IIFT Mock Test - 5


122 Questions MCQ Test IIFT Mock Test Series | IIFT Mock Test - 5


Description
This mock test of IIFT Mock Test - 5 for CAT helps you for every CAT entrance exam. This contains 122 Multiple Choice Questions for CAT IIFT Mock Test - 5 (mcq) to study with solutions a complete question bank. The solved questions answers in this IIFT Mock Test - 5 quiz give you a good mix of easy questions and tough questions. CAT students definitely take this IIFT Mock Test - 5 exercise for a better result in the exam. You can find other IIFT Mock Test - 5 extra questions, long questions & short questions for CAT on EduRev as well by searching above.
QUESTION: 1

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below shows the overview of World Economic Outlook projections released by the IMF (International Monetary Fund) for the period 2006-11. The percentage change is calculated on Economic Output (EO) for that region.

Which region has the second highest simple annual average percentage change in the given period including the percentage growth in 2006 over the previous year?

Solution:

Since the simple annual average percentage change is required, just calculate the arithmetic mean of the percentage change over the given period.

It can be seen from the table that the second highest simple average annual percentage change is for Developing Asia.

Hence, option 2.

Note: As the period is the same for each region, the answer can be found simply by taking the sum of the individual percentages and ignoring the average.

QUESTION: 2

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below shows the overview of World Economic Outlook projections released by the IMF (International Monetary Fund) for the period 2006-11. The percentage change is calculated on Economic Output (EO) for that region.

Q.

If the Economic Output of the United States in 2006 is twice that of 1 Marks Mexico in 2006, by what percentage is the Economic Output of the United States in 2008 more than that of Mexico in 2008?

Solution:

Let the Economic Output of Mexico in 2006 be x.

Thus, the Economic Output of the United States in 2006 will be 2x. Output of United States in 2008 = 2x x 1.02 x 1.004 = 2.04816x and, Output of Mexico in 2008 = x x 1.032 x 1.013 = 1.045416x

2.04816* - 1.045416*

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 3

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below shows the overview of World Economic Outlook projections released by the IMF (International Monetary Fund) for the period 2006-11. The percentage change is calculated on Economic Output (EO) for that region.

Q.

What is the numerical difference between percentage increase in the world Output in 2009 to the average percentage increase in Output per region in 2009?

Solution:

Percentage increase in world Output in 2009 = -0.8

Required difference = -0.62 -(-0.8) = 0.18 Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 4

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below shows the overview of World Economic Outlook projections released by the IMF (International Monetary Fund) for the period 2006-11. The percentage change is calculated on Economic Output (EO) for that region.

Q.

The Economic Output of the Middle East and CIS countries was the same in 2005. The Economic Output of the CIS countries in 2008 was what percentage of that of the Middle East in 2008?

Solution:

Let the Economic Output of the Middle East and CIS countries in

2005 be x.

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 5

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below shows the overview of World Economic Outlook projections released by the IMF (International Monetary Fund) for the period 2006-11. The percentage change is calculated on Economic Output (EO) for that region.

Q.

If the Economic Output of the CIS countries was the same in 2007 1 Marks as well as in 2011, what was the ratio of the Economic Output of the CIS countries in 2006 to their Economic Output in 2010?

Solution:

Let the Economic Output of the CIS countries in 2006 and 2010 be x and y respectively.

Since their Economic Output was the same in 2007 and 2011, 1.086x= 1.04y

.-.x: y= 1.04:1.086 = 520: 543 Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 6

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Pappu and his five friends visited ‘Heart Rock Cafe’ on New-year’s eve. Cocktails are priced according to the cost of ingredients used. Further there is an extra service charge of Rs. 50 per glass of cocktail served.

The per bottle (1000 ml) cost of Vodka, Rum, Tequila, Brandy, Juice and Cola is Rs. 1,500, Rs.750, Rs. 2,200, Rs. 500, Rs. 300 and Rs. 100 respectively.

Table 1 shows the break up (by volume) of each drink, for eg - 27 units of Blue Hawaii contains 3 units of Vodka and 7 units of Rum.

Table 2 shows the number of glasses of different cocktails consumed by each friend e.g. - Mathews consumed 3 glasses of Blue Hawaii.

Analyze the following table and answer the subsequent questions.

Q.

How much money was spent on Tequila (excluding the service charges)?

Solution:

Parts of Tequila in Blue Hawaii, Cuba Libre, Screwdriver, Mojito, Metropolitan and Pina Colada are 2/27, 1/24, 4/27, 0, 0 and 3/24 respectively.

Number of glasses of Blue Hawaii, Cuba Libre, Screwdriver,

Mojito, Metropolitan and Pina Colada consumed are 11,23, 9, 15,

10 and 21 respectively.

Volume consumed = 0.2 * [11(2/27) + 23(1/24) + 9(4/27) + 21(3/24)]

= 0.2 x (22/27 + 23/24 + 36/27 + 63/24)

= 0.2 x (58/27 +86/24) = 1.15 litres.

Money spent = 1.15 x 2200 « Rs. 2,500 Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 7

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Pappu and his five friends visited ‘Heart Rock Cafe’ on New-year’s eve. Cocktails are priced according to the cost of ingredients used. Further there is an extra service charge of Rs. 50 per glass of cocktail served.

The per bottle (1000 ml) cost of Vodka, Rum, Tequila, Brandy, Juice and Cola is Rs. 1,500, Rs.750, Rs. 2,200, Rs. 500, Rs. 300 and Rs. 100 respectively.

Table 1 shows the break up (by volume) of each drink, for eg - 27 units of Blue Hawaii contains 3 units of Vodka and 7 units of Rum.

Table 2 shows the number of glasses of different cocktails consumed by each friend e.g. - Mathews consumed 3 glasses of Blue Hawaii.

Analyze the following table and answer the subsequent questions.

Q.

If Vodka, Rum, Tequila and Brandy fall under the category of ‘Liquor’, which of the following cocktails has the highest concentration of liquor?

 

 

Solution:

Concentration of liquor in each cocktail is:

Blue Hawaii = (3+ 7 + 2 + 1)/(3+ 7 + 2 + 1+14 + 0) = 13/27 Similarly,

Cuba Libre = 17/24 Screwdriver = 16/27 Mojito = 8/19 Metropolitan = 11/24 Pina Colada = 14/24

Since 17/24 is the largest of these fractions, the maximum concentration of liquor is in Cuba Libre.

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 8

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Pappu and his five friends visited ‘Heart Rock Cafe’ on New-year’s eve. Cocktails are priced according to the cost of ingredients used. Further there is an extra service charge of Rs. 50 per glass of cocktail served.

The per bottle (1000 ml) cost of Vodka, Rum, Tequila, Brandy, Juice and Cola is Rs. 1,500, Rs.750, Rs. 2,200, Rs. 500, Rs. 300 and Rs. 100 respectively.

Table 1 shows the break up (by volume) of each drink, for eg - 27 units of Blue Hawaii contains 3 units of Vodka and 7 units of Rum.

Table 2 shows the number of glasses of different cocktails consumed by each friend e.g. - Mathews consumed 3 glasses of Blue Hawaii.

Analyze the following table and answer the subsequent questions.

Q.

Who among the following consumed maximum amount of Vodka?

 

 

Solution:

Vodka is present only in Blue Hawaii and Screw-driver. Let Blue Hawaii be denoted as b and Screwdriver as s

Blue Hawaii has 1 part out of 9 as Vodka and Screwdriver has 4 parts out of 9 as Vodka.

Hence w.r.t Vodka, 4 Glasses (200 ml) of Blue-Hawaii equals 1 Glass of Screw-Driver.

i.e. 4b = s

By simple observation, Antony has consumed 5 glasses of Vodka i.e. 20b parts of Vodka which is not matched by anyone else.

Hence, option 3.

Alternatively,

Vodka is present only in Blue Hawaii and Screwdriver.

Mathews: (3 x 3/27) + (1 x 12/27) = 21/27

Thomas: (4 x 3/27) + (0 x 12/27) = 12/27

Jacob: (1 x 3/27) + (1 x 12/27) = 15/27

Pappu: (0 x 3/27) + (2 x 12/27) = 24/27

Neville: (3 x 3/27) + (0 x 12/27) = 9/27

Antony: (0 x 3/27) + (5 x 12/27) = 60/27

Thus, Antony consumed maximum volume of Vodka.

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 9

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Pappu and his five friends visited ‘Heart Rock Cafe’ on New-year’s eve. Cocktails are priced according to the cost of ingredients used. Further there is an extra service charge of Rs. 50 per glass of cocktail served.

The per bottle (1000 ml) cost of Vodka, Rum, Tequila, Brandy, Juice and Cola is Rs. 1,500, Rs.750, Rs. 2,200, Rs. 500, Rs. 300 and Rs. 100 respectively.

Table 1 shows the break up (by volume) of each drink, for eg - 27 units of Blue Hawaii contains 3 units of Vodka and 7 units of Rum.

Table 2 shows the number of glasses of different cocktails consumed by each friend e.g. - Mathews consumed 3 glasses of Blue Hawaii.

Analyze the following table and answer the subsequent questions.

Q.

If each of Pappu’s friends paid their respective bills, how much did Pappu shell out?

 

 

 

Solution:

Pappu had 5, 2, 2, 1 and 5 glasses of Cuba Libre, Screwdriver, Mojito, Metropolitan and Pina Colada respectively.

Total service charge = (5 + 2 + 2 + 1 + 5) x 50 = Rs. 750

Pappu consumed:

Vodka: 2 * 12/27 = 24/27 = 0.89

Cost = 0.89 x (200/1000) x 1500 = Rs. 267

Rum: (5 x 13/24) + (2 x 8/19) + (1 x 4/24) + (5 x 4/24) = 4.55

Cost = 4.55 x (200/1000) x 750 = Rs. 683

Tequila: (5 x 1/24) + (2 x 4/27) + (5 x 3/24) = 1.13

Cost = 1.13 x (200/1000) x 2200 = Rs. 497

Brandy: (5 x 3/24) + (1 x 7/24) + (5 x 7/24) = 2.375

Cost = 2.375 x (200/1000) x 500 = Rs. 237

Juice: (5 x 2/24) + (2 x 11/27) + (2 x 9/19) + (1 x 6/24) + (5 x 6/24) = 3.68

Cost = 3.68 x (200/1000) x 300 = Rs. 220

Cola: (5 x 5/24) + (2 x 2/19) + (1 x 7/24) + (5 x4/24) = 2.38

Cost = 2.38 x (200/1000) x 100 = Rs. 47

Total Bill = 750 + 267 +683 + 497 + 237 + 220 + 47 * Rs 2700

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 10

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Pappu and his five friends visited ‘Heart Rock Cafe’ on New-year’s eve. Cocktails are priced according to the cost of ingredients used. Further there is an extra service charge of Rs. 50 per glass of cocktail served.

The per bottle (1000 ml) cost of Vodka, Rum, Tequila, Brandy, Juice and Cola is Rs. 1,500, Rs.750, Rs. 2,200, Rs. 500, Rs. 300 and Rs. 100 respectively.

Table 1 shows the break up (by volume) of each drink, for eg - 27 units of Blue Hawaii contains 3 units of Vodka and 7 units of Rum.

Table 2 shows the number of glasses of different cocktails consumed by each friend e.g. - Mathews consumed 3 glasses of Blue Hawaii.

Analyze the following table and answer the subsequent questions.

Q.

Who among the group is suffering from diabetes, if it is known that he would consume minimum sugar? (Assume that sugar is present only in Cola)

 

 

 

Solution:

Cola is present in Cuba Libre, Mojito, Metropolitan and Pina Colada.

Neville’s consumption of each of the above cocktails is less than or equal to that of Mathews, Thomas and Pappu.

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 11

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Table 1 shows the number of high net worth individuals (HNWI), very high net worth individuals (VHNWI) and ultra high net worth individuals (UHNWI) in six countries for the year 2015. All values are in millions.

HNWI have assets worth atleast 1 million US $., VHNWI have assets worth atleast 5 million US $ and UHNWI have assets worth atleast 30 million US $.

Table 2 shows the population distribution across the globe for the same year.

Table 1:

Table 2:

Based on the given data, answer the subsequent questions.

. Q.

If the countries in table 1 were to be ranked according to their total 1 Marks population with the country having the highest and least population ranked first and sixth respectively, which of the top three countries would have the least UHNWI to HNWI ratio?

 

Solution:

Considering the countries in table 1 and taking into account the total population from table 2, the top 3 countries in descending order of population are China, India and USA.Calculate the UHNWI: HNWI ratio for these three countries:China = 0.55/7.40 = 0.074India = 0.30/5.55 = 0.054USA = 0.40/6.30 = 0.063Thus, India has the least ratio. Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 12

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Table 1 shows the number of high net worth individuals (HNWI), very high net worth individuals (VHNWI) and ultra high net worth individuals (UHNWI) in six countries for the year 2015. All values are in millions.

HNWI have assets worth atleast 1 million US $., VHNWI have assets worth atleast 5 million US $ and UHNWI have assets worth atleast 30 million US $.

Table 2 shows the population distribution across the globe for the same year.

Table 1:

Table 2:

Based on the given data, answer the subsequent questions.

. Q.

Which country in table 1 has got the highest percentage of VHNWI (but not UHNWI) with respect to its total population? (Assume the total population across globe is 5 .95 billion)

 

Solution:

Table below shows the number of  HNWI who are not UHNWI and population distribution for each country.

In order to find the country which has the highest required percentage w.r.t. its total population, you do not need to find the actual population of each country (as the percentage figure for each country is given w.r.t the same base).

In other, you need to only take the ratio of the second and third column of the table.

This ratio for each country is:

Brazil = 0.65/4 = 0.1625

Russia = 0.75/7 = 0.107

India = 2.3/17 = 0.135

China = 3.25/21 =0.155

South Africa = 0.65/2 = 0.325

USA = 1.7/9 = 0.188

Thus, South Africa has the highest percentage.

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 13

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Table 1 shows the number of high net worth individuals (HNWI), very high net worth individuals (VHNWI) and ultra high net worth individuals (UHNWI) in six countries for the year 2015. All values are in millions.

HNWI have assets worth atleast 1 million US $., VHNWI have assets worth atleast 5 million US $ and UHNWI have assets worth atleast 30 million US $.

Table 2 shows the population distribution across the globe for the same year.

Table 1:

Table 2:

Based on the given data, answer the subsequent questions.

. Q.

In USA, if the total number of HNWI who are neither VHNWI nor UHNWI is 0.667 % of its population, what is the percentage of HNWI in Russia?

 

Solution:

In USA, the number of HNWI who are neither VHNWI nor UHNWI = 6.30 - 2.10 = 4.20 million = 2/3 % of USA’s total population.

Population of USA = 4.2 x(3/2) x100 = 630 million

Also, the population of USA and Russia is respectively 9% and 7% of the world population.

Total population of Russia = 630 x (7/9) = 490 million

The number of HNWI in Russia = 2.20 million

Required percentage = (2.20/490) xlOO « 0.45%

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 14

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Table 1 shows the number of high net worth individuals (HNWI), very high net worth individuals (VHNWI) and ultra high net worth individuals (UHNWI) in six countries for the year 2015. All values are in millions.

HNWI have assets worth atleast 1 million US $., VHNWI have assets worth atleast 5 million US $ and UHNWI have assets worth atleast 30 million US $.

Table 2 shows the population distribution across the globe for the same year.

Table 1:

Table 2:

Based on the given data, answer the subsequent questions.

. Q.

Assuming that no individual has personal assets over 50 million US $, what is the maximum possible per capita asset of India, if HNWI contributes to 35% of all the assets? (Use data from previous question if required)

 

Solution:

In India,

Number of people having assets in the range: 1000000 - 5000000 US $ = 5.55 - 2.60 = 2.95 million

Maximum assets = 2.95 x 106 x 5 xio6 = 14.75 xio12 US $

Number of people having assets in the range: 5000000 - 30000000 US $ = 2.60 - 0.30 = 2.30 million

Maximum assets = 2.30 x 106 x 30 xio6 = 69 xio12 US $
v No individual has personal assets over 50 million US $.

Number of people having assets in the range: 30000000 - 50000000 US $ = 0.30 million

Maximum assets = 0.30 x 106 x 50 *106 = 15 xio12 US $

Total assets of HNWI = 98.75 xio12 US $

HNWI contributes to 35% of all the assets.

Total assets of entire population in India = 98.75 xio12 x (100/35) « 282 xio12 US $

From the previous question, population of India = 630 million x (17/9) = 1190 million

Maximum possible per capita asset of India = (282 xio12)/

(1190 xio6)* 237000 US$

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 15

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below is the data that the team selectors of Cricket India used to select the players for a particular tournament. The table gives the total runs scored by senior and junior cricket players in their last 10 matches. In the table, the 60 players are divided in to 18 groups based on their total score in their last 10 matches. The table also gives the total score of the players scoring maximum and minimum runs in their last 10 matches in their respective groups. Senior players are those who played more than 100 matches. Junior players are those who played less than 50 matches.

Q.

The percentage of junior players that scored a total of 297 or below is

Solution:

The total number of junior players is 30.

Junior players who scored a total of 297 or below are in groups A, B, C, D and E.

In group E, there are only 2 junior players. The maximum total score of a player in the group is 372, and the minimum total score is 281.

One player must have scored 372 and the other player must have scored 281.

1 player in group E has a total score less than 297.

All the players from groups A, B, C and D have scored less than 297 runs.

The number of junior players who scored a total of 297 or below =2+8+7+1+1=19

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 16

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below is the data that the team selectors of Cricket India used to select the players for a particular tournament. The table gives the total runs scored by senior and junior cricket players in their last 10 matches. In the table, the 60 players are divided in to 18 groups based on their total score in their last 10 matches. The table also gives the total score of the players scoring maximum and minimum runs in their last 10 matches in their respective groups. Senior players are those who played more than 100 matches. Junior players are those who played less than 50 matches.

Q.

Which of the following statements is true?

Solution:

From the given table, we find the maximum and minimum number of players who could have scored between the ranges 51-100,

101-150, 151-200 and so on.

The minimum score of no player is less than 100.

The minimum and maximum number of players who could have scored between 51 and 100 is 0.

Now consider the range 101-150:

There is only one senior player in group A, and he has scored 123.

The minimum and maximum number of senior players who could have scored between 101 and 150 is 1. Among juniors, there are 2 players in group A. Clearly, the total score of one of these is 192 and the total score of the other is 143.

The minimum and maximum number of junior players who could have scored between 101 and 150 is 1.

Now consider the range 151-200:

Among the 4 seniors in group B, the minimum total score is 183.

The maximum total score is 221, which is greater than 200.

The minimum number of players who have scored in the range 151-200, is 1 and the maximum is 3 (at least one player has scored 221).

Among the 8 juniors in group B, at least 1 and at most 7 could have scored between 151-200.

In group C, at least 1 and at most 6 could have scored between 151-200. Also, one junior from group A has scored between 151- 200.

The minimum number of players who have scored in the range 151-200, is 1 + 1 + 1 = 3 and the maximum is 7 + 6 + 1 = 14

Continuing in this manner, we have the following:

 

From the table, the number of juniors scoring between 401 and 450 is at most 5.

••• Option 1 is true.

Option 2 is false, because the number of seniors scoring between 501 and 550 (both values inclusive) is at least 3.

Option 3 is false, because, there is no one among the juniors who scores between 301 to 350 (both values inclusive).

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 17

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below is the data that the team selectors of Cricket India used to select the players for a particular tournament. The table gives the total runs scored by senior and junior cricket players in their last 10 matches. In the table, the 60 players are divided in to 18 groups based on their total score in their last 10 matches. The table also gives the total score of the players scoring maximum and minimum runs in their last 10 matches in their respective groups. Senior players are those who played more than 100 matches. Junior players are those who played less than 50 matches.

Q.

The percentage of players who scored between 251 and 300 runs (both values inclusive) is at least:

Solution:

From the table given in the answer to the second question of this set, the minimum number of players who score between 251 to 300 (both values inclusive) = 6

The required percentage = X 100 = 10%

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 18

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below is the data that the team selectors of Cricket India used to select the players for a particular tournament. The table gives the total runs scored by senior and junior cricket players in their last 10 matches. In the table, the 60 players are divided in to 18 groups based on their total score in their last 10 matches. The table also gives the total score of the players scoring maximum and minimum runs in their last 10 matches in their respective groups. Senior players are those who played more than 100 matches. Junior players are those who played less than 50 matches.

Q.

Which of the following statements is true?

Solution:

Referring to the table given in the solution of the second question of the set we can say that,

The number of juniors scoring more than 350, but less than 401 is exactly 2.

Option 1 is false.

The number of juniors scoring more than 150, but less than 201 is at most 14.

Option 2 is true.

The number of seniors scoring more than 400 but less than 451 is

at most 1.

••• Option 3 is false.

The number of seniors scoring more than 550 but less than 601 is at least 2.

••• Option 4 is false.

Hence, option 2

QUESTION: 19

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The table below is the data that the team selectors of Cricket India used to select the players for a particular tournament. The table gives the total runs scored by senior and junior cricket players in their last 10 matches. In the table, the 60 players are divided in to 18 groups based on their total score in their last 10 matches. The table also gives the total score of the players scoring maximum and minimum runs in their last 10 matches in their respective groups. Senior players are those who played more than 100 matches. Junior players are those who played less than 50 matches.

Q.

Which of the following statements is false?

Solution:

From the table given in the answer to the second question of this set, we can see that,

The number of juniors scoring less than 501 but more than 450 is at most 3.

The statement in option 3 is false.

All the other statements are true.

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 20

Solution:

Comparing it with the original RHS, a = 2, b = -6 and c = 2

a + b + c = 2 - 6 + 2 = - 2

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 21

In a test containing 10 questions, the probability that a student will attempt at least 4 questions is twice the probability that the student will attempt at most 2 questions. If the probability that the student will attempt exactly 3 questions is 0.07, what is the probability that the student will attempt at most 3 questions?

