rung of the quantum ladder is the subnuclear realm. Here we are dealing with energy exchanges of many billions of electron volts. We encounter excited nucleons, new types of particles such as mesons, heavy electrons, quarks, and gluons, and also antimatter in large quantities. The gluons are the quanta, or smallest units, of the force (the strong force) that keeps the quarks together. As long as we are dealing with the atomic or nuclear realm, these new types of particles do not occur and the nucleons remain inert. But at subnuclear energy levels, the nucleons and mesons appear to be composed of quarks, so that the quarks and gluons figure as elementary particles.
Q. According to the passage, radioactivity that occurs naturally on Earth is the result of
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context
We can distinguish three different realms of matter, three levels on the quantum ladder. The first is the atomic realm, which includes the world of atoms, their interactions, and the structures that are formed by them, such as molecules, liquids and solids, and gases and plasmas. This realm includes all the phenomena of atomic physics, chemistry, and, in a certain sense, biology. The energy exchanges taking place in this realm are of a relatively low order. If these exchanges are below one electron volt, such as in the collisions between molecules of the air in a room, then atoms and molecules can be regarded as elementary particles. That is, they have “conditional elementarity” because they keep their identity and do not change in any collisions or in other processes at these low energy exchanges. If one goes to higher energy exchanges, say 104 electron volts, then atoms and molecules will decompose into nuclei and electrons; at this level, the latter particles must be considered as elementary. We find examples of structures and processes of this first rung of the quantum ladder on Earth, on planets, and on the surfaces of stars.
The next rung is the nuclear realm. Here the energy exchanges are much higher, on the order of millions of electron volts. As long as we are dealing with phenomena in the atomic realm, such amounts of energy are unavailable, and most nuclei are inert: they do not change. However, if one applies energies of millions of electron volts, nuclear reactions, fission and fusion, and the processes of radioactivity occur; our elementary particles then are protons, neutrons, and electrons. In addition, nuclear processes produce neutrinos, particles that have no detectable mass or charge. In the universe, energies at this level are available in the centers of stars and in star explosions. Indeed, the energy radiated by the stars is produced by nuclear reactions. The natural radioactivity we find on Earth is the long-lived remnant of the time when now-earthly matter was expelled into space by a major stellar explosion.
The third rung of the quantum ladder is the subnuclear realm. Here we are dealing with energy exchanges of many billions of electron volts. We encounter excited nucleons, new types of particles such as mesons, heavy electrons, quarks, and gluons, and also antimatter in large quantities. The gluons are the quanta, or smallest units, of the force (the strong force) that keeps the quarks together. As long as we are dealing with the atomic or nuclear realm, these new types of particles do not occur and the nucleons remain inert. But at subnuclear energy levels, the nucleons and mesons appear to be composed of quarks, so that the quarks and gluons figure as elementary particles.
Q. The author organizes the passage by
Read the passage carefully and answer within the context
We can distinguish three different realms of matter, three levels on the quantum ladder. The first is the atomic realm, which includes the world of atoms, their interactions, and the structures that are formed by them, such as molecules, liquids and solids, and gases and plasmas. This realm includes all the phenomena of atomic physics, chemistry, and, in a certain sense, biology. The energy exchanges taking place in this realm are of a relatively low order. If these exchanges are below one electron volt, such as in the collisions between molecules of the air in a room, then atoms and molecules can be regarded as elementary particles. That is, they have “conditional elementarity” because they keep their identity and do not change in any collisions or in other processes at these low energy exchanges. If one goes to higher energy exchanges, say 104 electron volts, then atoms and molecules will decompose into nuclei and electrons; at this level, the latter particles must be considered as elementary. We find examples of structures and processes of this first rung of the quantum ladder on Earth, on planets, and on the surfaces of stars.
The next rung is the nuclear realm. Here the energy exchanges are much higher, on the order of millions of electron volts. As long as we are dealing with phenomena in the atomic realm, such amounts of energy are unavailable, and most nuclei are inert: they do not change. However, if one applies energies of millions of electron volts, nuclear reactions, fission and fusion, and the processes of radioactivity occur; our elementary particles then are protons, neutrons, and electrons. In addition, nuclear processes produce neutrinos, particles that have no detectable mass or charge. In the universe, energies at this level are available in the centers of stars and in star explosions. Indeed, the energy radiated by the stars is produced by nuclear reactions. The natural radioactivity we find on Earth is the long-lived remnant of the time when now-earthly matter was expelled into space by a major stellar explosion.