Solution:

Let the number of questions attempted by the student be n. Let P(n > 4) = 2p P{n <2 ) = p Also, P{n = 3) = 0.07 Now, P(n < 2) + P{n = 3) + P{n > 4) = 1

p + 0.07 + 2p = 1 3p = 0.93 ••• p = 0.31

P(n < 3) = P(n < 2) + P{n = 3) = p + 0.07 = 0.38 Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 22

There are 100 vehicles parked in a parking lot. These vehicles are two wheelers, three wheelers or four wheelers. Parking cost for 2 wheelers, 3 wheelers and 4 wheelers is Rs. 5, Rs. 7 and Rs. 10 respectively. What is the maximum possible income from the parking charges if number of tyres in the lot is 300? (Spare tyres are not counted.)

Solution:

Let x be the number of two-wheelers, y be the number of three- wheelers and z be the number of four-wheelers in the parking lot.

x + y + z = 100              ... (I)

And,

2x + 3y + 4z = 300            ... (II)

(II) - 2(l) will give, y + 2z = 100         ...(III)

As 50 and z are integers, p will be an integer.

y=2p

Substituting this in (III) we get, z = 50 - p

 x = 50 - p

Total income from parking charges will be,

5 x (50 - p) + 7 x 2p + 10 x (50 - p) = 750 - p The total income will be maximum when p is minimum.

Now, as y ≥ 0,

0 ≤ p

Minimum possible value of p is 0.

Maximum possible total income = 750 - 0 = 750

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 23

Sahil is twice as efficient as Giraj. Sahil takes 6 days to construct a wall and 4 days to demolish the wall. Sahil and Giraj work on alternate days. Sahil only constructs the wall, but Giraj demolishes it on every alternate day of his work.(i.e., on his first day at work, he constructs the wall and on his 2nd day at work, he demolishes the wall) If Sahil starts construction of the wall, on which day the wall will be complete?

Solution:

Sahil constructs the wall in 6 days and demolishes in 4 days.

Giraj constructs the wall in 12 days and demolishes in 8 days. Sahil works on day 1, day 3, day 5, day 7 and so on. Giraj works on day 2, day 4, day 6, day 8 and so on. Workdone by them on consecutive days is

Thus, the wall gets completed on the 11th day.

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 24

The measure of major arc is 56° less than 3 times the measure of minor arc. Find the measure of the minor and major arcs.

Solution:

Let the measure of the minor arc be x°.

Measure of the major arc is = 3x° - 56.

v x° + 3x° - 56° = 360°

x° = 104°

Measure of the major arc = 3 x 104° - 56° = 256° Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 25

By what percentage does the curved surface area of a cone increase if its radius and the height increase proportionately to 4 times the original sizes?

Solution:

Initial curved surface area of the cone = -πr1/1 where r^ is the initial radius and A| is the initial slant height. New curved surface area =πr2l2

It is given that, r2 = 4r<| and h2 = 4

Slant height l12 = r12 + h12 l22 = r22 + h22 = (4r1)2 + (4h1)2 =

16(r12+ h12)

= 16/12

Thus, I2 = 4l1

New curved surface area = πr2l2


Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 26

A man can alone finish a piece of work in 8 days, while a woman can finish the same work in 16 days. They start working together and Man quits after 2 days. Woman continues. After 3 days man is called back for work. Then after 1 day woman quits work and remaining work is done by Man. What is the ratio of work done by man to work done by woman?

Solution:

She work for 6 days

Hence option 1. 

QUESTION: 27

A ladder of length 15m is resting on a wall such that, the height of the top of the ladder from the ground is 9 m. The ladder takes the support of two cubical boxes as shown in the figure. Find the approximate length of the side of the smaller box.

Solution:

ACG is a right triangle with CG = 12 m (15, 12 and 9 form a Pythagorean triplet).

Let the sides of the large and small boxes be y and x m respectively.

Triangles ABD and ACG are similar.

36 - 4y = 3y y = 36/7 m

Triangles DEH and ACG are similar.

4(5.14 - x) = 3x

x = (4 x 5.14)/7 2.94 m

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 28

There were three possible outcomes in a football match between Germany and England - win for Germany, win for England or a draw. The probability that the match does not end in a draw is 0.6. The probability that Germany does not lose is 0.75. What is the probability that England wins the match?

Solution:

Let P (E), P (G) and P (D) denote the probability that the match ends in a win for England, a win for Germany and a draw respectively. E, G and D are mutually exclusive events.

P(E) + P(G) + P(D) = 1 ... (i)

If Germany does not lose, it either wins or the match ends in a draw.

P(G) + P(D) = 0.75... (ii)

From (i) and (ii),

P(E) = 1 - 0.75 = 0.25 Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 29

Out of 135 students in a class, 60 play cricket, 80 play football and 75 play tennis. 25 students play both cricket and football, 36 students play both cricket and tennis and 40 students play both football and tennis. How many students play all three sports if each student in the class plays at least one sport?

Solution:

Consider the Venn diagram shown below:

Since all students participate in at least 1 sport,

a + b + c + d + e + f+ g = 135 ... (i)

Also, a + d + f+ g = 60 ... (ii) b + d+e + g = 80... (iii) c + e + f+ g = 75 ... (iv)

(ii) + (iii) + (iv) gives

(a + b + c) + 2 (d + e + f) + 3g = 215 ... (v)

(v) - (i) gives

{d+ e + f) + 2g = 80 ... (vi)

Finally, d+ g = 25 ... (vii) e + g = 40 ... (viii) f + g = 36 ... (ix)

Adding (vii), (viii) and (ix) gives,

(d + e + f) + 3g = 101 ... (x)

(x) - (vi) gives g = 21 Hence, option 2

QUESTION: 30

To test the stress bearing capacity of a material, the force applied on it is increased in steps.

If f(n) is the force applied in the nth step, then it is given by f(n) = f(n -1) + b*n. If the maximum force that can be applied for testing is 55000 Newton then what will be the number of steps required to check the strength of the strongest material. f( 1) = 1000 Newton and f(2) = 3000 Newton.

Solution:

f(2) = f(1) + 2b

b= 1000

/(n)= f{n- 1) + 1000a?

f(2) = f(1) + 1000a? = 1000 + 2000 f(3) = f(2) + 1000(3) = 1000 + 2000 + 3000

Similarly, f{4) = 1000 + 2000 + 3000 + 4000

f(n) = 1000 + 2000 + 3000 +...+ 1000n

= 1000(1 + 2+ 3 + ...n)

= n(n + 1) x 500

Now for the strongest material f(/i) is given as 55000 Newton

n(n + 1) x 500 = 55000

n = 10

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 31

Jyothish is a shopkeeper who bought an item from a manufacturer and sells it after two successive discounts of 8% and 15% on the selling price. After this transaction he makes a profit of Rs. 2,377. Had he sold it after only one discount of 15%, he would have made a profit of Rs. 3,975. What was the original selling price of the item and at what price did he buy the item from the manufacturer?

 

Solution:

Let the original selling price be S and the price at which he bought the item from the manufacturer be C.

S x 0.92 x 0.85 = 2377 + C........... (i)

S x 0.85 = 3975 + C........... (ii)

(ii) - (i) gives

Sx 0.85x0.08 = 1598

S = 23500

Substituting the value of S in equation (ii), C = 16000 Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 32

 

Eight married couples participate in a mixed double tennis event. Two teams consisting of two players each play in a match. In how many ways can a set of four players be selected for one match such that no husband and wife play in the same team?

Solution:

For team 1, the man can be selected in 8C-| ways.

Since his wife cannot be in his team, his partner can be selected in 7C-| ways.

For team 2, the man can be selected in 7C«| ways.

Now, there are two cases possible:

Case 1: The woman in team 1 is the wife of the man in team 2.

In this case, the man in team 2 has a choice of 7 female partners i.e. his partner can be selected in 7C<| ways.

Case 2: The woman in team 1 is not the wife of the man in team 2.

In this case, the man in team 2 has a choice of only 6 female partners i.e. excluding the woman in team 1 and his wife. So, his partner can be selected in 6C«| ways.

Total number of teams = 8C<| x 7C-| x 7C<| (6C-| + 7C<|) = 8 x 7 x 7(6 + 7) = 5096

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 33

A planetarium has been made in the shape of a hemisphere. A unique viewing room, shaped as a cube, is to be made inside the planetarium. If this room is to be made as large as possible, what is the length of the room? The radius of the planetarium is 12 m.

Solution:

The given situation is the same as putting the largest possible cube inscribed in a hemisphere, as shown below:

Let the radius of the hemisphere be R and length of side the cube be a.

Note that the points A, B, C, D, E, F, G and H all touch the surface of the hemisphere, O is the centre of the hemisphere and M is the point directly above O on the top face of the cube.

Now,

OG = R and OM = a

OG2 = OM2 + MG2

Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 34

In a family, there are four members. The father is 38 years older than his son, and the mother is 26 years older than her daughter. The sum of their ages today is 82. All members are at least one year old. Eight years ago, the sum of their ages was 57. Which of these is a possible value for the age of the son in 10 years?

Solution:

Let the son’s age today be X years and the daughter’s age be Y years.

The father’s age is (X + 38) years, and the mother’s age is (Y + 26) years.

We haveX+ Y + X+ 38 + Y+ 26 = 82, orX+ Y=9.

Let us assume that both the children were born at least 8 years ago.

The sum of the ages of the four members of the family 8 years ago would have been atleast 8 x 4 = 32 years less than the sum of the present ages of the four members of the family.

However, we can clearly see that this is not the case.

The sum of their ages 8 years ago, was not 82 - 32 = 50 but 82 - 25 = 57.

Out of the 25 years which are subtracted, 16 are accounted for by the parents, because they were definitely both alive 8 years previously.

Nine years are accounted for by the children. The only information we get from this is that X + Y = 9, which we already knew.

Thus, X (which is the age of the son) can be anything between 1 and 8 inclusive.

The maximum possible value is 8, giving us that the son can be a maximum of 18 years old after 10 years.

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 35

Solution:

2(124+ B) = 3C

12A+ B= 1.5C

B=1.5C-12A

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 36

Two alloys, weighing 5 kg and 15 kg, contain different percentage of copper in them. One piece of equal weight was cut off from both the alloys. The piece cut from the first alloy was mixed with the remnants of the second alloy and the piece cut from the second alloy was mixed with the remnants of the first alloy. As a result, the percentage of copper in both the alloys became the same. What was the weight of each cut-off piece?

Solution:

Let a and b the percentages of copper in alloy 1 and alloy 2 respectively. Let x be the weight of the cut off piece. After the piece is cut-off from alloy 1:

Based on how the pieces are mixed again,

3(5a - xa + xb) = 15b - 15xb + xa

15a - 15xa + 3 xb = 15b - 15xb + xa

15(a - b) - 4x(a - b) = 0

4x = 15

x = 3.75

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 37

What is the total number of ways in which 8 boys and 6 girls can be seated in a row such that all girls are together and also a particular boy and a particular girl are always together?

Solution:

Since all the girls need to sit together and a particular girl will sit with a particular boy, we can say that first we need to arrange 5 girls and after arranging these 5 girls, the particular girl who wants to sit with a particular boy can be seated at either end and the particular boy will sit beside her.

Hence the number of ways of arranging the 5 girls and a particular girl who sits with a particular boy = 2x5!

Number of ways in which the7 boys (who are left after fixing the position of the particular boy who sits with a particular case) and the group of 6 girls and the boy (which we consider as one entity) can be arranged = 8!

The total number of ways = 8! x 2 x 5! = 240 x 8!

Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 38

Fresh grapes contain 60% water while dry grapes contain only 15%. What weight of fresh grapes (in kg) would yield 300 kg of dry grapes?

Solution:

Let x kg be the weight of fresh grapes that give 300 kg of dry grapes.

Quantity of water in 300 kg of dry grapes = 15% of 300 = 45 kg

Quantity of pulp = 300 - 45 = 255 kg

This value remains fixed irrespective of whether the grapes are dry or fresh.

Since fresh grapes have 60% water, they have 40% pulp.

Hence, 255 kg corresponds to 40% of the weight of fresh grapes.

Weight of fresh grapes = 255/0.4 = 637.5 kg Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 39

Solution:

Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 40

Rajesh , Gaurav and Ajay run a race on a 1000 m track. Rajesh starts the race 20 m behind the start line and Ajay starts it 40 m ahead of the start line. Gaurav starts it on the start line itself. Rajesh finishes the race 20 seconds before Gaurav, who finishes 10 seconds before Ajay. If Gaurav beats Ajay by 10 m, what is the ratio of the speeds of Rajesh, Gaurav and Ajay respectively?

 

Solution:

Since Rajesh runs the maximum distance but still finishes before Gaurav and Ajay, his speed has to be the highest.

Hence, option 3 can be eliminated.

Distance to be run by Rajesh, Gaurav and Ajay is (1000 + 20), 1000 and (1000 - 40) i.e. 1020, 1000 and 960 m respectively.

Let Gaurav finish the race in t seconds.

Hence, time taken by Rajesh = (f - 20) seconds and time taken by Ajay = (t + 10) seconds

Since Gaurav beats Ajay by 10 m, total distance covered by Ajay in t seconds (which is time taken by Gaurav) = 1000 - 10 - 40 = 950 m

Hence, in the same time, distance of Gaurav : distance of Ajay = 1000:950 = 20: 19

For constant time, distance is proportional to speed.

Speed of Gaurav : speed of Ajay = 20:19 None of the options satisfies this condition.

Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 41

Given that (2x + y): (y- 2x) = (y- x): (x + 2y)

Find the value of (x * z) if x, y and z are in continued proportion and z is 63 more than x.

Solution:

2x2 + 4xy + xy+ 2y2 = y2 - xy - 2xy + 2x2

y2 = - 8xy

y = - 8x

As x, y and z are in continued proportion.

(x x z) = y2 = 64x2

z = 64x

z - x = 63x = 63

x = 1

(x * z) = 64 Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 42

Select the correct Cricketer - Book match:

Solution:

The correct match is

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 43

What is the rank of the economy of India in the world by nominal GDP, as per the United Nations?

Solution:
QUESTION: 44

Which of the following teams won the 2016 ICC World Twenty20 Cricket World Cup?

Solution:
QUESTION: 45

Select the correct Business Merger Purchaser - Purchased - Year match

Solution:

AOL acquired Time Warner in 2000.

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 46

As per the Global Competitiveness Index 2015-2016, which among the following countries have the highest and the least rank according to the World Economic Forum? In each option first name is indicated for highest rank and second name for the least rank.

Solution:
QUESTION: 47

Which Indian president was involved in the struggle for Irish independence?

Solution:

V.V. Giri, India's president from 1969 to 1974, studied in Dublin, Ireland, where he became involved in the movement to free Ireland from British rule. Option 2.

QUESTION: 48

Match the mountain, country and continent.

Solution:
QUESTION: 49

Keshav Bansal, the Director of Intex technologies is the owner of which IPL team?

Solution:
QUESTION: 50

Which of the following countries is a member of the G20 group of developing countries?

Solution:

Thailand is a member of the G20 group of developing nations.Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 51

Which of the following companies launched India's first indigenous zero emission electric bus?

Solution:
QUESTION: 52

'Gram Uday Se Bharat Uday Abhiyan' has been launched in which year?

Solution:
QUESTION: 53

The Nebula Award is given to novels in which literary genre?

Solution:

The Nebula Award is given annually for a book of science fiction. The first was given to Frank Herbert for Dune in 1965.Option 3.

QUESTION: 54

Who was appointed as the new Director General of Foreign Trade in October 2016?

Solution:
QUESTION: 55

Which international organization is responsible for prosecuting criminals charged with war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity?

Solution:

The International Criminal Court is a permanent tribunal to prosecute individuals for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression (although it cannot, until at least 2017, exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression). Option 2.

QUESTION: 56

Which Article of the Constitution of India contains the provison for 'Protection of life and personal liberty'?

Solution:
QUESTION: 57

Which of these is not a German manufactured car?

Solution:
QUESTION: 58

Which of the following former ministers have been selected for the Sri Maharshi Valmiki Jayanti Award 2016-17?

 

Solution:
QUESTION: 59

Match the following.

Solution:

Homai Vyarawala was India's first woman photojoumalist. Kadambani Ganguly was India's first female doctor. Cornelia Sorabji was India's first female advocate. Sucheta Kripalani was the first woman Chief Minister of Indian State.

Option 1.

QUESTION: 60

Who is the Vice-President of Board of Control for Cricket in India?

Solution:
QUESTION: 61

Which of the following was not acquired by the TATA group?

Solution:

Arcelor was acquired by Mittal Steel. The rest are acquisitions made by various companies of the TATA group.Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 62

Where is the headquarters of the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR) located?

Solution:
QUESTION: 63

Match the political party name mentioned in column 1 with their symbols given in column 2.


Solution:
QUESTION: 64

Which Indian sportsperson has been appointed as a member of the International Olympic Committee's IOC Athletes' Commission?

Solution:
QUESTION: 65

A phobia is a persistent and irrational fear. What is the fear of thunder and lightning called?

Solution:
QUESTION: 66

Who inaugurated the National Summit on Fortification of Food to address the issue of micro nutrient malnutrition held in Delhi?

Solution:
QUESTION: 67

Which of the following constitutional posts has a fixed term of office?

Solution:

The President, according to Article 56 of the Constitution, enjoys his post for 5 years and can only be removed by a complicated impeachment process, akin to the President of the USA. The Prime Minister's term lasts only as long as his Cabinet enjoys the confidence of the Parliament. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court holds his post till the retirement age of 65. TheGovernor of a State, appointed by the President, holds his position only at the pleasure of the President and may be recalled by the President at any time. Option 1.

QUESTION: 68

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

My father's family name being Pirrip, and my Christian name Philip, my infant tongue could make of both names nothing longer or more explicit than Pip. So, I called myself Pip, and came to be called Pip.

I give Pirrip as my father's family name, on the authority of his tombstone and my sister, Mrs. Joe Gargery, who married the blacksmith. As I never saw my father or my mother, and never saw any likeness of either of them (for their days were long before the days of photographs), my first fancies regarding what they were like were unreasonably derived from their tombstones. The shape of the letters on my father's, gave me an odd idea that he was a square, stout, dark man, with curly black hair. From the character and turn of the inscription, "Also Georgiana Wife of the Above," I drew a childish conclusion that my mother was freckled and sickly. To five little stone lozenges, each about a foot and a half long, which were arranged in a neat row beside their grave, and were sacred to the memory of five little brothers of mine, who gave up trying to get a living, exceedingly early in that universal struggle, I am indebted for a belief I religiously entertained that they had all been born on their backs with their hands in their trousers-pockets, and had never taken them out in this state of existence.

Ours was the marsh country, down by the river, within, as the river wound, twenty miles of the sea. My first most vivid and broad impression of the identity of things seems to me to have been gained on a memorable raw afternoon towards evening. At such a time I found out for certain that this bleak place overgrown with nettles was the churchyard; and that Philip Pirrip, late of this parish, and also Georgiana wife of the above, were dead and buried; and that Alexander, Bartholomew, Abraham, Tobias, and Roger, infant children of the aforesaid, were also dead and buried; and that the dark flat wilderness beyond the churchyard, intersected with dikes and mounds and gates, with scattered cattle feeding on it, was the marshes; and that the low leaden line beyond was the river; and that the distant savage lair from which the wind was rushing was the sea; and that the small bundle of shivers growing afraid of it all and beginning to cry, was Pip.

"Hold your noise!" cried a terrible voice, as a man started up from among the graves at the side of the church porch. "Keep still, you little devil, or I'll cut your throat!"

A fearful man, all in coarse gray, with a great iron on his leg. A man with no hat, and with broken shoes, and with an old rag tied round his head. A man who had been soaked in water, and smothered in mud, and lamed by stones, and cut by flints, and stung by nettles, and torn by briars; who limped, and shivered, and glared, and growled; and whose teeth chattered in his head as he seized me by the chin.

"Oh! Don't cut my throat, sir," I pleaded in terror. "Pray don't do it, sir."

"Tell us your name!" said the man. "Quick!"

"Pip, sir."

"Once more," said the man, staring at me. "Give it mouth!"

"Pip. Pip, sir."

"Show us where you live," said the man. "Pint out the place!"

I pointed to where our village lay, on the flat in-shore among the alder- trees and pollards, a mile or more from the church.

The man, after looking at me for a moment, turned me upside down, and emptied my pockets. There was nothing in them but a piece of bread. When the church came to itself, for he was so sudden and strong that he made it go head over heels before me, and I saw the steeple under my feet, when the church came to itself, I say, I was seated on a high tombstone, trembling while he ate the bread ravenously.

"You young dog," said the man, licking his lips, "what fat cheeks you ha' got."

I believe they were fat, though I was at that time undersized for my years, and not strong.

"Darn me if I couldn't eat em," said the man, with a threatening shake of his head, "and if I han't half a mind to't!"

I earnestly expressed my hope that he wouldn't, and held tighter to the tombstone on which he had put me; partly, to keep myself upon it; partly, to keep myself from crying.

"Now lookee here!" said the man. "Where's your mother?"

"There, sir!" said I.

He started, made a short run, and stopped and looked over his shoulder. "There, sir!" I timidly explained. "Also Georgiana. That's my mother."

"Oh!" said he, coming back. "And is that your father alonger your mother?" "Yes, sir," said I; "him too; late of this parish."

"Ha!" he muttered then, considering. "Who d'ye live with, supposin' you're kindly let to live, which I han't made up my mind about?"

"My sister, sir, Mrs. Joe Gargery, wife of Joe Gargery, the blacksmith, sir." "Blacksmith, eh?" said he. And looked down at his leg.

After darkly looking at his leg and me several times, he came closer to my tombstone, took me by both arms, and tilted me back as far as he could hold me; so that his eyes looked most powerfully down into mine, and mine looked most helplessly up into his.

"Now lookee here," he said, "the question being whether you're to be let to live. You know what a file is?"

"Yes, sir."

"And you know what wittles is?"

"Yes, sir."

After each question he tilted me over a little more, so as to give me a greater sense of helplessness and danger.

"You get me a file." He tilted me again. "And you get me wittles." He tilted me again. "You bring 'em both to me." He tilted me again. "Or I'll have your heart and liver out." He tilted me again.

I was dreadfully frightened, and so giddy that I clung to him with both hands, and said, "If you would kindly please to let me keep upright, sir, perhaps I shouldn't be sick, and perhaps I could attend more." He gave me a most tremendous dip and roll, so that the church jumped over its own weathercock. Then, he held me by the arms, in an upright position on the top of the stone, and went on in these fearful terms: "You bring me, to-morrow morning early, that file and them wittles.

You bring the lot to me, at that old Battery over yonder. You do it, and you never dare to say a word or dare to make a sign concerning your having seen such a person as me, or any person sumever, and you shall be let to live. You fail, or you go from my words in any partickler, no matter how small it is, and your heart and your liver shall be tore out, roasted, and ate. Now, I ain't alone, as you may think I am. There's a young man hid with me, in comparison with whom I am an Angel. That young man hears the words I speak. That young man has a secret way pecooliar to himself, of getting at a boy, and at his heart, and at his liver.

It is in wain for a boy to attempt to hide himself from that young man.

A boy may lock his door, may be warm in bed, may tuck himself up, may draw the clothes over his head, may think himself comfortable and safe, but that young man will softly creep and creep his way to him and tear him open. I am a keeping that young man from harming of you at the present moment, with great difficulty. I find it wery hard to hold that young man off of your inside. Now, what do you say?"

I said that I would get him the file, and I would get him what broken bits of food I could, and I would come to him at the Battery, early in the morning. "Say Lord strike you dead if you don't!" said the man.

I said so, and he took me down.

"Now," he pursued, "you remember what you've undertook, and you remember that young man, and you get home!"

"Goo-good night, sir," I faltered.

"Much of that!" said he, glancing about him over the cold wet flat. "I wish I was a frog. Or a eel!"

At the same time, he hugged his shuddering body in both his arms, clasping himself, as if to hold himself together, and limped towards the low church wall. As I saw him go, picking his way among the nettles, and among the brambles that bound the green mounds, he looked in my
young eyes as if he were eluding the hands of the dead people, stretching up cautiously out of their graves, to get a twist upon his ankle and pull him in.

When he came to the low church wall, he got over it, like a man whose legs were numbed and stiff, and then turned round to look for me. When I saw him turning, I set my face towards home, and made the best use of my legs. But presently I looked over my shoulder, and saw him going on again towards the river, still hugging himself in both arms, and picking his way with his sore feet among the great stones dropped into the marshes here and there, for stepping-places when the rains were heavy or the tide was in.

The marshes were just a long black horizontal line then, as I stopped to look after him; and the river was just another horizontal line, not nearly so broad nor yet so black; and the sky was just a row of long angry red lines and dense black lines intermixed. On the edge of the river I could faintly make out the only two black things in all the prospect that seemed to be standing upright; one of these was the beacon by which the sailors steered, like an unhooped cask upon a pole, an ugly thing when you were near it; the other, a gibbet, with some chains hanging to it which had once held a pirate. The man was limping on towards this latter, as if he were the pirate come to life, and come down, and going back to hook himself up again. It gave me a terrible turn when I thought so; and as I saw the cattle lifting their heads to gaze after him, I wondered whether they thought so too. I looked all round for the horrible young man, and could see no signs of him. But now I was frightened again, and ran home without stopping.

Q.

Where was Pip's village located?

Solution:

The following extract, “Ours was the marsh country, down by the river, within, as the river wound, twenty miles of the sea” vindicates option 2 and negates option 4. Option 4 should have read ‘on a marsh’ to have been the correct answer.

Hence, the correct answer is option 2

QUESTION: 69

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

My father's family name being Pirrip, and my Christian name Philip, my infant tongue could make of both names nothing longer or more explicit than Pip. So, I called myself Pip, and came to be called Pip.

I give Pirrip as my father's family name, on the authority of his tombstone and my sister, Mrs. Joe Gargery, who married the blacksmith. As I never saw my father or my mother, and never saw any likeness of either of them (for their days were long before the days of photographs), my first fancies regarding what they were like were unreasonably derived from their tombstones. The shape of the letters on my father's, gave me an odd idea that he was a square, stout, dark man, with curly black hair. From the character and turn of the inscription, "Also Georgiana Wife of the Above," I drew a childish conclusion that my mother was freckled and sickly. To five little stone lozenges, each about a foot and a half long, which were arranged in a neat row beside their grave, and were sacred to the memory of five little brothers of mine, who gave up trying to get a living, exceedingly early in that universal struggle, I am indebted for a belief I religiously entertained that they had all been born on their backs with their hands in their trousers-pockets, and had never taken them out in this state of existence.

Ours was the marsh country, down by the river, within, as the river wound, twenty miles of the sea. My first most vivid and broad impression of the identity of things seems to me to have been gained on a memorable raw afternoon towards evening. At such a time I found out for certain that this bleak place overgrown with nettles was the churchyard; and that Philip Pirrip, late of this parish, and also Georgiana wife of the above, were dead and buried; and that Alexander, Bartholomew, Abraham, Tobias, and Roger, infant children of the aforesaid, were also dead and buried; and that the dark flat wilderness beyond the churchyard, intersected with dikes and mounds and gates, with scattered cattle feeding on it, was the marshes; and that the low leaden line beyond was the river; and that the distant savage lair from which the wind was rushing was the sea; and that the small bundle of shivers growing afraid of it all and beginning to cry, was Pip.

"Hold your noise!" cried a terrible voice, as a man started up from among the graves at the side of the church porch. "Keep still, you little devil, or I'll cut your throat!"

A fearful man, all in coarse gray, with a great iron on his leg. A man with no hat, and with broken shoes, and with an old rag tied round his head. A man who had been soaked in water, and smothered in mud, and lamed by stones, and cut by flints, and stung by nettles, and torn by briars; who limped, and shivered, and glared, and growled; and whose teeth chattered in his head as he seized me by the chin.

"Oh! Don't cut my throat, sir," I pleaded in terror. "Pray don't do it, sir."

"Tell us your name!" said the man. "Quick!"

"Pip, sir."

"Once more," said the man, staring at me. "Give it mouth!"

"Pip. Pip, sir."

"Show us where you live," said the man. "Pint out the place!"

I pointed to where our village lay, on the flat in-shore among the alder- trees and pollards, a mile or more from the church.

The man, after looking at me for a moment, turned me upside down, and emptied my pockets. There was nothing in them but a piece of bread. When the church came to itself, for he was so sudden and strong that he made it go head over heels before me, and I saw the steeple under my feet, when the church came to itself, I say, I was seated on a high tombstone, trembling while he ate the bread ravenously.

"You young dog," said the man, licking his lips, "what fat cheeks you ha' got."

I believe they were fat, though I was at that time undersized for my years, and not strong.

"Darn me if I couldn't eat em," said the man, with a threatening shake of his head, "and if I han't half a mind to't!"

I earnestly expressed my hope that he wouldn't, and held tighter to the tombstone on which he had put me; partly, to keep myself upon it; partly, to keep myself from crying.

"Now lookee here!" said the man. "Where's your mother?"

"There, sir!" said I.

He started, made a short run, and stopped and looked over his shoulder. "There, sir!" I timidly explained. "Also Georgiana. That's my mother."

"Oh!" said he, coming back. "And is that your father alonger your mother?" "Yes, sir," said I; "him too; late of this parish."

"Ha!" he muttered then, considering. "Who d'ye live with, supposin' you're kindly let to live, which I han't made up my mind about?"

"My sister, sir, Mrs. Joe Gargery, wife of Joe Gargery, the blacksmith, sir." "Blacksmith, eh?" said he. And looked down at his leg.

After darkly looking at his leg and me several times, he came closer to my tombstone, took me by both arms, and tilted me back as far as he could hold me; so that his eyes looked most powerfully down into mine, and mine looked most helplessly up into his.

"Now lookee here," he said, "the question being whether you're to be let to live. You know what a file is?"

"Yes, sir."

"And you know what wittles is?"

"Yes, sir."

After each question he tilted me over a little more, so as to give me a greater sense of helplessness and danger.

"You get me a file." He tilted me again. "And you get me wittles." He tilted me again. "You bring 'em both to me." He tilted me again. "Or I'll have your heart and liver out." He tilted me again.

I was dreadfully frightened, and so giddy that I clung to him with both hands, and said, "If you would kindly please to let me keep upright, sir, perhaps I shouldn't be sick, and perhaps I could attend more." He gave me a most tremendous dip and roll, so that the church jumped over its own weathercock. Then, he held me by the arms, in an upright position on the top of the stone, and went on in these fearful terms: "You bring me, to-morrow morning early, that file and them wittles.

You bring the lot to me, at that old Battery over yonder. You do it, and you never dare to say a word or dare to make a sign concerning your having seen such a person as me, or any person sumever, and you shall be let to live. You fail, or you go from my words in any partickler, no matter how small it is, and your heart and your liver shall be tore out, roasted, and ate. Now, I ain't alone, as you may think I am. There's a young man hid with me, in comparison with whom I am an Angel. That young man hears the words I speak. That young man has a secret way pecooliar to himself, of getting at a boy, and at his heart, and at his liver.

It is in wain for a boy to attempt to hide himself from that young man.

A boy may lock his door, may be warm in bed, may tuck himself up, may draw the clothes over his head, may think himself comfortable and safe, but that young man will softly creep and creep his way to him and tear him open. I am a keeping that young man from harming of you at the present moment, with great difficulty. I find it wery hard to hold that young man off of your inside. Now, what do you say?"

I said that I would get him the file, and I would get him what broken bits of food I could, and I would come to him at the Battery, early in the morning. "Say Lord strike you dead if you don't!" said the man.

I said so, and he took me down.

"Now," he pursued, "you remember what you've undertook, and you remember that young man, and you get home!"

"Goo-good night, sir," I faltered.

"Much of that!" said he, glancing about him over the cold wet flat. "I wish I was a frog. Or a eel!"

At the same time, he hugged his shuddering body in both his arms, clasping himself, as if to hold himself together, and limped towards the low church wall. As I saw him go, picking his way among the nettles, and among the brambles that bound the green mounds, he looked in my
young eyes as if he were eluding the hands of the dead people, stretching up cautiously out of their graves, to get a twist upon his ankle and pull him in.

When he came to the low church wall, he got over it, like a man whose legs were numbed and stiff, and then turned round to look for me. When I saw him turning, I set my face towards home, and made the best use of my legs. But presently I looked over my shoulder, and saw him going on again towards the river, still hugging himself in both arms, and picking his way with his sore feet among the great stones dropped into the marshes here and there, for stepping-places when the rains were heavy or the tide was in.

The marshes were just a long black horizontal line then, as I stopped to look after him; and the river was just another horizontal line, not nearly so broad nor yet so black; and the sky was just a row of long angry red lines and dense black lines intermixed. On the edge of the river I could faintly make out the only two black things in all the prospect that seemed to be standing upright; one of these was the beacon by which the sailors steered, like an unhooped cask upon a pole, an ugly thing when you were near it; the other, a gibbet, with some chains hanging to it which had once held a pirate. The man was limping on towards this latter, as if he were the pirate come to life, and come down, and going back to hook himself up again. It gave me a terrible turn when I thought so; and as I saw the cattle lifting their heads to gaze after him, I wondered whether they thought so too. I looked all round for the horrible young man, and could see no signs of him. But now I was frightened again, and ran home without stopping.

Q.

From the passage what can we infer to be the status of the man

Solution:

The man was ravenously hungry and had iron shackles tied to his leg. From this we can infer that he was an escaped convict. Thus, option 4 is our answer.

Option 1 cannot be inferred from the passage.

Option 2 cannot explain as to why the man had iron shackles tied to one of his legs.

Option 3 has not been stated in the passage.

Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

QUESTION: 70

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

My father's family name being Pirrip, and my Christian name Philip, my infant tongue could make of both names nothing longer or more explicit than Pip. So, I called myself Pip, and came to be called Pip.

I give Pirrip as my father's family name, on the authority of his tombstone and my sister, Mrs. Joe Gargery, who married the blacksmith. As I never saw my father or my mother, and never saw any likeness of either of them (for their days were long before the days of photographs), my first fancies regarding what they were like were unreasonably derived from their tombstones. The shape of the letters on my father's, gave me an odd idea that he was a square, stout, dark man, with curly black hair. From the character and turn of the inscription, "Also Georgiana Wife of the Above," I drew a childish conclusion that my mother was freckled and sickly. To five little stone lozenges, each about a foot and a half long, which were arranged in a neat row beside their grave, and were sacred to the memory of five little brothers of mine, who gave up trying to get a living, exceedingly early in that universal struggle, I am indebted for a belief I religiously entertained that they had all been born on their backs with their hands in their trousers-pockets, and had never taken them out in this state of existence.

Ours was the marsh country, down by the river, within, as the river wound, twenty miles of the sea. My first most vivid and broad impression of the identity of things seems to me to have been gained on a memorable raw afternoon towards evening. At such a time I found out for certain that this bleak place overgrown with nettles was the churchyard; and that Philip Pirrip, late of this parish, and also Georgiana wife of the above, were dead and buried; and that Alexander, Bartholomew, Abraham, Tobias, and Roger, infant children of the aforesaid, were also dead and buried; and that the dark flat wilderness beyond the churchyard, intersected with dikes and mounds and gates, with scattered cattle feeding on it, was the marshes; and that the low leaden line beyond was the river; and that the distant savage lair from which the wind was rushing was the sea; and that the small bundle of shivers growing afraid of it all and beginning to cry, was Pip.

"Hold your noise!" cried a terrible voice, as a man started up from among the graves at the side of the church porch. "Keep still, you little devil, or I'll cut your throat!"

A fearful man, all in coarse gray, with a great iron on his leg. A man with no hat, and with broken shoes, and with an old rag tied round his head. A man who had been soaked in water, and smothered in mud, and lamed by stones, and cut by flints, and stung by nettles, and torn by briars; who limped, and shivered, and glared, and growled; and whose teeth chattered in his head as he seized me by the chin.

"Oh! Don't cut my throat, sir," I pleaded in terror. "Pray don't do it, sir."

"Tell us your name!" said the man. "Quick!"

"Pip, sir."

"Once more," said the man, staring at me. "Give it mouth!"

"Pip. Pip, sir."

"Show us where you live," said the man. "Pint out the place!"

I pointed to where our village lay, on the flat in-shore among the alder- trees and pollards, a mile or more from the church.

The man, after looking at me for a moment, turned me upside down, and emptied my pockets. There was nothing in them but a piece of bread. When the church came to itself, for he was so sudden and strong that he made it go head over heels before me, and I saw the steeple under my feet, when the church came to itself, I say, I was seated on a high tombstone, trembling while he ate the bread ravenously.

"You young dog," said the man, licking his lips, "what fat cheeks you ha' got."

I believe they were fat, though I was at that time undersized for my years, and not strong.

"Darn me if I couldn't eat em," said the man, with a threatening shake of his head, "and if I han't half a mind to't!"

I earnestly expressed my hope that he wouldn't, and held tighter to the tombstone on which he had put me; partly, to keep myself upon it; partly, to keep myself from crying.

"Now lookee here!" said the man. "Where's your mother?"

"There, sir!" said I.

He started, made a short run, and stopped and looked over his shoulder. "There, sir!" I timidly explained. "Also Georgiana. That's my mother."

"Oh!" said he, coming back. "And is that your father alonger your mother?" "Yes, sir," said I; "him too; late of this parish."

"Ha!" he muttered then, considering. "Who d'ye live with, supposin' you're kindly let to live, which I han't made up my mind about?"

"My sister, sir, Mrs. Joe Gargery, wife of Joe Gargery, the blacksmith, sir." "Blacksmith, eh?" said he. And looked down at his leg.

After darkly looking at his leg and me several times, he came closer to my tombstone, took me by both arms, and tilted me back as far as he could hold me; so that his eyes looked most powerfully down into mine, and mine looked most helplessly up into his.

"Now lookee here," he said, "the question being whether you're to be let to live. You know what a file is?"

"Yes, sir."

"And you know what wittles is?"

"Yes, sir."

After each question he tilted me over a little more, so as to give me a greater sense of helplessness and danger.

"You get me a file." He tilted me again. "And you get me wittles." He tilted me again. "You bring 'em both to me." He tilted me again. "Or I'll have your heart and liver out." He tilted me again.

I was dreadfully frightened, and so giddy that I clung to him with both hands, and said, "If you would kindly please to let me keep upright, sir, perhaps I shouldn't be sick, and perhaps I could attend more." He gave me a most tremendous dip and roll, so that the church jumped over its own weathercock. Then, he held me by the arms, in an upright position on the top of the stone, and went on in these fearful terms: "You bring me, to-morrow morning early, that file and them wittles.

You bring the lot to me, at that old Battery over yonder. You do it, and you never dare to say a word or dare to make a sign concerning your having seen such a person as me, or any person sumever, and you shall be let to live. You fail, or you go from my words in any partickler, no matter how small it is, and your heart and your liver shall be tore out, roasted, and ate. Now, I ain't alone, as you may think I am. There's a young man hid with me, in comparison with whom I am an Angel. That young man hears the words I speak. That young man has a secret way pecooliar to himself, of getting at a boy, and at his heart, and at his liver.

It is in wain for a boy to attempt to hide himself from that young man.

A boy may lock his door, may be warm in bed, may tuck himself up, may draw the clothes over his head, may think himself comfortable and safe, but that young man will softly creep and creep his way to him and tear him open. I am a keeping that young man from harming of you at the present moment, with great difficulty. I find it wery hard to hold that young man off of your inside. Now, what do you say?"

I said that I would get him the file, and I would get him what broken bits of food I could, and I would come to him at the Battery, early in the morning. "Say Lord strike you dead if you don't!" said the man.

I said so, and he took me down.

"Now," he pursued, "you remember what you've undertook, and you remember that young man, and you get home!"

"Goo-good night, sir," I faltered.

"Much of that!" said he, glancing about him over the cold wet flat. "I wish I was a frog. Or a eel!"

At the same time, he hugged his shuddering body in both his arms, clasping himself, as if to hold himself together, and limped towards the low church wall. As I saw him go, picking his way among the nettles, and among the brambles that bound the green mounds, he looked in my
young eyes as if he were eluding the hands of the dead people, stretching up cautiously out of their graves, to get a twist upon his ankle and pull him in.

When he came to the low church wall, he got over it, like a man whose legs were numbed and stiff, and then turned round to look for me. When I saw him turning, I set my face towards home, and made the best use of my legs. But presently I looked over my shoulder, and saw him going on again towards the river, still hugging himself in both arms, and picking his way with his sore feet among the great stones dropped into the marshes here and there, for stepping-places when the rains were heavy or the tide was in.

The marshes were just a long black horizontal line then, as I stopped to look after him; and the river was just another horizontal line, not nearly so broad nor yet so black; and the sky was just a row of long angry red lines and dense black lines intermixed. On the edge of the river I could faintly make out the only two black things in all the prospect that seemed to be standing upright; one of these was the beacon by which the sailors steered, like an unhooped cask upon a pole, an ugly thing when you were near it; the other, a gibbet, with some chains hanging to it which had once held a pirate. The man was limping on towards this latter, as if he were the pirate come to life, and come down, and going back to hook himself up again. It gave me a terrible turn when I thought so; and as I saw the cattle lifting their heads to gaze after him, I wondered whether they thought so too. I looked all round for the horrible young man, and could see no signs of him. But now I was frightened again, and ran home without stopping.

Q.

Which of the following cannot be inferred from the passage?

Solution:

The following extract, “...and that the distant savage lair from which the wind was rushing was the sea; and that the small bundle of shivers growing afraid of it all and beginning to cry, was Pip” implies that option 1 can be inferred.

The following extract, “...and that the dark flat wilderness beyond the churchyard, intersected with dikes and mounds and gates, with scattered cattle feeding on it, was the marshes” implies that option 2 can be inferred.

The fact that the man looked down at his iron shackles on his leg when Pip mentioned that his stepfather was a blacksmith implies that the man wanted a file and wittles to be able to unlock or cut his iron shackles so that he would be able to walk freely. Therefore, option 3 can be inferred

Option 4 cannot be inferred as Pip never saw the young man. The young man's presence was a mere possibility. The man may have been merely trying to frighten Pip into obeying his commands and may have invented the entire story about the young man.

 

68.

0.75 Marks

The synonym for the word “lair” is:

1)

Form


Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

 

QUESTION: 71

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

My father's family name being Pirrip, and my Christian name Philip, my infant tongue could make of both names nothing longer or more explicit than Pip. So, I called myself Pip, and came to be called Pip.

I give Pirrip as my father's family name, on the authority of his tombstone and my sister, Mrs. Joe Gargery, who married the blacksmith. As I never saw my father or my mother, and never saw any likeness of either of them (for their days were long before the days of photographs), my first fancies regarding what they were like were unreasonably derived from their tombstones. The shape of the letters on my father's, gave me an odd idea that he was a square, stout, dark man, with curly black hair. From the character and turn of the inscription, "Also Georgiana Wife of the Above," I drew a childish conclusion that my mother was freckled and sickly. To five little stone lozenges, each about a foot and a half long, which were arranged in a neat row beside their grave, and were sacred to the memory of five little brothers of mine, who gave up trying to get a living, exceedingly early in that universal struggle, I am indebted for a belief I religiously entertained that they had all been born on their backs with their hands in their trousers-pockets, and had never taken them out in this state of existence.

Ours was the marsh country, down by the river, within, as the river wound, twenty miles of the sea. My first most vivid and broad impression of the identity of things seems to me to have been gained on a memorable raw afternoon towards evening. At such a time I found out for certain that this bleak place overgrown with nettles was the churchyard; and that Philip Pirrip, late of this parish, and also Georgiana wife of the above, were dead and buried; and that Alexander, Bartholomew, Abraham, Tobias, and Roger, infant children of the aforesaid, were also dead and buried; and that the dark flat wilderness beyond the churchyard, intersected with dikes and mounds and gates, with scattered cattle feeding on it, was the marshes; and that the low leaden line beyond was the river; and that the distant savage lair from which the wind was rushing was the sea; and that the small bundle of shivers growing afraid of it all and beginning to cry, was Pip.

"Hold your noise!" cried a terrible voice, as a man started up from among the graves at the side of the church porch. "Keep still, you little devil, or I'll cut your throat!"

A fearful man, all in coarse gray, with a great iron on his leg. A man with no hat, and with broken shoes, and with an old rag tied round his head. A man who had been soaked in water, and smothered in mud, and lamed by stones, and cut by flints, and stung by nettles, and torn by briars; who limped, and shivered, and glared, and growled; and whose teeth chattered in his head as he seized me by the chin.

"Oh! Don't cut my throat, sir," I pleaded in terror. "Pray don't do it, sir."

"Tell us your name!" said the man. "Quick!"