The third rung of the quantum ladder is the subnuclear realm. Here we are dealing with energy exchanges of many billions of electron volts. We encounter excited nucleons, new types of particles such as mesons, heavy electrons, quarks, and gluons, and also antimatter in large quantities. The gluons are the quanta, or smallest units, of the force (the strong force) that keeps the quarks together. As long as we are dealing with the atomic or nuclear realm, these new types of particles do not occur and the nucleons remain inert. But at subnuclear energy levels, the nucleons and mesons appear to be composed of quarks, so that the quarks and gluons figure as elementary particles.
Q. According to the author, gluons are not
DIRECTION: In question, there are five sentences which need to be arranged in the logical order to form a coherent paragraph. Key in the most appropriate sequence.
A. The celebrations of economic recovery in Washington may be as premature as that "Mission Accomplished" banner hung on the USS Abraham Lincoln to hail the end of the Iraq war.
B. Meanwhile, in the real world, the struggles of families and communities continue unabated.
C. Washington responded to the favourable turn in economic news with enthusiasm.
D. The celebrations and high-fives up and down Pennsylvania Avenue are not to be found beyond the Beltway.
E. When the third quarter GDP showed growth of 7.2% and the monthly unemployment rate dipped to 6%, euphoria gripped the US capital.
DIRECTION: In question, there are five sentences which need to be arranged in the logical order to form a coherent paragraph. Key in the most appropriate sequence.
A. A few months ago I went to Princeton University to see what the young people who are going to be running our country in a few decades are like.
B. I would go to sleep in my hotel room around midnight each night, and when I awoke, my mailbox would be full of replies sent at 1:15 a.m., 2:59 a.m., 3:23 a.m.
C. One senior told me that she went to bed around two and woke up each morning at seven; she could afford that much rest because she had learned to supplement her full day of work by studying in her sleep.
D. Faculty members gave me the names of a few dozen articulate students, and I sent them e-mails, inviting them out to lunch or dinner in small groups.
E. As she was falling asleep, she would recite a math problem or a paper topic to herself; she would then sometimes dream about it, and when she woke up, the problem might be solved.
DIRECTION: Key in the option which correctly summarizes the above paragraph.
Some decisions will be fairly obvious - “no-brainers.” Your bank account is low, but you have a two-week vacation coming up and you want to get away to some place warm to relax with your family. Will you accept your in-laws‟ offer of free use of their Florida beachfront condo? Sure. You like your employer and feel ready to move forward in your career. Will you step in for your boss for three weeks while she attends a professional development course? Of course.
DIRECTION: Key in the option which correctly summarizes the above paragraph.
Local communities have often come in conflict with agents trying to exploit resources, at a faster pace, for an expanding commercial-industrial economy. More often than not, such agents of resource-intensification are given preferential treatment by the state, through the grant of generous long leases over mineral or fish stocks, for example, or the provision of raw material at an enormously subsidized price. With the injustice so compounded, local communities at the receiving end of this process have no recourse except direct action, resisting both the state and outside exploiters through a variety of protest techniques. These struggles might perhaps be seen as a manifestation of a new kind of class conflict.
Direction: Out of the given statements four of them can be grouped together to form a coherent paragraph. Identify one odd one out into the following sentences:
(1) This tax would promptly reduce that number and, because virtually all beginning smokers are young, would also dramatically reduce their numbers.
(2) Instead of gradually escalating the tax on cigarettes, I think that we should make as huge increase with real shock value.
(3) Currently, tobacco companies sell roughly 5billion packs of cigarettes each year.
(4) I propose rewarding the informant with the first $10,000 in recovered cash and cash raised from the sale of seized valuables.
(5) I propose that we immediately place an additional $3 tax on each package of cigarettes.
Direction: Out of the given statements four of them can be grouped together to form a coherent paragraph. Identify one odd one out into the following sentences:
(1) Incredible sources of strength and help are all over the place - just have to use them.
(2) One of my delights in life is being able to talk with my children and get from them.
(3) Frequently, the people who help me are of a team effort, and many never meet them.