"Pip, sir."

"Once more," said the man, staring at me. "Give it mouth!"

"Pip. Pip, sir."

"Show us where you live," said the man. "Pint out the place!"

I pointed to where our village lay, on the flat in-shore among the alder- trees and pollards, a mile or more from the church.

The man, after looking at me for a moment, turned me upside down, and emptied my pockets. There was nothing in them but a piece of bread. When the church came to itself, for he was so sudden and strong that he made it go head over heels before me, and I saw the steeple under my feet, when the church came to itself, I say, I was seated on a high tombstone, trembling while he ate the bread ravenously.

"You young dog," said the man, licking his lips, "what fat cheeks you ha' got."

I believe they were fat, though I was at that time undersized for my years, and not strong.

"Darn me if I couldn't eat em," said the man, with a threatening shake of his head, "and if I han't half a mind to't!"

I earnestly expressed my hope that he wouldn't, and held tighter to the tombstone on which he had put me; partly, to keep myself upon it; partly, to keep myself from crying.

"Now lookee here!" said the man. "Where's your mother?"

"There, sir!" said I.

He started, made a short run, and stopped and looked over his shoulder. "There, sir!" I timidly explained. "Also Georgiana. That's my mother."

"Oh!" said he, coming back. "And is that your father alonger your mother?" "Yes, sir," said I; "him too; late of this parish."

"Ha!" he muttered then, considering. "Who d'ye live with, supposin' you're kindly let to live, which I han't made up my mind about?"

"My sister, sir, Mrs. Joe Gargery, wife of Joe Gargery, the blacksmith, sir." "Blacksmith, eh?" said he. And looked down at his leg.

After darkly looking at his leg and me several times, he came closer to my tombstone, took me by both arms, and tilted me back as far as he could hold me; so that his eyes looked most powerfully down into mine, and mine looked most helplessly up into his.

"Now lookee here," he said, "the question being whether you're to be let to live. You know what a file is?"

"Yes, sir."

"And you know what wittles is?"

"Yes, sir."

After each question he tilted me over a little more, so as to give me a greater sense of helplessness and danger.

"You get me a file." He tilted me again. "And you get me wittles." He tilted me again. "You bring 'em both to me." He tilted me again. "Or I'll have your heart and liver out." He tilted me again.

I was dreadfully frightened, and so giddy that I clung to him with both hands, and said, "If you would kindly please to let me keep upright, sir, perhaps I shouldn't be sick, and perhaps I could attend more." He gave me a most tremendous dip and roll, so that the church jumped over its own weathercock. Then, he held me by the arms, in an upright position on the top of the stone, and went on in these fearful terms: "You bring me, to-morrow morning early, that file and them wittles.

You bring the lot to me, at that old Battery over yonder. You do it, and you never dare to say a word or dare to make a sign concerning your having seen such a person as me, or any person sumever, and you shall be let to live. You fail, or you go from my words in any partickler, no matter how small it is, and your heart and your liver shall be tore out, roasted, and ate. Now, I ain't alone, as you may think I am. There's a young man hid with me, in comparison with whom I am an Angel. That young man hears the words I speak. That young man has a secret way pecooliar to himself, of getting at a boy, and at his heart, and at his liver.

It is in wain for a boy to attempt to hide himself from that young man.

A boy may lock his door, may be warm in bed, may tuck himself up, may draw the clothes over his head, may think himself comfortable and safe, but that young man will softly creep and creep his way to him and tear him open. I am a keeping that young man from harming of you at the present moment, with great difficulty. I find it wery hard to hold that young man off of your inside. Now, what do you say?"

I said that I would get him the file, and I would get him what broken bits of food I could, and I would come to him at the Battery, early in the morning. "Say Lord strike you dead if you don't!" said the man.

I said so, and he took me down.

"Now," he pursued, "you remember what you've undertook, and you remember that young man, and you get home!"

"Goo-good night, sir," I faltered.

"Much of that!" said he, glancing about him over the cold wet flat. "I wish I was a frog. Or a eel!"

At the same time, he hugged his shuddering body in both his arms, clasping himself, as if to hold himself together, and limped towards the low church wall. As I saw him go, picking his way among the nettles, and among the brambles that bound the green mounds, he looked in my
young eyes as if he were eluding the hands of the dead people, stretching up cautiously out of their graves, to get a twist upon his ankle and pull him in.

When he came to the low church wall, he got over it, like a man whose legs were numbed and stiff, and then turned round to look for me. When I saw him turning, I set my face towards home, and made the best use of my legs. But presently I looked over my shoulder, and saw him going on again towards the river, still hugging himself in both arms, and picking his way with his sore feet among the great stones dropped into the marshes here and there, for stepping-places when the rains were heavy or the tide was in.

The marshes were just a long black horizontal line then, as I stopped to look after him; and the river was just another horizontal line, not nearly so broad nor yet so black; and the sky was just a row of long angry red lines and dense black lines intermixed. On the edge of the river I could faintly make out the only two black things in all the prospect that seemed to be standing upright; one of these was the beacon by which the sailors steered, like an unhooped cask upon a pole, an ugly thing when you were near it; the other, a gibbet, with some chains hanging to it which had once held a pirate. The man was limping on towards this latter, as if he were the pirate come to life, and come down, and going back to hook himself up again. It gave me a terrible turn when I thought so; and as I saw the cattle lifting their heads to gaze after him, I wondered whether they thought so too. I looked all round for the horrible young man, and could see no signs of him. But now I was frightened again, and ran home without stopping.

Q.

The synonym for the word “lair” is:

Solution:

“Lair” in this context would mean some sort of “form.” “Cave” would imply an animal's hiding place while the passage links “lair” to the sea, not an animal. “Noise” and “sea” can be eliminated. Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 72

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

Not many Britons watch “Who Wants to be a Millionaire?” these days. The quiz show, which routinely drew more than 15m viewers in the late 1990s, now attracts fewer than 5m. While “Millionaire” is fading in the country that invented it, though, it is thriving elsewhere. This week Sushil Kumar won the top prize on the Indian version of the programme. Cote d'Ivoire is to make a series. Afghanistan is getting a second one. In all, 84 different versions of the show have been made, shown in 117 countries.

Hollywood may create the world's best TV dramas, but Britain dominates the global trade in unscripted programmes—quiz shows, singing competitions and other forms of reality television. “Britain's Got Talent”, a format created in 2006, has mutated into 44 national versions, including “China's Got Talent” and “Das Supertalent”. There are 22 different versions of “Wife Swap” and 32 of “Masterchef. In the first half of this year, Britain supplied 43% of global entertainment formats—more than any other country.

London crawls with programme scouts. If a show is a hit in Britain—or even if it performs unusually well in its time slot—phones start ringing in

production companies' offices. Foreign broadcasters, hungry for proven fare, may hire the producers of a British show to make a version for them.

Or they may buy a “bible” that tells them how to clone it for themselves.

“The risk of putting prime-time entertainment on your schedule has been outsourced to the UK,” says Tony Cohen, chief executive of FremantleMedia, which makes “Got Talent”, “Idol” and “X Factor”.

Like financial services, television production took off in London as a result of government action. In the early 1990s broadcasters were told to commission at least one-quarter of their programmes from independent producers. In 2004 trade regulations ensured that most rights to television shows are retained by those who make them, not those who broadcast them. Production companies began aggressively hawking their wares overseas.

They are becoming more aggressive, in part because British broadcasters are becoming stingier. PACT, a producers' group, and Oliver & Ohlbaum, a consultancy, estimate that domestic broadcasters spent £1.51 billion ($2.4 billion) on shows from independent outfits in 2008, but only £1.36 billion in 2010. International revenues have soared from £342m to £590m in the same period. Claire Hungate, chief executive of Shed Media, says that 70- 80% of that company's profits now come from intellectual property—that is, selling formats and tapes of shows that have already been broadcast, mostly to other countries.

Alex Mahon, president of Shine Group, points to another reason for British creativity. Many domestic television executives do not prize commercial success. The BBC is funded almost entirely by a licence fee on television­owning households. Channel 4 is funded by advertising but is publicly owned. At such outfits, success is measured largely in terms of creativity and innovation—putting on the show that everyone talks about. In practice, that means they favour short series. British television churns out a lot of ideas.

Yet the country's status as the world's pre-eminent inventor of unscripted entertainment is not assured. Other countries have learned how to create reality television formats and are selling them hard. In early October programme buyers at MIPCOM, a huge television convention held in France, crowded into a theatre to watch clips of dozens of reality programmes. A Norwegian show followed urban single women as they toured rural villages in search of love. From India came “Crunch”, a show in which the walls of a house gradually closed in on contestants.

Ever-shrinking commissioning budgets at home are a problem, too. The BBC, which provides a showcase for independent productions as well as creating many of its own, will trim its overall budget by 16% in real terms over the next few years. The rather tacky BBC3 will be pruned hard—not a great loss to national culture, maybe, but a problem for producers, since many shows are launched on the channel. Perhaps most dangerously for the independents, ITV, Britain's biggest free-to-air commercial broadcaster, aims to produce more of its own programming.

Meanwhile commissioners' tastes are changing. Programmes like “Wife Swap”, which involve putting people in contrived situations (and are fairly easy to clone), are falling from favour. The vogue is for gritty, fly-on-the- wall documentaries like “One Born Every Minute” and “24 Hours in A&E”. There is a countervailing trend towards what are known as “soft-scripted” shows, which mix acting with real behaviour. “Made in Chelsea” and “The Only Way is Essex” blaze that peculiar trail.

These trends do not greatly threaten the largest production companies. Although they are based in London, their operations are increasingly global. Several have been acquired by media conglomerates like Sony and Time Warner, making them even more so. Producers with operations in many countries have more opportunities to test new shows and refine old ones. FremantleMedia's new talent show, “Hidden Stars”, was created by the firm's Danish production arm. Britain is still the most-watched market—the crucible of reality formats. But preliminary tests may take place elsewhere.

There is, in any case, a way round the problem of British commissioners leaning against conventional reality shows. Producers are turning documentaries and soft-scripted shows into formats, and exporting them. Shine Group's “One Born Every Minute”, which began in 2010 as a documentary about a labour ward in Southampton, has already been sold as a format to America, France, Spain and Sweden. In such cases the producers are selling sophisticated technical and editing skills rather than a brand and a formula. With soft-scripted shows, the trick is in casting.

The companies that produce and export television formats are scattered around London, in odd places like King's Cross and Primrose Hill. They are less rich than financial-services firms and less appealing to politicians than technology companies. But they have a huge influence on how the world entertains itself. And, in a slow-moving economy, Britain will take all the national champions it can get.

Q.

Which of the following cannot be concluded from the passage?

Solution:

Statement 1 can be concluded from paragraph 2. Eliminate option

1.

Statement 2 can be concluded from paragraph 5. Eliminate option 2.

Statement 4 can be concluded from paragraph 8. Eliminate option 4.

The passage says that the companies are selling the soft-scripted i.e partially scripted shows shows in the form of formats. It cannot be concluded from this that they are converting them to completely scripted shows.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 73

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

Not many Britons watch “Who Wants to be a Millionaire?” these days. The quiz show, which routinely drew more than 15m viewers in the late 1990s, now attracts fewer than 5m. While “Millionaire” is fading in the country that invented it, though, it is thriving elsewhere. This week Sushil Kumar won the top prize on the Indian version of the programme. Cote d'Ivoire is to make a series. Afghanistan is getting a second one. In all, 84 different versions of the show have been made, shown in 117 countries.

Hollywood may create the world's best TV dramas, but Britain dominates the global trade in unscripted programmes—quiz shows, singing competitions and other forms of reality television. “Britain's Got Talent”, a format created in 2006, has mutated into 44 national versions, including “China's Got Talent” and “Das Supertalent”. There are 22 different versions of “Wife Swap” and 32 of “Masterchef. In the first half of this year, Britain supplied 43% of global entertainment formats—more than any other country.

London crawls with programme scouts. If a show is a hit in Britain—or even if it performs unusually well in its time slot—phones start ringing in

production companies' offices. Foreign broadcasters, hungry for proven fare, may hire the producers of a British show to make a version for them.

Or they may buy a “bible” that tells them how to clone it for themselves.

“The risk of putting prime-time entertainment on your schedule has been outsourced to the UK,” says Tony Cohen, chief executive of FremantleMedia, which makes “Got Talent”, “Idol” and “X Factor”.

Like financial services, television production took off in London as a result of government action. In the early 1990s broadcasters were told to commission at least one-quarter of their programmes from independent producers. In 2004 trade regulations ensured that most rights to television shows are retained by those who make them, not those who broadcast them. Production companies began aggressively hawking their wares overseas.

They are becoming more aggressive, in part because British broadcasters are becoming stingier. PACT, a producers' group, and Oliver & Ohlbaum, a consultancy, estimate that domestic broadcasters spent £1.51 billion ($2.4 billion) on shows from independent outfits in 2008, but only £1.36 billion in 2010. International revenues have soared from £342m to £590m in the same period. Claire Hungate, chief executive of Shed Media, says that 70- 80% of that company's profits now come from intellectual property—that is, selling formats and tapes of shows that have already been broadcast, mostly to other countries.

Alex Mahon, president of Shine Group, points to another reason for British creativity. Many domestic television executives do not prize commercial success. The BBC is funded almost entirely by a licence fee on television­owning households. Channel 4 is funded by advertising but is publicly owned. At such outfits, success is measured largely in terms of creativity and innovation—putting on the show that everyone talks about. In practice, that means they favour short series. British television churns out a lot of ideas.

Yet the country's status as the world's pre-eminent inventor of unscripted entertainment is not assured. Other countries have learned how to create reality television formats and are selling them hard. In early October programme buyers at MIPCOM, a huge television convention held in France, crowded into a theatre to watch clips of dozens of reality programmes. A Norwegian show followed urban single women as they toured rural villages in search of love. From India came “Crunch”, a show in which the walls of a house gradually closed in on contestants.

Ever-shrinking commissioning budgets at home are a problem, too. The BBC, which provides a showcase for independent productions as well as creating many of its own, will trim its overall budget by 16% in real terms over the next few years. The rather tacky BBC3 will be pruned hard—not a great loss to national culture, maybe, but a problem for producers, since many shows are launched on the channel. Perhaps most dangerously for the independents, ITV, Britain's biggest free-to-air commercial broadcaster, aims to produce more of its own programming.

Meanwhile commissioners' tastes are changing. Programmes like “Wife Swap”, which involve putting people in contrived situations (and are fairly easy to clone), are falling from favour. The vogue is for gritty, fly-on-the- wall documentaries like “One Born Every Minute” and “24 Hours in A&E”. There is a countervailing trend towards what are known as “soft-scripted” shows, which mix acting with real behaviour. “Made in Chelsea” and “The Only Way is Essex” blaze that peculiar trail.

These trends do not greatly threaten the largest production companies. Although they are based in London, their operations are increasingly global. Several have been acquired by media conglomerates like Sony and Time Warner, making them even more so. Producers with operations in many countries have more opportunities to test new shows and refine old ones. FremantleMedia's new talent show, “Hidden Stars”, was created by the firm's Danish production arm. Britain is still the most-watched market—the crucible of reality formats. But preliminary tests may take place elsewhere.

There is, in any case, a way round the problem of British commissioners leaning against conventional reality shows. Producers are turning documentaries and soft-scripted shows into formats, and exporting them. Shine Group's “One Born Every Minute”, which began in 2010 as a documentary about a labour ward in Southampton, has already been sold as a format to America, France, Spain and Sweden. In such cases the producers are selling sophisticated technical and editing skills rather than a brand and a formula. With soft-scripted shows, the trick is in casting.

The companies that produce and export television formats are scattered around London, in odd places like King's Cross and Primrose Hill. They are less rich than financial-services firms and less appealing to politicians than technology companies. But they have a huge influence on how the world entertains itself. And, in a slow-moving economy, Britain will take all the national champions it can get.

Q.

What is the central idea of the passage?

Solution:

Option 1 is inconsistent with respect to the idea of the passage. The passage doesn't condemn or criticize reality shows. Hence, eliminate option 1.

Options 2 and 3 pertain only to certain parts of the passage and although true, do not qualify as its central idea.

Option 4 correctly encapsulates the idea conveyed by the passage. The passage revolves around the change of scenario in
the world of reality tv shows. Earlier the foreign broadcasters used to rely on Britain for format ideas, but gradually they started creating their own.

71.

0.75 Marks

Which of the following is correct?

1)

Reality TV shows lack creativity and innovation

 

72.

0.75 Marks

2)    BBC hardly banks on the funds generated by the license fees

3)    There lies a trade-off between Britain and Hollywood in terms of television shows/series

4)    BBC channel will be pruned in order to balance its budget

Solution:

Option 2 is contradicted by the statement “The BBC is funded almost entirely by a licence fee on television-owning households.” in paragraph 6.

Option 3 is contradicted by the statement “Hollywood may create the world's best TV dramas, but Britain dominates ... unscripted programmes” in paragraph 2. It states that Britain and Hollywood are mutually exclusive in terms of their respective genres. This contradicts the concept of trade-off.

Option 4 is incorrect. Paragraph 8 mentions that “BBC3” will be pruned hard to balance the budget and BBC will merely shrink or trim its budget.

Option 1 is correct as the passage says that producers are selling the formats of their shows. This implies that the formats are being copied and used to create new shows.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

Which of the following is not true about the production companies of reality shows, as per this passage?

1)   Soft-scripted shows and documentaries are sold by the production companies in the name of formats to other companies.

2)   Perturbed by British broadcasters, production companies moved to foreign broadcasters.

3)   Production companies having branches in other countries, experiment with new and old tv shows.


Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

QUESTION: 74

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

Not many Britons watch “Who Wants to be a Millionaire?” these days. The quiz show, which routinely drew more than 15m viewers in the late 1990s, now attracts fewer than 5m. While “Millionaire” is fading in the country that invented it, though, it is thriving elsewhere. This week Sushil Kumar won the top prize on the Indian version of the programme. Cote d'Ivoire is to make a series. Afghanistan is getting a second one. In all, 84 different versions of the show have been made, shown in 117 countries.

Hollywood may create the world's best TV dramas, but Britain dominates the global trade in unscripted programmes—quiz shows, singing competitions and other forms of reality television. “Britain's Got Talent”, a format created in 2006, has mutated into 44 national versions, including “China's Got Talent” and “Das Supertalent”. There are 22 different versions of “Wife Swap” and 32 of “Masterchef. In the first half of this year, Britain supplied 43% of global entertainment formats—more than any other country.

London crawls with programme scouts. If a show is a hit in Britain—or even if it performs unusually well in its time slot—phones start ringing in

production companies' offices. Foreign broadcasters, hungry for proven fare, may hire the producers of a British show to make a version for them.

Or they may buy a “bible” that tells them how to clone it for themselves.

“The risk of putting prime-time entertainment on your schedule has been outsourced to the UK,” says Tony Cohen, chief executive of FremantleMedia, which makes “Got Talent”, “Idol” and “X Factor”.

Like financial services, television production took off in London as a result of government action. In the early 1990s broadcasters were told to commission at least one-quarter of their programmes from independent producers. In 2004 trade regulations ensured that most rights to television shows are retained by those who make them, not those who broadcast them. Production companies began aggressively hawking their wares overseas.

They are becoming more aggressive, in part because British broadcasters are becoming stingier. PACT, a producers' group, and Oliver & Ohlbaum, a consultancy, estimate that domestic broadcasters spent £1.51 billion ($2.4 billion) on shows from independent outfits in 2008, but only £1.36 billion in 2010. International revenues have soared from £342m to £590m in the same period. Claire Hungate, chief executive of Shed Media, says that 70- 80% of that company's profits now come from intellectual property—that is, selling formats and tapes of shows that have already been broadcast, mostly to other countries.

Alex Mahon, president of Shine Group, points to another reason for British creativity. Many domestic television executives do not prize commercial success. The BBC is funded almost entirely by a licence fee on television­owning households. Channel 4 is funded by advertising but is publicly owned. At such outfits, success is measured largely in terms of creativity and innovation—putting on the show that everyone talks about. In practice, that means they favour short series. British television churns out a lot of ideas.

Yet the country's status as the world's pre-eminent inventor of unscripted entertainment is not assured. Other countries have learned how to create reality television formats and are selling them hard. In early October programme buyers at MIPCOM, a huge television convention held in France, crowded into a theatre to watch clips of dozens of reality programmes. A Norwegian show followed urban single women as they toured rural villages in search of love. From India came “Crunch”, a show in which the walls of a house gradually closed in on contestants.

Ever-shrinking commissioning budgets at home are a problem, too. The BBC, which provides a showcase for independent productions as well as creating many of its own, will trim its overall budget by 16% in real terms over the next few years. The rather tacky BBC3 will be pruned hard—not a great loss to national culture, maybe, but a problem for producers, since many shows are launched on the channel. Perhaps most dangerously for the independents, ITV, Britain's biggest free-to-air commercial broadcaster, aims to produce more of its own programming.

Meanwhile commissioners' tastes are changing. Programmes like “Wife Swap”, which involve putting people in contrived situations (and are fairly easy to clone), are falling from favour. The vogue is for gritty, fly-on-the- wall documentaries like “One Born Every Minute” and “24 Hours in A&E”. There is a countervailing trend towards what are known as “soft-scripted” shows, which mix acting with real behaviour. “Made in Chelsea” and “The Only Way is Essex” blaze that peculiar trail.

These trends do not greatly threaten the largest production companies. Although they are based in London, their operations are increasingly global. Several have been acquired by media conglomerates like Sony and Time Warner, making them even more so. Producers with operations in many countries have more opportunities to test new shows and refine old ones. FremantleMedia's new talent show, “Hidden Stars”, was created by the firm's Danish production arm. Britain is still the most-watched market—the crucible of reality formats. But preliminary tests may take place elsewhere.

There is, in any case, a way round the problem of British commissioners leaning against conventional reality shows. Producers are turning documentaries and soft-scripted shows into formats, and exporting them. Shine Group's “One Born Every Minute”, which began in 2010 as a documentary about a labour ward in Southampton, has already been sold as a format to America, France, Spain and Sweden. In such cases the producers are selling sophisticated technical and editing skills rather than a brand and a formula. With soft-scripted shows, the trick is in casting.

The companies that produce and export television formats are scattered around London, in odd places like King's Cross and Primrose Hill. They are less rich than financial-services firms and less appealing to politicians than technology companies. But they have a huge influence on how the world entertains itself. And, in a slow-moving economy, Britain will take all the national champions it can get.

Q.

Which of the following is correct?

Solution:

Option 2 is contradicted by the statement “The BBC is funded almost entirely by a licence fee on television-owning households.” in paragraph 6.

Option 3 is contradicted by the statement “Hollywood may create the world's best TV dramas, but Britain dominates ... unscripted programmes” in paragraph 2. It states that Britain and Hollywood are mutually exclusive in terms of their respective genres. This contradicts the concept of trade-off.

Option 4 is incorrect. Paragraph 8 mentions that “BBC3” will be pruned hard to balance the budget and BBC will merely shrink or trim its budget.

Option 1 is correct as the passage says that producers are selling the formats of their shows. This implies that the formats are being copied and used to create new shows.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 75

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

Not many Britons watch “Who Wants to be a Millionaire?” these days. The quiz show, which routinely drew more than 15m viewers in the late 1990s, now attracts fewer than 5m. While “Millionaire” is fading in the country that invented it, though, it is thriving elsewhere. This week Sushil Kumar won the top prize on the Indian version of the programme. Cote d'Ivoire is to make a series. Afghanistan is getting a second one. In all, 84 different versions of the show have been made, shown in 117 countries.

Hollywood may create the world's best TV dramas, but Britain dominates the global trade in unscripted programmes—quiz shows, singing competitions and other forms of reality television. “Britain's Got Talent”, a format created in 2006, has mutated into 44 national versions, including “China's Got Talent” and “Das Supertalent”. There are 22 different versions of “Wife Swap” and 32 of “Masterchef. In the first half of this year, Britain supplied 43% of global entertainment formats—more than any other country.

London crawls with programme scouts. If a show is a hit in Britain—or even if it performs unusually well in its time slot—phones start ringing in

production companies' offices. Foreign broadcasters, hungry for proven fare, may hire the producers of a British show to make a version for them.

Or they may buy a “bible” that tells them how to clone it for themselves.

“The risk of putting prime-time entertainment on your schedule has been outsourced to the UK,” says Tony Cohen, chief executive of FremantleMedia, which makes “Got Talent”, “Idol” and “X Factor”.

Like financial services, television production took off in London as a result of government action. In the early 1990s broadcasters were told to commission at least one-quarter of their programmes from independent producers. In 2004 trade regulations ensured that most rights to television shows are retained by those who make them, not those who broadcast them. Production companies began aggressively hawking their wares overseas.

They are becoming more aggressive, in part because British broadcasters are becoming stingier. PACT, a producers' group, and Oliver & Ohlbaum, a consultancy, estimate that domestic broadcasters spent £1.51 billion ($2.4 billion) on shows from independent outfits in 2008, but only £1.36 billion in 2010. International revenues have soared from £342m to £590m in the same period. Claire Hungate, chief executive of Shed Media, says that 70- 80% of that company's profits now come from intellectual property—that is, selling formats and tapes of shows that have already been broadcast, mostly to other countries.

Alex Mahon, president of Shine Group, points to another reason for British creativity. Many domestic television executives do not prize commercial success. The BBC is funded almost entirely by a licence fee on television­owning households. Channel 4 is funded by advertising but is publicly owned. At such outfits, success is measured largely in terms of creativity and innovation—putting on the show that everyone talks about. In practice, that means they favour short series. British television churns out a lot of ideas.

Yet the country's status as the world's pre-eminent inventor of unscripted entertainment is not assured. Other countries have learned how to create reality television formats and are selling them hard. In early October programme buyers at MIPCOM, a huge television convention held in France, crowded into a theatre to watch clips of dozens of reality programmes. A Norwegian show followed urban single women as they toured rural villages in search of love. From India came “Crunch”, a show in which the walls of a house gradually closed in on contestants.

Ever-shrinking commissioning budgets at home are a problem, too. The BBC, which provides a showcase for independent productions as well as creating many of its own, will trim its overall budget by 16% in real terms over the next few years. The rather tacky BBC3 will be pruned hard—not a great loss to national culture, maybe, but a problem for producers, since many shows are launched on the channel. Perhaps most dangerously for the independents, ITV, Britain's biggest free-to-air commercial broadcaster, aims to produce more of its own programming.

Meanwhile commissioners' tastes are changing. Programmes like “Wife Swap”, which involve putting people in contrived situations (and are fairly easy to clone), are falling from favour. The vogue is for gritty, fly-on-the- wall documentaries like “One Born Every Minute” and “24 Hours in A&E”. There is a countervailing trend towards what are known as “soft-scripted” shows, which mix acting with real behaviour. “Made in Chelsea” and “The Only Way is Essex” blaze that peculiar trail.

These trends do not greatly threaten the largest production companies. Although they are based in London, their operations are increasingly global. Several have been acquired by media conglomerates like Sony and Time Warner, making them even more so. Producers with operations in many countries have more opportunities to test new shows and refine old ones. FremantleMedia's new talent show, “Hidden Stars”, was created by the firm's Danish production arm. Britain is still the most-watched market—the crucible of reality formats. But preliminary tests may take place elsewhere.

There is, in any case, a way round the problem of British commissioners leaning against conventional reality shows. Producers are turning documentaries and soft-scripted shows into formats, and exporting them. Shine Group's “One Born Every Minute”, which began in 2010 as a documentary about a labour ward in Southampton, has already been sold as a format to America, France, Spain and Sweden. In such cases the producers are selling sophisticated technical and editing skills rather than a brand and a formula. With soft-scripted shows, the trick is in casting.

The companies that produce and export television formats are scattered around London, in odd places like King's Cross and Primrose Hill. They are less rich than financial-services firms and less appealing to politicians than technology companies. But they have a huge influence on how the world entertains itself. And, in a slow-moving economy, Britain will take all the national champions it can get.

Q.

Which of the following is not true about the production companies of reality shows, as per this passage?

Solution:

Option 1 is stated verbatim in paragraph 11.

Option 2 is stated in last line of paragraph 4.

Option 3 can be inferred from the statement “Producers with operations in many countries ... refine old ones.” in paragraph 10. Option 4 is contradicted by “In such cases the producers are selling ... rather than a brand and a formula”.

Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

QUESTION: 76

Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follow.

Burawoy divides sociology into four distinct types — professional, critical, public, and policy — distinguished by audience (academic versus nonacademic) and forms of knowledge (instrumental versus reflexive). Many commentators have noted that these central concepts anchoring his discussion are useful but ambiguous. As feminist sociologists who engage in forms of public sociology, we are concerned about the ambiguities of these concepts. In branding professional sociology as “instrumental academic” research, Burawoy elevates it above all other forms in his typology as the core of the discipline, contrary to his own efforts to challenge this hierarchy of evaluation. Professional sociology, he writes, provides legitimacy, expertise, distinctive problem definitions, relevant bodies of knowledge and techniques for analyzing data. An effective public or policy sociology is not hostile to, but depends upon the professional sociology that lies at the core of our disciplinary field. An implication of his analysis is that “‘good’ research is only done in the sphere of professional sociology” and that this sociology leads the other sociologies: “only professionally oriented, disengaged research is conducted with rigour and is capable of yielding methodological and theoretical innovation”.

Read through a much earlier critique of trends in US sociology that included pleas for critical public engagement, Burawoy’s professional sociology brings to mind the categories of abstracted empiricism and grand theory that C. Wright Mills so trenchantly critiqued and that most feminist theories and methodologies have sought to overcome. In addition, despite his efforts to provincialize US sociology, Burawoy’s 2x2 table can be interpreted as a Parsonian-type model that intends to apply to sociology everywhere while most closely reflecting a particular kind of US sociology. This form of US sociology is formalistically professionalized, especially at the more elite research universities — as distinct from being “professional” — and results in institutionalized practices that are unnecessarily rigid and exclusionary. Rather than using this model to prescribe what sociology should be, McLaughlin and Turcotte usefully argue that it should be turned into empirical, researchable questions that determine the size and influence of each type of sociology within different disciplinary, institutional, and national contexts. As feminist sociologists, we are also concerned about other problems of interpretation in Burawoy’s typology. Burawoy characterizes each ideal type as a division of labour that exists, normatively, in reciprocal interdependence. He suggests that most sociologists concentrate their efforts in one type although he grants that they may simultaneously inhabit more than one of the cells or change from one to another over their careers. While allowing for internal complexity of each type (e.g., professional sociology can be reflexive at times, not just instrumental) and for permeable boundaries between the four types, Burawoy’s model can be interpreted as overly bounded, static, and nonvariable. It does not appear, for example, to adequately account for such multidisciplinary fields as social gerontology or feminist sociology in which the distinctions between professional, critical, policy, and public domains are blurred. In attempting to integrate sociology and legitimate public sociology, Burawoy glosses over the contradictions and tensions between the four types he identifies, particularly vis-a-vis the longstanding methodological feuds between positivism, critical theory, and post­positivism. As feminists aware of sociology’s history of exclusions in the production of knowledge, we are wary of hierarchies that Burawoy’s typology may initiate or reproduce that rest on a narrowly cast US version of professional sociology. In contrast to his concept of professional sociology as an engagement with specific social theories (that are not critical) or with a limited range of methodological approaches to research (that are neither reflexive nor involve publics or policymaking), we suggest looking for a more inclusive definition. A more inclusive definition of professional sociology might, for example, involve particular credentials (a graduate degree in sociology) and the undertaking of specific activities (such as teaching sociology in a university or college and/or engaging in rigorous ethical research and publishing). This definition embraces a diversity of orientations, methods, institutional locations, and public and policy engagements Equally important, however, is the fact that Burawoy’s identification of four distinct forms of sociology is itself questionable. As Ericson notes, sociology is (or perhaps should be) simultaneously professional, critical, public, and policy relevant. Whether or not sociology does or should take these forms simultaneously, and how such research is undertaken, requires discussion and empirical investigation. As part of this process, we describe below our research to provide examples of the simultaneous undertaking of professional, critical, policy, and public sociology.

We also take issue with the Gramscian separation of the distinct spheres of state, economy, and civil society that underlies Burawoy’s discussion. In sharply dividing the subject matter of the cognate fields of political science, economics, and sociology — with their respective attention to the state, market, and civil society — his model ignores the growth of interdisciplinary research in which many of us have long engaged. Interestingly, this division also entirely ignores other disciplines, such as anthropology, for which a parallel debate (the call for more public anthropology) predates by several years Burawoy’s intervention (for example, in Chicago in 1999, the topic of the American Anthropological Association forum was Public Anthropology).

As Calhoun argues, rather than reinforcing disciplinary boundaries and social dichotomies, “we should be arguing that state and market are social”. Burawoy’s model tends to demonize the state (and policy intervention/state reform) as well as the market, while romanticizing civil society (including giving it a progressive spin). This ignores both the multisited institutional locations of sociological research and the complex interplay between fields of power, agency, and social change. Feminist theorizing shows that civil society is a complex concept that consists of both the public and the private spheres structured as male-dominated, with the private often disappearing in discourse on civil society. Burawoy’s focus on civil society can be interpreted as reinvoking the public and private dichotomy of Western societies that has been the subject of so much feminist critique, especially in its argument that family and community life (sites of civil society) cannot be understood as separate from political and economic spheres. Significant feminist theory and research have made a concerted effort to argue for a reconceptualization of these spheres acknowledging their interpenetration, rather than isolation from one another.

Where we are in fundamental agreement with Burawoy is in locating the central questions for assessing the state of sociology in the US, Canada, and elsewhere by asking “sociology for whom?” and “sociology for what?” These questions require reflexivity that positions social theories, research methodologies, and indeed researchers within contexts of power and social location. Burawoy designates critical and public sociology as inherently reflexive in contrast to professional and policy sociology. Defining reflexivity, however, is no simple task. According to Burawoy (2004:1606), reflexive knowledge is communicative action that aspires to a dialogic character, “although mutuality and reciprocity are often difficult to achieve in practice.” Reflexivity involves value discussion concerning the ethical goals for which research may be mobilized and stimulates public discussions about the possible meanings of the good society.

Recent feminist epistemological debates have been particularly fruitful in contributing to and expanding upon critical theory’s understanding of reflexivity. Critical feminist sociological debates, informed especially by engagement with extra-academic communities concerned about social justice for socially marginalized groups, have helped to shape our research.

Q.

Which of the following about Burawoy's hypotheses does the not criticize?

Solution:

Option 1 has been criticized - refer to paragraph 3.

Option 2 has been criticized - refer to paragraph 2.

Option 4 does not pertain to Burawoy.

Option 3 - contained in the last paragraph has not been criticized by the author.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 77

Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follow.

Burawoy divides sociology into four distinct types — professional, critical, public, and policy — distinguished by audience (academic versus nonacademic) and forms of knowledge (instrumental versus reflexive). Many commentators have noted that these central concepts anchoring his discussion are useful but ambiguous. As feminist sociologists who engage in forms of public sociology, we are concerned about the ambiguities of these concepts. In branding professional sociology as “instrumental academic” research, Burawoy elevates it above all other forms in his typology as the core of the discipline, contrary to his own efforts to challenge this hierarchy of evaluation. Professional sociology, he writes, provides legitimacy, expertise, distinctive problem definitions, relevant bodies of knowledge and techniques for analyzing data. An effective public or policy sociology is not hostile to, but depends upon the professional sociology that lies at the core of our disciplinary field. An implication of his analysis is that “‘good’ research is only done in the sphere of professional sociology” and that this sociology leads the other sociologies: “only professionally oriented, disengaged research is conducted with rigour and is capable of yielding methodological and theoretical innovation”.

Read through a much earlier critique of trends in US sociology that included pleas for critical public engagement, Burawoy’s professional sociology brings to mind the categories of abstracted empiricism and grand theory that C. Wright Mills so trenchantly critiqued and that most feminist theories and methodologies have sought to overcome. In addition, despite his efforts to provincialize US sociology, Burawoy’s 2x2 table can be interpreted as a Parsonian-type model that intends to apply to sociology everywhere while most closely reflecting a particular kind of US sociology. This form of US sociology is formalistically professionalized, especially at the more elite research universities — as distinct from being “professional” — and results in institutionalized practices that are unnecessarily rigid and exclusionary. Rather than using this model to prescribe what sociology should be, McLaughlin and Turcotte usefully argue that it should be turned into empirical, researchable questions that determine the size and influence of each type of sociology within different disciplinary, institutional, and national contexts. As feminist sociologists, we are also concerned about other problems of interpretation in Burawoy’s typology. Burawoy characterizes each ideal type as a division of labour that exists, normatively, in reciprocal interdependence. He suggests that most sociologists concentrate their efforts in one type although he grants that they may simultaneously inhabit more than one of the cells or change from one to another over their careers. While allowing for internal complexity of each type (e.g., professional sociology can be reflexive at times, not just instrumental) and for permeable boundaries between the four types, Burawoy’s model can be interpreted as overly bounded, static, and nonvariable. It does not appear, for example, to adequately account for such multidisciplinary fields as social gerontology or feminist sociology in which the distinctions between professional, critical, policy, and public domains are blurred. In attempting to integrate sociology and legitimate public sociology, Burawoy glosses over the contradictions and tensions between the four types he identifies, particularly vis-a-vis the longstanding methodological feuds between positivism, critical theory, and post­positivism. As feminists aware of sociology’s history of exclusions in the production of knowledge, we are wary of hierarchies that Burawoy’s typology may initiate or reproduce that rest on a narrowly cast US version of professional sociology. In contrast to his concept of professional sociology as an engagement with specific social theories (that are not critical) or with a limited range of methodological approaches to research (that are neither reflexive nor involve publics or policymaking), we suggest looking for a more inclusive definition. A more inclusive definition of professional sociology might, for example, involve particular credentials (a graduate degree in sociology) and the undertaking of specific activities (such as teaching sociology in a university or college and/or engaging in rigorous ethical research and publishing). This definition embraces a diversity of orientations, methods, institutional locations, and public and policy engagements Equally important, however, is the fact that Burawoy’s identification of four distinct forms of sociology is itself questionable. As Ericson notes, sociology is (or perhaps should be) simultaneously professional, critical, public, and policy relevant. Whether or not sociology does or should take these forms simultaneously, and how such research is undertaken, requires discussion and empirical investigation. As part of this process, we describe below our research to provide examples of the simultaneous undertaking of professional, critical, policy, and public sociology.

We also take issue with the Gramscian separation of the distinct spheres of state, economy, and civil society that underlies Burawoy’s discussion. In sharply dividing the subject matter of the cognate fields of political science, economics, and sociology — with their respective attention to the state, market, and civil society — his model ignores the growth of interdisciplinary research in which many of us have long engaged. Interestingly, this division also entirely ignores other disciplines, such as anthropology, for which a parallel debate (the call for more public anthropology) predates by several years Burawoy’s intervention (for example, in Chicago in 1999, the topic of the American Anthropological Association forum was Public Anthropology).

As Calhoun argues, rather than reinforcing disciplinary boundaries and social dichotomies, “we should be arguing that state and market are social”. Burawoy’s model tends to demonize the state (and policy intervention/state reform) as well as the market, while romanticizing civil society (including giving it a progressive spin). This ignores both the multisited institutional locations of sociological research and the complex interplay between fields of power, agency, and social change. Feminist theorizing shows that civil society is a complex concept that consists of both the public and the private spheres structured as male-dominated, with the private often disappearing in discourse on civil society. Burawoy’s focus on civil society can be interpreted as reinvoking the public and private dichotomy of Western societies that has been the subject of so much feminist critique, especially in its argument that family and community life (sites of civil society) cannot be understood as separate from political and economic spheres. Significant feminist theory and research have made a concerted effort to argue for a reconceptualization of these spheres acknowledging their interpenetration, rather than isolation from one another.

Where we are in fundamental agreement with Burawoy is in locating the central questions for assessing the state of sociology in the US, Canada, and elsewhere by asking “sociology for whom?” and “sociology for what?” These questions require reflexivity that positions social theories, research methodologies, and indeed researchers within contexts of power and social location. Burawoy designates critical and public sociology as inherently reflexive in contrast to professional and policy sociology. Defining reflexivity, however, is no simple task. According to Burawoy (2004:1606), reflexive knowledge is communicative action that aspires to a dialogic character, “although mutuality and reciprocity are often difficult to achieve in practice.” Reflexivity involves value discussion concerning the ethical goals for which research may be mobilized and stimulates public discussions about the possible meanings of the good society.

Recent feminist epistemological debates have been particularly fruitful in contributing to and expanding upon critical theory’s understanding of reflexivity. Critical feminist sociological debates, informed especially by engagement with extra-academic communities concerned about social justice for socially marginalized groups, have helped to shape our research.

Q.

The passage is likely to be a:

Solution:

The passage does not give a peep or preview of what is to come. Therefore, it is not a preface. Eliminate options 1 and 2.

Option 3 cannot be inferred from the passage. The author is criticizing Burawoy's theories on sociology and there is absolutely no hint of a book.

The passage is likely to be a formal discussion of a subject in writing. This points to option 4.

Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

QUESTION: 78

Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follow.

Burawoy divides sociology into four distinct types — professional, critical, public, and policy — distinguished by audience (academic versus nonacademic) and forms of knowledge (instrumental versus reflexive). Many commentators have noted that these central concepts anchoring his discussion are useful but ambiguous. As feminist sociologists who engage in forms of public sociology, we are concerned about the ambiguities of these concepts. In branding professional sociology as “instrumental academic” research, Burawoy elevates it above all other forms in his typology as the core of the discipline, contrary to his own efforts to challenge this hierarchy of evaluation. Professional sociology, he writes, provides legitimacy, expertise, distinctive problem definitions, relevant bodies of knowledge and techniques for analyzing data. An effective public or policy sociology is not hostile to, but depends upon the professional sociology that lies at the core of our disciplinary field. An implication of his analysis is that “‘good’ research is only done in the sphere of professional sociology” and that this sociology leads the other sociologies: “only professionally oriented, disengaged research is conducted with rigour and is capable of yielding methodological and theoretical innovation”.

Read through a much earlier critique of trends in US sociology that included pleas for critical public engagement, Burawoy’s professional sociology brings to mind the categories of abstracted empiricism and grand theory that C. Wright Mills so trenchantly critiqued and that most feminist theories and methodologies have sought to overcome. In addition, despite his efforts to provincialize US sociology, Burawoy’s 2x2 table can be interpreted as a Parsonian-type model that intends to apply to sociology everywhere while most closely reflecting a particular kind of US sociology. This form of US sociology is formalistically professionalized, especially at the more elite research universities — as distinct from being “professional” — and results in institutionalized practices that are unnecessarily rigid and exclusionary. Rather than using this model to prescribe what sociology should be, McLaughlin and Turcotte usefully argue that it should be turned into empirical, researchable questions that determine the size and influence of each type of sociology within different disciplinary, institutional, and national contexts. As feminist sociologists, we are also concerned about other problems of interpretation in Burawoy’s typology. Burawoy characterizes each ideal type as a division of labour that exists, normatively, in reciprocal interdependence. He suggests that most sociologists concentrate their efforts in one type although he grants that they may simultaneously inhabit more than one of the cells or change from one to another over their careers. While allowing for internal complexity of each type (e.g., professional sociology can be reflexive at times, not just instrumental) and for permeable boundaries between the four types, Burawoy’s model can be interpreted as overly bounded, static, and nonvariable. It does not appear, for example, to adequately account for such multidisciplinary fields as social gerontology or feminist sociology in which the distinctions between professional, critical, policy, and public domains are blurred. In attempting to integrate sociology and legitimate public sociology, Burawoy glosses over the contradictions and tensions between the four types he identifies, particularly vis-a-vis the longstanding methodological feuds between positivism, critical theory, and post­positivism. As feminists aware of sociology’s history of exclusions in the production of knowledge, we are wary of hierarchies that Burawoy’s typology may initiate or reproduce that rest on a narrowly cast US version of professional sociology. In contrast to his concept of professional sociology as an engagement with specific social theories (that are not critical) or with a limited range of methodological approaches to research (that are neither reflexive nor involve publics or policymaking), we suggest looking for a more inclusive definition. A more inclusive definition of professional sociology might, for example, involve particular credentials (a graduate degree in sociology) and the undertaking of specific activities (such as teaching sociology in a university or college and/or engaging in rigorous ethical research and publishing). This definition embraces a diversity of orientations, methods, institutional locations, and public and policy engagements Equally important, however, is the fact that Burawoy’s identification of four distinct forms of sociology is itself questionable. As Ericson notes, sociology is (or perhaps should be) simultaneously professional, critical, public, and policy relevant. Whether or not sociology does or should take these forms simultaneously, and how such research is undertaken, requires discussion and empirical investigation. As part of this process, we describe below our research to provide examples of the simultaneous undertaking of professional, critical, policy, and public sociology.