(4) Sometimes, those sources come to me, but often I have to seek them out.
(5) Over the years, I have realized that I really am alone.
Direction: Out of the given statements four of them can be grouped together to form a coherent paragraph. Identify one odd one out into the following sentences:
(1) My memory of my first-grade teacher on my first day of school is painful and unforgettable.
(2) Whether mother and baby are able to bond immediately affects the physical and emotional health of the baby in a substantial way.
(3) Your parents, if they were there to raise you, had the greatest influence on your life.
(4) Feelings of love and security are establishing early.
(5) Research shows that when a mother is able to hold her baby immediately after birth, the bond between them is stronger and far more likely continue to grow than when that experience is delayed.
In the year 2020 Summer olympic Games, the top 3 winners in each event receive medals (Gold, Silver and Bronze for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd place respectively). Every single medal at the long distance running events was won by athletes from just 5 countries, Pakistan, Qatar, Russia, Sweden and Turkey. Ten athletes (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I and J) from these 5 countries participated. None of the 5 countries had more than 3 athletes representing it. Table 1 below gives the number of medals in long-distance running won by each country, while Table 2 gives the number of medals won by 9 of the athletes. There was no tie for any of the positions in the events under consideration.
Table 1
Table 2
Q. The five countries are ranked according to descending order of total points according to the following system: a Gold Medal is worth 3 points, a Silver is worth 2, and a Bronze is worth 1. Which country will be ranked 3rd?
In the year 2020 Summer olympic Games, the top 3 winners in each event receive medals (Gold, Silver and Bronze for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd place respectively). Every single medal at the long distance running events was won by athletes from just 5 countries, Pakistan, Qatar, Russia, Sweden and Turkey. Ten athletes (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I and J) from these 5 countries participated. None of the 5 countries had more than 3 athletes representing it. Table 1 below gives the number of medals in long-distance running won by each country, while Table 2 gives the number of medals won by 9 of the athletes. There was no tie for any of the positions in the events under consideration.
Table 1
Table 2
Q. The countries are now ranked in descending order of Gold medals won. If the number of Gold medals is the same, then the country with a higher number of Silver medals will be ranked higher. Under this system, how many countries will not change their ranking from that in the previous question?
In the year 2020 Summer olympic Games, the top 3 winners in each event receive medals (Gold, Silver and Bronze for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd place respectively). Every single medal at the long distance running events was won by athletes from just 5 countries, Pakistan, Qatar, Russia, Sweden and Turkey. Ten athletes (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I and J) from these 5 countries participated. None of the 5 countries had more than 3 athletes representing it. Table 1 below gives the number of medals in long-distance running won by each country, while Table 2 gives the number of medals won by 9 of the athletes. There was no tie for any of the positions in the events under consideration.
Table 1
Table 2
Q. How many athletes represent country Turkey?
In the year 2020 Summer olympic Games, the top 3 winners in each event receive medals (Gold, Silver and Bronze for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd place respectively). Every single medal at the long distance running events was won by athletes from just 5 countries, Pakistan, Qatar, Russia, Sweden and Turkey. Ten athletes (A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I and J) from these 5 countries participated. None of the 5 countries had more than 3 athletes representing it. Table 1 below gives the number of medals in long-distance running won by each country, while Table 2 gives the number of medals won by 9 of the athletes. There was no tie for any of the positions in the events under consideration.
Table 1
Table 2
Q. A country M is said to be crushed by a country N if N wins more medals than M in each category (Gold, Silver and Bronze). Which of the following is true about the 5 given countries?
Direction for question: The question given below is followed by two statements, A and B. Mark the answer using the following instructions:
Mark (a) if the question can be answered by using either statement alone.
Mark (b) if the question can be answered by using one of the statements alone, but cannot be answered by using the other statement alone.
Mark (c) if the question cannot be answered even by using both the statements together.
Mark (d) if the question can be answered by using both the statements together, but cannot be answered by using either statement alone.
Q. Each student in a class opts for one of the two foreign languages – French and Spanish. Six boys opt for French and eight girls opt for Spanish. What is the maximum possible number of girls who opt for French?
A. The total number of students in the class is 35.
B. The students who opt for Spanish are fewer than the students who opt for French.
1 videos|75 docs|469 tests
|
1 videos|75 docs|469 tests
|