We also take issue with the Gramscian separation of the distinct spheres of state, economy, and civil society that underlies Burawoy’s discussion. In sharply dividing the subject matter of the cognate fields of political science, economics, and sociology — with their respective attention to the state, market, and civil society — his model ignores the growth of interdisciplinary research in which many of us have long engaged. Interestingly, this division also entirely ignores other disciplines, such as anthropology, for which a parallel debate (the call for more public anthropology) predates by several years Burawoy’s intervention (for example, in Chicago in 1999, the topic of the American Anthropological Association forum was Public Anthropology).

As Calhoun argues, rather than reinforcing disciplinary boundaries and social dichotomies, “we should be arguing that state and market are social”. Burawoy’s model tends to demonize the state (and policy intervention/state reform) as well as the market, while romanticizing civil society (including giving it a progressive spin). This ignores both the multisited institutional locations of sociological research and the complex interplay between fields of power, agency, and social change. Feminist theorizing shows that civil society is a complex concept that consists of both the public and the private spheres structured as male-dominated, with the private often disappearing in discourse on civil society. Burawoy’s focus on civil society can be interpreted as reinvoking the public and private dichotomy of Western societies that has been the subject of so much feminist critique, especially in its argument that family and community life (sites of civil society) cannot be understood as separate from political and economic spheres. Significant feminist theory and research have made a concerted effort to argue for a reconceptualization of these spheres acknowledging their interpenetration, rather than isolation from one another.

Where we are in fundamental agreement with Burawoy is in locating the central questions for assessing the state of sociology in the US, Canada, and elsewhere by asking “sociology for whom?” and “sociology for what?” These questions require reflexivity that positions social theories, research methodologies, and indeed researchers within contexts of power and social location. Burawoy designates critical and public sociology as inherently reflexive in contrast to professional and policy sociology. Defining reflexivity, however, is no simple task. According to Burawoy (2004:1606), reflexive knowledge is communicative action that aspires to a dialogic character, “although mutuality and reciprocity are often difficult to achieve in practice.” Reflexivity involves value discussion concerning the ethical goals for which research may be mobilized and stimulates public discussions about the possible meanings of the good society.

Recent feminist epistemological debates have been particularly fruitful in contributing to and expanding upon critical theory’s understanding of reflexivity. Critical feminist sociological debates, informed especially by engagement with extra-academic communities concerned about social justice for socially marginalized groups, have helped to shape our research.

Q.

What is the central idea of the passage?

Solution:

Option 1 encapsulates all that has been mentioned in options 2, 3, and 4 and is the central idea of the passage.

Options 2, 3, and 4 pertain to specific parts and do not qualify as the central idea.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 79

Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follow.

Burawoy divides sociology into four distinct types — professional, critical, public, and policy — distinguished by audience (academic versus nonacademic) and forms of knowledge (instrumental versus reflexive). Many commentators have noted that these central concepts anchoring his discussion are useful but ambiguous. As feminist sociologists who engage in forms of public sociology, we are concerned about the ambiguities of these concepts. In branding professional sociology as “instrumental academic” research, Burawoy elevates it above all other forms in his typology as the core of the discipline, contrary to his own efforts to challenge this hierarchy of evaluation. Professional sociology, he writes, provides legitimacy, expertise, distinctive problem definitions, relevant bodies of knowledge and techniques for analyzing data. An effective public or policy sociology is not hostile to, but depends upon the professional sociology that lies at the core of our disciplinary field. An implication of his analysis is that “‘good’ research is only done in the sphere of professional sociology” and that this sociology leads the other sociologies: “only professionally oriented, disengaged research is conducted with rigour and is capable of yielding methodological and theoretical innovation”.

Read through a much earlier critique of trends in US sociology that included pleas for critical public engagement, Burawoy’s professional sociology brings to mind the categories of abstracted empiricism and grand theory that C. Wright Mills so trenchantly critiqued and that most feminist theories and methodologies have sought to overcome. In addition, despite his efforts to provincialize US sociology, Burawoy’s 2x2 table can be interpreted as a Parsonian-type model that intends to apply to sociology everywhere while most closely reflecting a particular kind of US sociology. This form of US sociology is formalistically professionalized, especially at the more elite research universities — as distinct from being “professional” — and results in institutionalized practices that are unnecessarily rigid and exclusionary. Rather than using this model to prescribe what sociology should be, McLaughlin and Turcotte usefully argue that it should be turned into empirical, researchable questions that determine the size and influence of each type of sociology within different disciplinary, institutional, and national contexts. As feminist sociologists, we are also concerned about other problems of interpretation in Burawoy’s typology. Burawoy characterizes each ideal type as a division of labour that exists, normatively, in reciprocal interdependence. He suggests that most sociologists concentrate their efforts in one type although he grants that they may simultaneously inhabit more than one of the cells or change from one to another over their careers. While allowing for internal complexity of each type (e.g., professional sociology can be reflexive at times, not just instrumental) and for permeable boundaries between the four types, Burawoy’s model can be interpreted as overly bounded, static, and nonvariable. It does not appear, for example, to adequately account for such multidisciplinary fields as social gerontology or feminist sociology in which the distinctions between professional, critical, policy, and public domains are blurred. In attempting to integrate sociology and legitimate public sociology, Burawoy glosses over the contradictions and tensions between the four types he identifies, particularly vis-a-vis the longstanding methodological feuds between positivism, critical theory, and post­positivism. As feminists aware of sociology’s history of exclusions in the production of knowledge, we are wary of hierarchies that Burawoy’s typology may initiate or reproduce that rest on a narrowly cast US version of professional sociology. In contrast to his concept of professional sociology as an engagement with specific social theories (that are not critical) or with a limited range of methodological approaches to research (that are neither reflexive nor involve publics or policymaking), we suggest looking for a more inclusive definition. A more inclusive definition of professional sociology might, for example, involve particular credentials (a graduate degree in sociology) and the undertaking of specific activities (such as teaching sociology in a university or college and/or engaging in rigorous ethical research and publishing). This definition embraces a diversity of orientations, methods, institutional locations, and public and policy engagements Equally important, however, is the fact that Burawoy’s identification of four distinct forms of sociology is itself questionable. As Ericson notes, sociology is (or perhaps should be) simultaneously professional, critical, public, and policy relevant. Whether or not sociology does or should take these forms simultaneously, and how such research is undertaken, requires discussion and empirical investigation. As part of this process, we describe below our research to provide examples of the simultaneous undertaking of professional, critical, policy, and public sociology.

We also take issue with the Gramscian separation of the distinct spheres of state, economy, and civil society that underlies Burawoy’s discussion. In sharply dividing the subject matter of the cognate fields of political science, economics, and sociology — with their respective attention to the state, market, and civil society — his model ignores the growth of interdisciplinary research in which many of us have long engaged. Interestingly, this division also entirely ignores other disciplines, such as anthropology, for which a parallel debate (the call for more public anthropology) predates by several years Burawoy’s intervention (for example, in Chicago in 1999, the topic of the American Anthropological Association forum was Public Anthropology).

As Calhoun argues, rather than reinforcing disciplinary boundaries and social dichotomies, “we should be arguing that state and market are social”. Burawoy’s model tends to demonize the state (and policy intervention/state reform) as well as the market, while romanticizing civil society (including giving it a progressive spin). This ignores both the multisited institutional locations of sociological research and the complex interplay between fields of power, agency, and social change. Feminist theorizing shows that civil society is a complex concept that consists of both the public and the private spheres structured as male-dominated, with the private often disappearing in discourse on civil society. Burawoy’s focus on civil society can be interpreted as reinvoking the public and private dichotomy of Western societies that has been the subject of so much feminist critique, especially in its argument that family and community life (sites of civil society) cannot be understood as separate from political and economic spheres. Significant feminist theory and research have made a concerted effort to argue for a reconceptualization of these spheres acknowledging their interpenetration, rather than isolation from one another.

Where we are in fundamental agreement with Burawoy is in locating the central questions for assessing the state of sociology in the US, Canada, and elsewhere by asking “sociology for whom?” and “sociology for what?” These questions require reflexivity that positions social theories, research methodologies, and indeed researchers within contexts of power and social location. Burawoy designates critical and public sociology as inherently reflexive in contrast to professional and policy sociology. Defining reflexivity, however, is no simple task. According to Burawoy (2004:1606), reflexive knowledge is communicative action that aspires to a dialogic character, “although mutuality and reciprocity are often difficult to achieve in practice.” Reflexivity involves value discussion concerning the ethical goals for which research may be mobilized and stimulates public discussions about the possible meanings of the good society.

Recent feminist epistemological debates have been particularly fruitful in contributing to and expanding upon critical theory’s understanding of reflexivity. Critical feminist sociological debates, informed especially by engagement with extra-academic communities concerned about social justice for socially marginalized groups, have helped to shape our research.

Q.

Which of the following is Feminist sociology not in agreement with?

Solution:

Refer to paragraph 1 in which feminist sociologists find Burawoy's division of sociology ambiguous. This makes option 1 the correct answer.

Option 2 is in sync with feminist sociology - refer to the final paragraph.

Feminist sociologists have not disagreed with Burawoy's definition of reflexivity - refer to the final paragraph. Option 3 is eliminated. Option 4 has been stated in paragraph 2 and once again there is no indication of feminist sociologists disagreeing with it.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 80

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

If you want to understand the shifting balance of power in the world economy, it helps to know the names Jorge Paulo Lemann, Carlos Brito, and Frederico Curado. Lemann, Brazil’s richest man and the dealmaker behind the dollar 52 billion InBev-Anheuser-Busch merger and the dollar 3.3 billion purchase of Burger King, has just teamed up with Warren Buffett to acquire yet another major American company, H.J. Heinz, for dollar 23 billion. Brito, the Brazilian chief executive officer of Anheuser- Busch InBev, has launched a dollar 20 billion takeover bid for Mexico’s Grupo Modelo —the maker of Corona beer—and in the process prompted a U.S. antitrust suit. (AB InBev already sells almost one in five beers in the world.) And Curado, the CEO of Embraer, the world’s third- largest commercial planemaker, recently inked a dollar 4 billion deal to supply American Airlines with regional jets.

These Brazilian tycoons represent a new breed of emerging-market entrepreneurs who are introducing unprecedented competition into every sector of global business. Emerging- market countries are now home to more than 1,000 companies with annual sales above $1 billion. Foreign direct investment from developing and transitional economies has outpaced FDI from rich countries for more than a decade. It’s by now widely understood that power is flowing from north to south and west to east, from old corporate behemoths to agile startups. But to say that power is shifting from one continent or country to another, or that it’s dispersing among many new players, tells only part of the story. Nor is it enough to attribute these shifts to the impact of the Internet and other disruptive technologies.

Instead, the very nature of the power once wielded by established companies and the people who run them has changed. Rival CEOs continue to fight for dominance, but corporate power itself - the ability to influence the way consumers, competitors, and markets behave - is decaying. The Brazilian billionaires who now control multinational giants such as AB InBev are no less vulnerable than the more familiar names they’ve replaced. In the 21st century, power is easier to get but also harder to use and easier to lose.

To many people this trend may seem surprising. In the age of Occupy Wall Street and “too big to fail,” it’s unquestionable that income is concentrating and some are using money to gain political clout. Yet even the 1 Percent in the U.S. aren’t immune to sudden shifts in wealth. For all the rise in income inequality, the Great Recession also had a corrective effect, disproportionately affecting the incomes of the rich. According to Emmanuel Saez, an economics professor at the University of California at Berkeley, the economic crisis caused a 36.3 percent drop in the incomes of the top 1 percent of earners in the U.S., compared with an 11.6 percent drop for the remaining 99 percent. In 2012, Forbes said the top take-away from its list of the world’s billionaires was “churn,” with almost as many list members losing wealth (441) as gaining it (460). Corporate chiefs may earn much more than before, but tenure at the top has become more precarious. In 1992 a U.S. Fortune 500 CEO had a 36 percent chance of

retaining his job for the next five years; in 1998 that chance was down to 25 percent. According to management consultant John Challenger, the tenure of the average American CEO has declined from close to 10 years in the 1990s to about five and a half years. The position of executives in other countries is just as tenuous. In 2011 alone, CEOs at 14.4 percent of the world’s 2,500 biggest listed companies left their jobs.

The same goes for corporations themselves. A study by economists Diego Comin and Thomas Philippon showed that in 1980 a U.S. company in the top fifth of its industry had only a 10 percent risk of falling out of that tier in five years; two decades later, that likelihood had risen to 25 percent. In finance, banks are losing power and influence to nimbler hedge funds:

In the second half of 2010, in the midst of a sharp economic downturn, the top 10 hedge funds - most of them unknown to the general public - earned more than the world’s six largest banks combined. Multinationals are also more likely to suffer brand disasters that clobber their reputations, revenues, and valuations, as companies from BP (BP) to Nike (NKE) to News Corp. (NWS) can all attest. One study found that the five-year risk of such a disaster for companies owning the most prestigious global brands has risen in the past two decades from 20 percent to 82 percent.

In some respects, these are heartening developments. Just as the decay of power in politics has undermined authoritarian regimes, in business it has curtailed monopolies and oligopolies while giving consumers more choices, lower prices, and, in some cases at least, better quality. Even areas in which monopolies were once thought unavoidable, such as utilities, can now be opened to competition. Cultural barriers are increasingly irrelevant: To cite just one example, Alejandro Ramirez, a young entrepreneur from Morelia, Mexico, is one of the leading players in the cineplex business - in India. Ramirez’s company, Cinepolis, began as a one-screen movie house in the 1940s in provincial Michoacan state. It’s since become the largest cineplex company in Mexico and Central America and is now seeking to meet India’s demand for modern multiplexes - there are only about a thousand modern film screens for more than 1.2 billion people - by adding 500 screens in the next few years.

The growing power vacuum also entails dangers. It’s nurtured all manner of improvised groups, companies, and media outlets that evade traditional scrutiny and whose sponsors hide in the cacophony of the Web. It’s also created more opportunities for fraud and deceit.

When power is harder to use and keep, and it spreads to an ever-larger, ever-shifting cast of small players, forms of competition that threaten the social good and the survival of industries (overly aggressive business tactics designed to bankrupt rivals rather than maximize profits, for instance) are more likely to arise.

We can’t anticipate the many changes that will flow from power’s ebb, but we can adopt a mind-set that will minimize its more harmful effects. The first step is resisting elevator thinking, the obsession with who’s going up and who’s coming down. You can rank competitors at any given time by their assets, power, and achievements. But the picture this offers is ephemeral and misleading. The more we fixate on rankings, the more we risk ignoring or underestimating how much the waning of power is weakening all the competing parties, not only those in apparent decline.

We must also recognize that the decay of power creates fertile soil for those who seek to exploit the proliferation of actors, opinions, and proposals in ways ultimately counter to the public interest - consider the Wall Street wizards who championed toxic financial instruments as creative solutions. Devising enforceable safeguards to protect the public will become essential for policymakers worldwide.

In business and politics, the end of power carries risks as much as it presents opportunities.

When national and international leaders are, like Gulliver, tied down by thousands ofmicropowers, they’re less able to address the most pressing issues of the day - from climate change to economic crises to nuclear proliferation. The fundamental challenge before us is to welcome the advances of plural voices and innovation without driving ourselves into a crippling paralysis.

Q.

 Identify the correct statement from the following:

Solution:

Options 1 and 2 contradict the content of paragraph 2. Option 3 contradicts paragraph 6.

Option 4, however, has been stated almost verbatim in paragraph 5. Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

QUESTION: 81

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

If you want to understand the shifting balance of power in the world economy, it helps to know the names Jorge Paulo Lemann, Carlos Brito, and Frederico Curado. Lemann, Brazil’s richest man and the dealmaker behind the dollar 52 billion InBev-Anheuser-Busch merger and the dollar 3.3 billion purchase of Burger King, has just teamed up with Warren Buffett to acquire yet another major American company, H.J. Heinz, for dollar 23 billion. Brito, the Brazilian chief executive officer of Anheuser- Busch InBev, has launched a dollar 20 billion takeover bid for Mexico’s Grupo Modelo —the maker of Corona beer—and in the process prompted a U.S. antitrust suit. (AB InBev already sells almost one in five beers in the world.) And Curado, the CEO of Embraer, the world’s third- largest commercial planemaker, recently inked a dollar 4 billion deal to supply American Airlines with regional jets.

These Brazilian tycoons represent a new breed of emerging-market entrepreneurs who are introducing unprecedented competition into every sector of global business. Emerging- market countries are now home to more than 1,000 companies with annual sales above $1 billion. Foreign direct investment from developing and transitional economies has outpaced FDI from rich countries for more than a decade. It’s by now widely understood that power is flowing from north to south and west to east, from old corporate behemoths to agile startups. But to say that power is shifting from one continent or country to another, or that it’s dispersing among many new players, tells only part of the story. Nor is it enough to attribute these shifts to the impact of the Internet and other disruptive technologies.

Instead, the very nature of the power once wielded by established companies and the people who run them has changed. Rival CEOs continue to fight for dominance, but corporate power itself - the ability to influence the way consumers, competitors, and markets behave - is decaying. The Brazilian billionaires who now control multinational giants such as AB InBev are no less vulnerable than the more familiar names they’ve replaced. In the 21st century, power is easier to get but also harder to use and easier to lose.

To many people this trend may seem surprising. In the age of Occupy Wall Street and “too big to fail,” it’s unquestionable that income is concentrating and some are using money to gain political clout. Yet even the 1 Percent in the U.S. aren’t immune to sudden shifts in wealth. For all the rise in income inequality, the Great Recession also had a corrective effect, disproportionately affecting the incomes of the rich. According to Emmanuel Saez, an economics professor at the University of California at Berkeley, the economic crisis caused a 36.3 percent drop in the incomes of the top 1 percent of earners in the U.S., compared with an 11.6 percent drop for the remaining 99 percent. In 2012, Forbes said the top take-away from its list of the world’s billionaires was “churn,” with almost as many list members losing wealth (441) as gaining it (460). Corporate chiefs may earn much more than before, but tenure at the top has become more precarious. In 1992 a U.S. Fortune 500 CEO had a 36 percent chance of

retaining his job for the next five years; in 1998 that chance was down to 25 percent. According to management consultant John Challenger, the tenure of the average American CEO has declined from close to 10 years in the 1990s to about five and a half years. The position of executives in other countries is just as tenuous. In 2011 alone, CEOs at 14.4 percent of the world’s 2,500 biggest listed companies left their jobs.

The same goes for corporations themselves. A study by economists Diego Comin and Thomas Philippon showed that in 1980 a U.S. company in the top fifth of its industry had only a 10 percent risk of falling out of that tier in five years; two decades later, that likelihood had risen to 25 percent. In finance, banks are losing power and influence to nimbler hedge funds:

In the second half of 2010, in the midst of a sharp economic downturn, the top 10 hedge funds - most of them unknown to the general public - earned more than the world’s six largest banks combined. Multinationals are also more likely to suffer brand disasters that clobber their reputations, revenues, and valuations, as companies from BP (BP) to Nike (NKE) to News Corp. (NWS) can all attest. One study found that the five-year risk of such a disaster for companies owning the most prestigious global brands has risen in the past two decades from 20 percent to 82 percent.

In some respects, these are heartening developments. Just as the decay of power in politics has undermined authoritarian regimes, in business it has curtailed monopolies and oligopolies while giving consumers more choices, lower prices, and, in some cases at least, better quality. Even areas in which monopolies were once thought unavoidable, such as utilities, can now be opened to competition. Cultural barriers are increasingly irrelevant: To cite just one example, Alejandro Ramirez, a young entrepreneur from Morelia, Mexico, is one of the leading players in the cineplex business - in India. Ramirez’s company, Cinepolis, began as a one-screen movie house in the 1940s in provincial Michoacan state. It’s since become the largest cineplex company in Mexico and Central America and is now seeking to meet India’s demand for modern multiplexes - there are only about a thousand modern film screens for more than 1.2 billion people - by adding 500 screens in the next few years.

The growing power vacuum also entails dangers. It’s nurtured all manner of improvised groups, companies, and media outlets that evade traditional scrutiny and whose sponsors hide in the cacophony of the Web. It’s also created more opportunities for fraud and deceit.

When power is harder to use and keep, and it spreads to an ever-larger, ever-shifting cast of small players, forms of competition that threaten the social good and the survival of industries (overly aggressive business tactics designed to bankrupt rivals rather than maximize profits, for instance) are more likely to arise.

We can’t anticipate the many changes that will flow from power’s ebb, but we can adopt a mind-set that will minimize its more harmful effects. The first step is resisting elevator thinking, the obsession with who’s going up and who’s coming down. You can rank competitors at any given time by their assets, power, and achievements. But the picture this offers is ephemeral and misleading. The more we fixate on rankings, the more we risk ignoring or underestimating how much the waning of power is weakening all the competing parties, not only those in apparent decline.

We must also recognize that the decay of power creates fertile soil for those who seek to exploit the proliferation of actors, opinions, and proposals in ways ultimately counter to the public interest - consider the Wall Street wizards who championed toxic financial instruments as creative solutions. Devising enforceable safeguards to protect the public will become essential for policymakers worldwide.

In business and politics, the end of power carries risks as much as it presents opportunities.

When national and international leaders are, like Gulliver, tied down by thousands ofmicropowers, they’re less able to address the most pressing issues of the day - from climate change to economic crises to nuclear proliferation. The fundamental challenge before us is to welcome the advances of plural voices and innovation without driving ourselves into a crippling paralysis.

Q.

Identify the wrong statement from the following:

Solution:

Option 1 has been stated in paragraph 2.

Option 2 contradicts the passage: The Great Recession disproportionately affected the incomes of the very rich.

Option 3 is stated in paragraph 5.

Option 4 is stated in paragraph 4.

Hence, the correct answer is option 2.

QUESTION: 82

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

If you want to understand the shifting balance of power in the world economy, it helps to know the names Jorge Paulo Lemann, Carlos Brito, and Frederico Curado. Lemann, Brazil’s richest man and the dealmaker behind the dollar 52 billion InBev-Anheuser-Busch merger and the dollar 3.3 billion purchase of Burger King, has just teamed up with Warren Buffett to acquire yet another major American company, H.J. Heinz, for dollar 23 billion. Brito, the Brazilian chief executive officer of Anheuser- Busch InBev, has launched a dollar 20 billion takeover bid for Mexico’s Grupo Modelo —the maker of Corona beer—and in the process prompted a U.S. antitrust suit. (AB InBev already sells almost one in five beers in the world.) And Curado, the CEO of Embraer, the world’s third- largest commercial planemaker, recently inked a dollar 4 billion deal to supply American Airlines with regional jets.

These Brazilian tycoons represent a new breed of emerging-market entrepreneurs who are introducing unprecedented competition into every sector of global business. Emerging- market countries are now home to more than 1,000 companies with annual sales above $1 billion. Foreign direct investment from developing and transitional economies has outpaced FDI from rich countries for more than a decade. It’s by now widely understood that power is flowing from north to south and west to east, from old corporate behemoths to agile startups. But to say that power is shifting from one continent or country to another, or that it’s dispersing among many new players, tells only part of the story. Nor is it enough to attribute these shifts to the impact of the Internet and other disruptive technologies.

Instead, the very nature of the power once wielded by established companies and the people who run them has changed. Rival CEOs continue to fight for dominance, but corporate power itself - the ability to influence the way consumers, competitors, and markets behave - is decaying. The Brazilian billionaires who now control multinational giants such as AB InBev are no less vulnerable than the more familiar names they’ve replaced. In the 21st century, power is easier to get but also harder to use and easier to lose.

To many people this trend may seem surprising. In the age of Occupy Wall Street and “too big to fail,” it’s unquestionable that income is concentrating and some are using money to gain political clout. Yet even the 1 Percent in the U.S. aren’t immune to sudden shifts in wealth. For all the rise in income inequality, the Great Recession also had a corrective effect, disproportionately affecting the incomes of the rich. According to Emmanuel Saez, an economics professor at the University of California at Berkeley, the economic crisis caused a 36.3 percent drop in the incomes of the top 1 percent of earners in the U.S., compared with an 11.6 percent drop for the remaining 99 percent. In 2012, Forbes said the top take-away from its list of the world’s billionaires was “churn,” with almost as many list members losing wealth (441) as gaining it (460). Corporate chiefs may earn much more than before, but tenure at the top has become more precarious. In 1992 a U.S. Fortune 500 CEO had a 36 percent chance of

retaining his job for the next five years; in 1998 that chance was down to 25 percent. According to management consultant John Challenger, the tenure of the average American CEO has declined from close to 10 years in the 1990s to about five and a half years. The position of executives in other countries is just as tenuous. In 2011 alone, CEOs at 14.4 percent of the world’s 2,500 biggest listed companies left their jobs.

The same goes for corporations themselves. A study by economists Diego Comin and Thomas Philippon showed that in 1980 a U.S. company in the top fifth of its industry had only a 10 percent risk of falling out of that tier in five years; two decades later, that likelihood had risen to 25 percent. In finance, banks are losing power and influence to nimbler hedge funds:

In the second half of 2010, in the midst of a sharp economic downturn, the top 10 hedge funds - most of them unknown to the general public - earned more than the world’s six largest banks combined. Multinationals are also more likely to suffer brand disasters that clobber their reputations, revenues, and valuations, as companies from BP (BP) to Nike (NKE) to News Corp. (NWS) can all attest. One study found that the five-year risk of such a disaster for companies owning the most prestigious global brands has risen in the past two decades from 20 percent to 82 percent.

In some respects, these are heartening developments. Just as the decay of power in politics has undermined authoritarian regimes, in business it has curtailed monopolies and oligopolies while giving consumers more choices, lower prices, and, in some cases at least, better quality. Even areas in which monopolies were once thought unavoidable, such as utilities, can now be opened to competition. Cultural barriers are increasingly irrelevant: To cite just one example, Alejandro Ramirez, a young entrepreneur from Morelia, Mexico, is one of the leading players in the cineplex business - in India. Ramirez’s company, Cinepolis, began as a one-screen movie house in the 1940s in provincial Michoacan state. It’s since become the largest cineplex company in Mexico and Central America and is now seeking to meet India’s demand for modern multiplexes - there are only about a thousand modern film screens for more than 1.2 billion people - by adding 500 screens in the next few years.

The growing power vacuum also entails dangers. It’s nurtured all manner of improvised groups, companies, and media outlets that evade traditional scrutiny and whose sponsors hide in the cacophony of the Web. It’s also created more opportunities for fraud and deceit.

When power is harder to use and keep, and it spreads to an ever-larger, ever-shifting cast of small players, forms of competition that threaten the social good and the survival of industries (overly aggressive business tactics designed to bankrupt rivals rather than maximize profits, for instance) are more likely to arise.

We can’t anticipate the many changes that will flow from power’s ebb, but we can adopt a mind-set that will minimize its more harmful effects. The first step is resisting elevator thinking, the obsession with who’s going up and who’s coming down. You can rank competitors at any given time by their assets, power, and achievements. But the picture this offers is ephemeral and misleading. The more we fixate on rankings, the more we risk ignoring or underestimating how much the waning of power is weakening all the competing parties, not only those in apparent decline.

We must also recognize that the decay of power creates fertile soil for those who seek to exploit the proliferation of actors, opinions, and proposals in ways ultimately counter to the public interest - consider the Wall Street wizards who championed toxic financial instruments as creative solutions. Devising enforceable safeguards to protect the public will become essential for policymakers worldwide.

In business and politics, the end of power carries risks as much as it presents opportunities.

When national and international leaders are, like Gulliver, tied down by thousands ofmicropowers, they’re less able to address the most pressing issues of the day - from climate change to economic crises to nuclear proliferation. The fundamental challenge before us is to welcome the advances of plural voices and innovation without driving ourselves into a crippling paralysis.

Q.

 Match the following:

Solution:

According to the passage:

Lemann is associated with H.J. Heinz.

Brito is associated with Anheuser-Busch.

Saez is associated with the University of California - Berkeley as a Professor. Curado is associated with Embraer.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 83

The passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.

If you want to understand the shifting balance of power in the world economy, it helps to know the names Jorge Paulo Lemann, Carlos Brito, and Frederico Curado. Lemann, Brazil’s richest man and the dealmaker behind the dollar 52 billion InBev-Anheuser-Busch merger and the dollar 3.3 billion purchase of Burger King, has just teamed up with Warren Buffett to acquire yet another major American company, H.J. Heinz, for dollar 23 billion. Brito, the Brazilian chief executive officer of Anheuser- Busch InBev, has launched a dollar 20 billion takeover bid for Mexico’s Grupo Modelo —the maker of Corona beer—and in the process prompted a U.S. antitrust suit. (AB InBev already sells almost one in five beers in the world.) And Curado, the CEO of Embraer, the world’s third- largest commercial planemaker, recently inked a dollar 4 billion deal to supply American Airlines with regional jets.

These Brazilian tycoons represent a new breed of emerging-market entrepreneurs who are introducing unprecedented competition into every sector of global business. Emerging- market countries are now home to more than 1,000 companies with annual sales above $1 billion. Foreign direct investment from developing and transitional economies has outpaced FDI from rich countries for more than a decade. It’s by now widely understood that power is flowing from north to south and west to east, from old corporate behemoths to agile startups. But to say that power is shifting from one continent or country to another, or that it’s dispersing among many new players, tells only part of the story. Nor is it enough to attribute these shifts to the impact of the Internet and other disruptive technologies.

Instead, the very nature of the power once wielded by established companies and the people who run them has changed. Rival CEOs continue to fight for dominance, but corporate power itself - the ability to influence the way consumers, competitors, and markets behave - is decaying. The Brazilian billionaires who now control multinational giants such as AB InBev are no less vulnerable than the more familiar names they’ve replaced. In the 21st century, power is easier to get but also harder to use and easier to lose.

To many people this trend may seem surprising. In the age of Occupy Wall Street and “too big to fail,” it’s unquestionable that income is concentrating and some are using money to gain political clout. Yet even the 1 Percent in the U.S. aren’t immune to sudden shifts in wealth. For all the rise in income inequality, the Great Recession also had a corrective effect, disproportionately affecting the incomes of the rich. According to Emmanuel Saez, an economics professor at the University of California at Berkeley, the economic crisis caused a 36.3 percent drop in the incomes of the top 1 percent of earners in the U.S., compared with an 11.6 percent drop for the remaining 99 percent. In 2012, Forbes said the top take-away from its list of the world’s billionaires was “churn,” with almost as many list members losing wealth (441) as gaining it (460). Corporate chiefs may earn much more than before, but tenure at the top has become more precarious. In 1992 a U.S. Fortune 500 CEO had a 36 percent chance of

retaining his job for the next five years; in 1998 that chance was down to 25 percent. According to management consultant John Challenger, the tenure of the average American CEO has declined from close to 10 years in the 1990s to about five and a half years. The position of executives in other countries is just as tenuous. In 2011 alone, CEOs at 14.4 percent of the world’s 2,500 biggest listed companies left their jobs.

The same goes for corporations themselves. A study by economists Diego Comin and Thomas Philippon showed that in 1980 a U.S. company in the top fifth of its industry had only a 10 percent risk of falling out of that tier in five years; two decades later, that likelihood had risen to 25 percent. In finance, banks are losing power and influence to nimbler hedge funds:

In the second half of 2010, in the midst of a sharp economic downturn, the top 10 hedge funds - most of them unknown to the general public - earned more than the world’s six largest banks combined. Multinationals are also more likely to suffer brand disasters that clobber their reputations, revenues, and valuations, as companies from BP (BP) to Nike (NKE) to News Corp. (NWS) can all attest. One study found that the five-year risk of such a disaster for companies owning the most prestigious global brands has risen in the past two decades from 20 percent to 82 percent.

In some respects, these are heartening developments. Just as the decay of power in politics has undermined authoritarian regimes, in business it has curtailed monopolies and oligopolies while giving consumers more choices, lower prices, and, in some cases at least, better quality. Even areas in which monopolies were once thought unavoidable, such as utilities, can now be opened to competition. Cultural barriers are increasingly irrelevant: To cite just one example, Alejandro Ramirez, a young entrepreneur from Morelia, Mexico, is one of the leading players in the cineplex business - in India. Ramirez’s company, Cinepolis, began as a one-screen movie house in the 1940s in provincial Michoacan state. It’s since become the largest cineplex company in Mexico and Central America and is now seeking to meet India’s demand for modern multiplexes - there are only about a thousand modern film screens for more than 1.2 billion people - by adding 500 screens in the next few years.

The growing power vacuum also entails dangers. It’s nurtured all manner of improvised groups, companies, and media outlets that evade traditional scrutiny and whose sponsors hide in the cacophony of the Web. It’s also created more opportunities for fraud and deceit.

When power is harder to use and keep, and it spreads to an ever-larger, ever-shifting cast of small players, forms of competition that threaten the social good and the survival of industries (overly aggressive business tactics designed to bankrupt rivals rather than maximize profits, for instance) are more likely to arise.

We can’t anticipate the many changes that will flow from power’s ebb, but we can adopt a mind-set that will minimize its more harmful effects. The first step is resisting elevator thinking, the obsession with who’s going up and who’s coming down. You can rank competitors at any given time by their assets, power, and achievements. But the picture this offers is ephemeral and misleading. The more we fixate on rankings, the more we risk ignoring or underestimating how much the waning of power is weakening all the competing parties, not only those in apparent decline.

We must also recognize that the decay of power creates fertile soil for those who seek to exploit the proliferation of actors, opinions, and proposals in ways ultimately counter to the public interest - consider the Wall Street wizards who championed toxic financial instruments as creative solutions. Devising enforceable safeguards to protect the public will become essential for policymakers worldwide.

In business and politics, the end of power carries risks as much as it presents opportunities.

When national and international leaders are, like Gulliver, tied down by thousands ofmicropowers, they’re less able to address the most pressing issues of the day - from climate change to economic crises to nuclear proliferation. The fundamental challenge before us is to welcome the advances of plural voices and innovation without driving ourselves into a crippling paralysis.

Q.

What is the meaning of “oligopolies?”

Solution:

An “oligopoly” is an economic situation in which there are few sellers, each of which can influence price and other market

factors. This definition is in consonance with option 1.

Option 2 is a definition of monopoly.

Option 3 is a definition of cartels.

Option 4 defines companies in a socialist state or public sector companies. Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 84

The question consist of labelled sentences or a part of it. These, when properly sequenced form a coherent paragraph. Choose the most logical order from among the options.

I.    clearly and distinctly apprehend, certain matter extended in length, breadth, and thickness,

II.  it may, indeed, be a matter of inquiry whether that object be God, or something different from God;

III. deserve to be regarded as a deceiver, if He directly and of himself presented to our mind

IV. the idea of this extended matter, or merely caused it to be presented to us by some object which possessed neither extension, figure, nor motion

V.  the various parts of which have different figures and motions, and give rise to the sensation we have of colours, smells, pain, etc., God would, without question,

VI. but because we perceive, or rather, stimulated by sense,

Solution:

At first glance, none of the statements present a clear start to the paragraph. However, from among the given options, statement II is the most likely introductory statement. Options 2 and 3 can be eliminated.

Statement I cannot follow II, since the structure of these two sentences is grammatically not parallel. Eliminate option 1. Statement VI is followed by I, since “... we perceive, or rather...” and "... apprehend ...’’are parallel structures.

Statement III has to be followed by statement IV since both refer to what is presented to us.

The sequence in option 4 is correct.

Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

QUESTION: 85

Arrange the jumbled sentences in order.

I.   This and carpentry are in my opinion for your age the best pursuits, better even than school.

II.  That is the way to leam the most, that when you are doing something with such enjoyment that you don’t notice that the time passes.

III.Because those are things which fit a young person such as you very well.

IV.    I am very pleased that you find joy with the piano and in playing with wood.

V. Mainly play the things on the piano and do things which please you, even if the teacher does not assign those.

Solution:

The nature of the statements suggests that they are a piece of advice that someone offered to someone else who was young in age. The usage of “school” and “young person” indicates the same.

Statement IV is obviously the introductory statement since all the options begin with it.

“This and carpentry” in statement I refers to “piano and playing with wood” in statement IV.

Statement III further justifies the author's opinion about what he/she thinks fits young people, especially the person being addressed. Due to the nature of this statement, it must come after statement I. Eliminate option 1.

Statement V emphasizes upon doing things that please the person, despite them not being assigned by the teacher and statement II lends a conclusive tone to the statements by addressing statement V and describing how time passes when people do the things they enjoy doing. Eliminate options 2 and 4. Thus, the correct order is IV, I, III, V, II.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 86

Select one word/phrase which is closest in meaning to the given phrase. To carry the can

Solution:

“To carry the can” means to ‘take the blame or responsibility for something that is wrong or has not succeeded’.

Option 2 is the meaning of the idiom ‘to carry coals to a new castle’.

Option 3 is the meaning of the idiom ‘to use carrots and sticks’. Option 4 is the meaning of the idiom ‘to cast a long shadow’. Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 87

For each of the following sentences, choose the most appropriate “one word” for the given expressions.A mischievous or deceitful trick or practice.

Solution:

An “insinuation” is ‘an indirect or covert suggestion or hint’. “Gambol” refers ‘to the act of skipping about’. “Shebang” refers to ‘a situation, matter or affair’.Eliminate options 1, 3 and 4. “Shenanigan” is synonymous with ‘mischief, mischief making and deceitful acts’.

Hence, the correct answer is option 2.

QUESTION: 88

Pick the word with the correct spelling.

Solution:

The correct spelling is “conscience” which means, ‘the inner sense of what is right or wrong in one's conduct or motives’. Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 89

Select the option with incorrect spelling.

Solution:

The correct spelling for option 3 is ‘incandescent’ meaning ‘intensely bright, brilliant’.Options 1, 2 and 4 have been spelt correctly.Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 90

Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate pair of words from the given options.

Many authors tell these stories simply to_ their burning curiosity about the______ questions in their favorite novels.

Solution:

Option 1 is eliminated as even if “destroy” makes sense here as “emancipated” which means ‘not constrained or restricted by custom or tradition, superstition’ does not.

Option 2 is eliminated in spite of “satiate” which means, ‘to satisfy to the full; sate’ fitting in. “Dyslexic” is completely out of context.

Option 4 is eliminated as “exorcise” means ‘to free (a person, place, etc.) of evil spirits or malignant influences,’ and does not fit in even though “rebellious” may or may not be correct.

“Quell” means ‘to quiet or allay (emotions, anxieties, etc.)’. “Unanswered” definitely fits here, as there is a burning curiosity about unanswered questions.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 91

Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate pair of words from the given options.

Some of Sigmund Freud’s theories of human motivation have been called psychological_______ ; his “life instinct” is essentially  thel_______

Solution:

The word “claptrap” means ‘pretentious but insincere or empty language’. This cannot bring motivation if it is insincere. This eliminates option 1.

The word “idiom” means ‘an expression whose meaning is not predictable from the usual meanings of its constituent elements’ and the word “stigma” means ‘a mark of disgrace or infamy; a stain or reproach, as on one's reputation’. None of these can fill the second blank as well as “observation”. Therefore, options 3 and 4 are eliminated.

The words “people will pursue pleasure” give a definite hint as to what the first answer may be. The only word closely matching it is “hedonism”. “Observation” also neatly fills the second blank. Hence, the correct answer is option 2.

QUESTION: 92

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Consider the following statement. “MS Dhoni’s blitzkrieg at the end of yesterday’s match saved it for India”. Which of the following is the synonym of the word marked in bold?

Solution:

“Blitzkrieg” is a word of German origin meaning ‘a swift intensive military attack.’ It is reflected best in option 2.

Hence, the correct answer is option 2.

QUESTION: 93

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Consider the following statement. “I committed a faux pas the other day when I went to a formal dinner dressed up for a costume party.”

Which of the following is the synonym of the word marked in bold?

Solution:

“Faux pas” is a French word meaning ‘social blunder’. It is correctly reflected in option 2.

Hence, the correct answer is option 2.

QUESTION: 94

Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate pair of words from the given options.

In the hospital waiting room, people sat in_______________ as if for a 10 hour flight delay.

Solution:

Option 1 can be eliminated since ‘unfriendly regret’ would be incorrect usage. “Regret” means ‘to feel sorry’.

‘Rude manner’ would be ungrammatically incorrect without the prefix ‘a’ before it. Further, the phrase ‘rude manner’ would be inappropriate when linked to a flight delay. We can eliminate option 2.

“Disappointing” can be accommodated for the first blank, but “contours” meaning ‘the lines of the face’ is contextually inappropriate for the second blank. We can eliminate option 3. “Taciturn” means ‘reserved or inclined to silence’ and “vigil” means ‘staying awake to watch a sick person’. Both these words in the context of a hospital waiting room.

Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

QUESTION: 95

Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate pair of words from the given options.

As a writer, Sonya________ on her predecessor’s success which ________ the purists simply because she sought readymade outcomes with the help of the master's style.

Solution:

“Harped” in this context means ‘to dwell on persistently or tediously in speaking or writing’, whereas “denounced” means ‘to condemn or censure openly or publicly’. Neither of the words fit logically and this pair makes the sentence logically incoherent. We can eliminate option 1.

Sonya has the capability to “delight” purists, but she can’t “ramble” on her predecessor’s success, as “rambled” means ‘to talk or write in a discursive, aimless way’. This eliminates option 4.

Similarly, Sonya cannot possibly ‘trample’ on her predecessor's success, and even if she did it would not ‘delight’ the purists in any way. We can eliminate option 3.

Sonya can “piggyback” on her predecessor’s success, meaning ‘to use, appropriate, or exploit the availability, services, or facilities of another’, and this can definitely “enrage” purists who probably disapprove of such exploitation.

Hence, the correct answer is option 2.

QUESTION: 96

Choose the word which is CLOSEST in meaning to the word given in CAPITAL LETTERS:

PROBITY

Solution:

“Probity” is a noun which means ‘honesty or integrity’. ‘Garrulous’ means ‘being excessively talkative’.

‘Deception’ means ‘the act of deceiving or the state of being deceived’.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

 

QUESTION: 97

Fill in the blanks with the most appropriate word/set of words from the given options.

He just walked up to the boss______________ and confidently asked for a raise based on all the efforts he had been putting in for the last two months.

Solution:

The expression “as bold as brass” is valid and refers to confidence. Of all the options, this fits in best.

“Incognito” means ‘posing as someone else’, “chilled to the bone” means ‘to be very cold’, and “with sea legs” refers to ‘the ability to remain physically stable when at sea’.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 98

The question below consists of an incomplete sentence. Four phrases are given beneath the sentence. Mark the option that best completes the sentence.

We will________ to the photograph requirement when an individual has a sincere religious objection

Solution:

The possibility of an individual having a sincere religious objection means that they (referred to as “we” in the statement) will take the necessary action to take care of it.

Option 2 is ruled out as the verb “agree” would completely change the meaning of the sentence.

Option 4 is ruled out as it is unnecessarily wordy and illogical. The phrase “permit an exception” is the best fit for the sentence.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

Option 1 is ruled out as the phrase “allow delay” does not fit within the construction of the sentence. Also, “delay” is usually followed by the preposition ‘in’ and not “to”.

QUESTION: 99

Identify the figures of speech in the following sentences:

Which of the following is a simile?

Solution:

A simile is a figure of speech that engages in the comparison of two unlike objects or as is the case in option 1, two unlike people. Different people are likened to each other to denote a sense of equality.

In option 2, 'a paper moon and a cardboard sea', which could be symbolic of something, is a metaphor.

Option 3 is a personification, as the human quality of declaring a war has been attributed to bees.

Statement 4 represents two paradoxical experiences.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 100

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

Which of the following is a Euphemism?

Solution:

A euphemism is a polite expression used in place of words or phrases that otherwise might be considered harsh or unpleasant to hear. Option 3 uses the phrase, “letting her go” to convey that she was fired.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 101

For each of the questions below, select the word that fits well in all the four given sentences.

i.    Most superhero stories________ the rise of heroes above their humanity.

ii.    These addresses________ the course of this country from its earliest days to the present.

iii.    With a political career in mind, he cast about for a biographer to________ his exploits.

iv.    This book will________ my personal experiences during that thirty-year odyssey in the

land of dreams.

Solution:

Superhero stories, addresses covering the course of a country from its earliest days to the present, a person with political interests and an author are only likely to “chronicle” the activities mentioned in each statement.

The word “campaign” has a rather intense connotation, which is not supported by any of the four statements. Eliminate option 1. The word “estimate” does not convey the intended meaning of these statements as effectively as “chronicle”. Eliminate option 2. While “apprise” could potentially fit in statements i and ii, it cannot fit into statements iii and iv. A biographer cannot possibly ‘inform’ an individual’s exploits. He/she informs others about them. Similarly a book cannot inform an author’s personal experiences; it will serve to “apprise” or 'inform' readers about the same. Eliminate option 4.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 102

From the following words, identify the word that will make a relationship similar to the first pair.

apogee: perigee :: aphelion:______________

Solution:

An “apogee” is ‘the zenith; the highest point’ and a “perigee” is ‘the lowest’. The two words are therefore antonyms.

“Aphelion” refers

to ‘the point in the orbit of a planet or a comet at which it is farthest from the sun.’

“Perihelion” refers

to ‘the point in the orbit of a planet or a comet at which it is nearest to the sun.’ Option 3 therefore indicates an antonymous association with “aphelion”.

“Parhelion” refers to ‘a bright circular spot on a solar halo’, “paranthelion” refers to ‘a halo at the same angular elevation as the sun but opposite to it’, and “anthelion” refers to ‘a white, luminous spot appearing opposite to the sun’. They are related to the given word, but not antonymous to it. Eliminate options 1,2 and 4.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 103

Pick the correct antonym for the given word. Incorrigible

Solution:

“Incorrigible” means, ‘bad beyond correction or reform’. The antonym of “incorrigible” would be “reformable”, meaning ‘susceptible to improvement’.

“Intractable” means ‘not easily controlled or directed’. Eliminate option 2.

“Sophomore” refers to ‘a student in the second year of high school or college’. Eliminate option 3.

“Inane” means ‘lacking sense’. Eliminate option 4.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 104

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

There is a group of five students with five different names: Sachin, Gagan, Vishwanathan, Saina and Leander and they have five different surnames. Each of them belongs to a different city and they play five different games. They are currently studying in three MBA Colleges. Further, the following information is known:

i.      Leander does not study in IIM-A where the student from Delhi studies.

ii.    The student whose name is not Leander and whose surname is not Tendulkar, studies in IIFT. He is the only person among the five friends who studies at IIFT.

iii.      Vishwanathan neither belongs to Kolkata, nor is his surname Nehwal.

iv.      The student who plays Football studies at IIM-A, where the student with the surname Anand does not study.

v.     Sachin and the student whose surname is Tendulkar, both study in the same MBA College.

vi.      The student who belongs to Bangalore does not study in the same college as the student who plays Tennis studying at IIM-A.

vii.    Sachin does not play Football.

viii.        Gagan, who plays Cricket, studies at IIFT.

ix.    The student from Mumbai and the student whose surname is Nehwal, both study at IIM-A.

x.       The student whose surname is Paes, studies at IIFT.

xi.    Saina’s surname is Narang, and she is not from Chennai. She does not play Chess.

xii.  Sachin does not belong to Bangalore.

xiii.     The student from Chennai and the student who plays Badminton, both study at FMS.

Q.

Which of the following statement(s) is/are definitely incorrect?

The students who play Football and Chess study in the same MBA college.

II.      The student whose surname is Paes plays Cricket.

III.      The student from Bangalore plays Badminton.

IV.        Gagan belongs to Kolkata.

 

Solution:

There is one student from IIFT and two each from FMS and IIM-A.

Try to represent the finalised data for each person in this format: MBA

College - Name - Surname - City - Sport

From (ii), (viii) and (x), IIFT - Gagan - Paes - ? - Cricket

From (i) and (ix), the students from Delhi and Mumbai study at IIM-A. Also, the student from Delhi must have the surname Nehwal.

From (xiii), the student from Chennai and the student who plays Badminton must study at FMS.

Hence, Gagan is from Bangalore or Kolkata i.e. IIFT - Gagan - Paes - Bangalore/Kolkata - Cricket

From (iv) and (vi), the students who play Tennis and Football, study at IIM-A.

Hence, the students at FMS must play Chess and Badminton. Hence, the

person who plays Chess is from Chennai.

Hence, the person who plays Badminton is from Bangalore or Kolkata. The information obtained so far is as shown below:

Now, from (xi), Saina-Narang is one name-surname pair.

From the table above, Saina can be from Mumbai and in IIM-A or in FMS and playing Badminton.

Now, consider the following:

1)      Sachin and the person with the surname Tendulkar are two different people studying in the same college (either FMS or IIM-A).

2)      Since Leander is not in IIM-A, Leander is definitely in FMS.

3)      The person with the surname Anand is also in FMS.

4)      Vishwanathan does not have the surname Nehwal.

Case 1: Saina is from Mumbai and hence, in IIM-A.

Hence, the surname of both people in IIM-A is found - Narang and Nehwal.

Hence, Sachin and the person with surname Tendulkar are definitely in FMS i.e. the students in FMS are Sachin Anand and Leander Tendulkar.

Hence, the surname of Vishwanathan has to be Nehwal (which contradicts point 4 above).

Hence, this case is invalid.

Hence, Saina Narang is studying in FMS and playing Badminton i.e. FMS

- Saina - Narang - Bangalore/Kolkata - Badminton.

Hence, from points 2 and 3 above, Leander has the surname Anand, and the rest of the table can be filled up as shown below:

 

I is definitely incorrect while II is definitely correct.

Ill and IV are either simultaneously correct or simultaneously incorrect. Hence, option 1.

QUESTION: 105

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

There is a group of five students with five different names: Sachin, Gagan, Vishwanathan, Saina and Leander and they have five different surnames. Each of them belongs to a different city and they play five different games. They are currently studying in three MBA Colleges. Further, the following information is known:

i.      Leander does not study in IIM-A where the student from Delhi studies.

ii.    The student whose name is not Leander and whose surname is not Tendulkar, studies in IIFT. He is the only person among the five friends who studies at IIFT.

iii.      Vishwanathan neither belongs to Kolkata, nor is his surname Nehwal.

iv.      The student who plays Football studies at IIM-A, where the student with the surname Anand does not study.

v.     Sachin and the student whose surname is Tendulkar, both study in the same MBA College.

vi.      The student who belongs to Bangalore does not study in the same college as the student who plays Tennis studying at IIM-A.

vii.    Sachin does not play Football.

viii.        Gagan, who plays Cricket, studies at IIFT.

ix.    The student from Mumbai and the student whose surname is Nehwal, both study at IIM-A.

x.       The student whose surname is Paes, studies at IIFT.

xi.    Saina’s surname is Narang, and she is not from Chennai. She does not play Chess.

xii.  Sachin does not belong to Bangalore.

xiii.     The student from Chennai and the student who plays Badminton, both study at FMS.

Q.

Which of the following statements is correct?

 I. Sachin and Leander study in the same college.

II.       The student who plays Chess is from Delhi.

III.   The student who belongs to Mumbai has the surname Tendulkar and plays Football.

IV.  The student who belongs to Chennai has the surname Narang and plays Chess.

 

Solution:

Consider the final arrangement obtained in the solution to the first question.

Sachin and Leander study in IIM-A and FMS respectively.

The student who plays Chess is from Chennai and has the surname Anand. The student with the surname Narang plays Badminton.

Hence I, II and IV are incorrect.

Vishwanathan belongs to Mumbai, has the surname Tendulkar and plays Football.

Thus, III is correct.

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 106

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

There is a group of five students with five different names: Sachin, Gagan, Vishwanathan, Saina and Leander and they have five different surnames. Each of them belongs to a different city and they play five different games. They are currently studying in three MBA Colleges. Further, the following information is known:

i.      Leander does not study in IIM-A where the student from Delhi studies.

ii.    The student whose name is not Leander and whose surname is not Tendulkar, studies in IIFT. He is the only person among the five friends who studies at IIFT.

iii.      Vishwanathan neither belongs to Kolkata, nor is his surname Nehwal.

iv.      The student who plays Football studies at IIM-A, where the student with the surname Anand does not study.

v.     Sachin and the student whose surname is Tendulkar, both study in the same MBA College.

vi.      The student who belongs to Bangalore does not study in the same college as the student who plays Tennis studying at IIM-A.

vii.    Sachin does not play Football.

viii.        Gagan, who plays Cricket, studies at IIFT.

ix.    The student from Mumbai and the student whose surname is Nehwal, both study at IIM-A.

x.       The student whose surname is Paes, studies at IIFT.

xi.    Saina’s surname is Narang, and she is not from Chennai. She does not play Chess.

xii.  Sachin does not belong to Bangalore.

xiii.     The student from Chennai and the student who plays Badminton, both study at FMS.

Q.

The student, who belongs to Bangalore, has the surname_______________ .

 

Solution:

Consider the final arrangement obtained in the solution to the first question.

The student from Bangalore has the surname Narang or Paes.

Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 107

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

There is a group of five students with five different names: Sachin, Gagan, Vishwanathan, Saina and Leander and they have five different surnames. Each of them belongs to a different city and they play five different games. They are currently studying in three MBA Colleges. Further, the following information is known:

i.      Leander does not study in IIM-A where the student from Delhi studies.

ii.    The student whose name is not Leander and whose surname is not Tendulkar, studies in IIFT. He is the only person among the five friends who studies at IIFT.

iii.      Vishwanathan neither belongs to Kolkata, nor is his surname Nehwal.

iv.      The student who plays Football studies at IIM-A, where the student with the surname Anand does not study.

v.     Sachin and the student whose surname is Tendulkar, both study in the same MBA College.

vi.      The student who belongs to Bangalore does not study in the same college as the student who plays Tennis studying at IIM-A.

vii.    Sachin does not play Football.

viii.        Gagan, who plays Cricket, studies at IIFT.

ix.    The student from Mumbai and the student whose surname is Nehwal, both study at IIM-A.

x.       The student whose surname is Paes, studies at IIFT.

xi.    Saina’s surname is Narang, and she is not from Chennai. She does not play Chess.

xii.  Sachin does not belong to Bangalore.

xiii.     The student from Chennai and the student who plays Badminton, both study at FMS.

Q.

The student who plays Chess is from___________ .

 

 

Solution:

Consider the final arrangement obtained in the solution to the first question.

The student who plays Chess is from Chennai.

Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 108

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

A word arrangement machine, when given a particular input, rearranges it following a particular rule upto step 4. The following is the illustration of the input and the steps of the arrangement. Study the inherent logic and answer the following questions.

Input: we, could, not, think, of, a, suitable, epitaph, for, his, gravestone Step 1: a, could, epitaph, for, gravestone, his, not, of, suitable, think, we Step 2: we, think, suitable, of, not, his, gravestone, for, epitaph, could, a

Step 3: think, we, of, suitable, his, not, for, gravestone, could, epitaph, a

Step 4: of, we, think, suitable, for, not, his, gravestone, a, epitaph, could 103. If the input is, ‘the noise in the classroom interfered with his ability to 1 concentrate’, Step 4 will be:   

Solution:

The following pattern can be observed:

Step 1: The words are arranged from left to right in alphabetical order

Step 2: The entire sequence of words is now arranged in reverse alphabetical order.

Step 3: The first two words interchange positions, the next two words interchange positions, and so on.

Step 4: The first and third word interchange positions, the fifth and seventh word interchange positions, and the ninth and eleventh word interchange positions. The remaining words remain where they are.

Apply the same logic to the given input.

Input: the, noise, in, the, classroom, interfered, with, his, ability, to, concentrate

Step 1: ability, classroom, concentrate, his, in, interfered, noise, the, the, to, with

Step 2: with, to, the, the, noise, interfered, in, his, concentrate, classroom, ability

Step 3: to, with, the, the, interfered, noise, his, in, classroom, concentrate, ability

Step 4: the, with, to, the, his, noise, interfered, in, ability, concentrate, classroom

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 109

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

A word arrangement machine, when given a particular input, rearranges it following a particular rule upto step 4. The following is the illustration of the input and the steps of the arrangement. Study the inherent logic and answer the following questions.

Input: we, could, not, think, of, a, suitable, epitaph, for, his, gravestone Step 1: a, could, epitaph, for, gravestone, his, not, of, suitable, think, we Step 2: we, think, suitable, of, not, his, gravestone, for, epitaph, could, a

Step 3: think, we, of, suitable, his, not, for, gravestone, could, epitaph, a

Step 4: of, we, think, suitable, for, not, his, gravestone, a, epitaph, could

Q.

If Step 3 generates ‘words you stupid that horses lions eats goats cow crazy are’, then Step 1 was:

 

Solution:

Consider the pattern obtained in the solution to the first question.

For any input, Step 1 always arranges the words in alphabetical order.

Hence, irrespective of what the arrangement in Step 3 is, you can directly arrange Step 3 in alphabetical order to get Step 1.

Step 3: words, you, stupid, that, horses, lions, eats, goats, cow, crazy, are

Step 1: are, cow, crazy, eats, goats, horses, lions, stupid, that, words, you

Hence, option 4.

Note: Option 2 cannot be considered as the word ‘goats’ is incorrectly given as ‘goat’.

QUESTION: 110

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

A word arrangement machine, when given a particular input, rearranges it following a particular rule upto step 4. The following is the illustration of the input and the steps of the arrangement. Study the inherent logic and answer the following questions.

Input: we, could, not, think, of, a, suitable, epitaph, for, his, gravestone Step 1: a, could, epitaph, for, gravestone, his, not, of, suitable, think, we Step 2: we, think, suitable, of, not, his, gravestone, for, epitaph, could, a

Step 3: think, we, of, suitable, his, not, for, gravestone, could, epitaph, a

Step 4: of, we, think, suitable, for, not, his, gravestone, a, epitaph, could

Q.

in each question below three statements (I, II and III) are given followed by 1 four conclusions numbered [1], [2], [3] and [4]. You have to take the given Marks statements to be true even if they seem to be at variance with commonly known facts. Read all the conclusions and then decide which of the given conclusions logically follows from the given statements, disregarding commonly known facts. Choose the correct options presented below. Statements:

I.     Some actors are pretty.

II.  Some actors are cops.

III.   All cops are brave.

Conclusions:

1.   Some cops are pretty.

2.   Some actors are brave.

3.   All pretty are brave.

4.      All actors are brave.

 

Solution:

Consider conclusions:

The following shows a case where no cops are pretty.

As all cops are brave and some actors are cops, there are some actors who are cops and brave.

Conclusion 2 is true.

2.      The above figure shows a case where no pretty are brave.

3.      The above figure shows a case where all actors are not brave.

Hence, the correct answer is option 3.

QUESTION: 111

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

A word arrangement machine, when given a particular input, rearranges it following a particular rule upto step 4. The following is the illustration of the input and the steps of the arrangement. Study the inherent logic and answer the following questions.

Input: we, could, not, think, of, a, suitable, epitaph, for, his, gravestone Step 1: a, could, epitaph, for, gravestone, his, not, of, suitable, think, we Step 2: we, think, suitable, of, not, his, gravestone, for, epitaph, could, a

Step 3: think, we, of, suitable, his, not, for, gravestone, could, epitaph, a

Step 4: of, we, think, suitable, for, not, his, gravestone, a, epitaph, could

Q.

The question has three statements followed by four conclusions. Choose the option where the conclusion/s follow/s from at least two of the statements.

Statements:

I.     No cigars are hot drinks.

II. Some hot drinks are not healthy.

III.      All healthy items are not good.

Conclusions:

  1. 1. No cigar is healthy
  2. No cigar is good.
  3. No hot drink is good.
  4. Some hot drinks are not good.
Solution:

It is given that no cigars are hot drinks and some hot drinks are not healthy. From the above diagram we can see that Conclusion 1 i.e. No cigar is healthy does

not necessarily follow.

All healthy items are not good.


From the diagram below we can say that some cigars may be good.

Conclusion 2 does not follow.

Following diagram shows a case where some hot drinks are good.

 Conclusion 3 does not follow.

It is given that some hot drinks are not healthy and all healthy items are not good.


Following diagram shows a case where all hot drinks are good.

 Conclusion 4 does not follow.

Hence, option 4.

QUESTION: 112

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

A word arrangement machine, when given a particular input, rearranges it following a particular rule upto step 4. The following is the illustration of the input and the steps of the arrangement. Study the inherent logic and answer the following questions.

Input: we, could, not, think, of, a, suitable, epitaph, for, his, gravestone Step 1: a, could, epitaph, for, gravestone, his, not, of, suitable, think, we Step 2: we, think, suitable, of, not, his, gravestone, for, epitaph, could, a

Step 3: think, we, of, suitable, his, not, for, gravestone, could, epitaph, a

Step 4: of, we, think, suitable, for, not, his, gravestone, a, epitaph, could

Q.

 

In the question below, a statement is followed by three assumptions numbered I, II and III. An assumption is something supposed or taken for granted. You have to consider the statement and the following assumptions and decide which assumptions are implicit in the statement.

Computer maker Lenovo Group said its latest quarterly profit declined 5 per cent, reflecting its acquisition of the Motorola mobile phone business.

I. The acquisition of Motorola proved unprofitable for Lenovo

II.  Motorola's business profits have decreased over the years

III.      A computer business cannot rake in profits by acquiring a mobile phone business

Solution:

Since Lenovo's quarterly profits have decreased after the acquisition of Motorola, it follows that this was unprofitable for Lenovo. I is implicit. Eliminate option 4.

On the basis of the given information, we cannot assume that Motorola has been doing badly for years. II is not implicit. Eliminate option 2.

Ill is a general statement about all computer and mobile phone businesses, and it is not implicit in the given information. Eliminate option 3.

Hence, the correct answer is option 1.

QUESTION: 113

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The management of an IT company Cronus wants to recruit Software Engineers due to increase in the number of projects. For facilitating the selection process, several selection criteria were finalized and provided to the selection panel, which are given below. In order to get selected, the candidates are required to fulfill, in addition to I, at least three of conditions II to V.

I.      The age of the candidates must be greater than or equal to 26 years and less than or equal to 32 years.

II.  The candidate should have graduated in Computer Science and should have secured an aggregate of 60% marks in graduation.

III.    The candidate has an M.Tech/MS in Computer Science with at least 55% marks.

IV.     The candidate must have work experience in the IT industry for at least 2 years. (Excluding bench period)

V.        The candidate should secure at least 75% marks in the company’s aptitude test.

If, however, it is observed that some candidates fulfill only two conditions from II to V, but do not fulfill:

a.     II above,(i.e. has not graduated in Computer Science or not secured 60% marks in graduation in Computer Science) but has pursued an M.Tech/MS in

Computer Science with at least 65% marks, then he/she will be considered in the second round of shortlisting of candidates.

b.    Ill above, but has work experience in the IT industry for at least 4 years. (Excluding bench period) then he/she will be considered for the third round of shortlisting of candidates.

c.    IV above, but has secured at least 85% marks in the company’s aptitude test, then he/she will be considered for the second round of shortlisting of candidates.

All the information provided about the candidates applying for the job is as on August 31, 2015. Based on the information furnished, decide in each case, which of the following courses of action the selection panel should adopt, from the available options. You are not to assume any information.

Q.

Akhilesh Naik has graduated from Mukesh Patel University in Computer Science with 63% marks. He has also completed his M.Tech in Computer Science from IIIT-B with 72% marks. After completing his M.Tech, he joined the IT Company Infy on 25th December, 2012, and has been working there ever since. He has never been on bench. He celebrated his birthday 10 months after joining Infy and was bom in the year 1989.

Solution:

Since Akhilesh celebrated his birthday, 10 months after 25th December, his birthday must have been in October.

Since he was bom in the year 1989, he would complete 26 years only in October 2015.

Hence, he does not satisfy I.

Thus, the candidate is not to be selected.

Hence, option 2.

QUESTION: 114

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The management of an IT company Cronus wants to recruit Software Engineers due to increase in the number of projects. For facilitating the selection process, several selection criteria were finalized and provided to the selection panel, which are given below. In order to get selected, the candidates are required to fulfill, in addition to I, at least three of conditions II to V.

I.      The age of the candidates must be greater than or equal to 26 years and less than or equal to 32 years.

II.  The candidate should have graduated in Computer Science and should have secured an aggregate of 60% marks in graduation.

III.    The candidate has an M.Tech/MS in Computer Science with at least 55% marks.

IV.     The candidate must have work experience in the IT industry for at least 2 years. (Excluding bench period)

V.        The candidate should secure at least 75% marks in the company’s aptitude test.

If, however, it is observed that some candidates fulfill only two conditions from II to V, but do not fulfill:

a.     II above,(i.e. has not graduated in Computer Science or not secured 60% marks in graduation in Computer Science) but has pursued an M.Tech/MS in

Computer Science with at least 65% marks, then he/she will be considered in the second round of shortlisting of candidates.

b.    Ill above, but has work experience in the IT industry for at least 4 years. (Excluding bench period) then he/she will be considered for the third round of shortlisting of candidates.

c.    IV above, but has secured at least 85% marks in the company’s aptitude test, then he/she will be considered for the second round of shortlisting of candidates.

All the information provided about the candidates applying for the job is as on August 31, 2015. Based on the information furnished, decide in each case, which of the following courses of action the selection panel should adopt, from the available options. You are not to assume any information.

Q.

Vanya Mishra graduated in Civil Engineering from VJIT University with  62% percent marks after which she joined an NGO for social work. After Marks 2 years she joined IIIT-C to pursue MS in Computer Science where she secured 66% marks. Then, she worked for an IT Company from 1st Jan 2012 to 1st Jan 2015. She was on bench from 3rd July 2013 to 3rd November 2013. She got 72% in the company’s aptitude test. She was bom on 18th April 1987.   

Solution:

Vanya fulfils I, III and IV criteria but does not fulfill II and V.

Since she does not fulfill II, consider sub-condition (a).

Since she got 66% percent in M.S- Computer Science, she should be considered for the second round of shortlisting.

Hence, option 3.

QUESTION: 115

Answer the following question based on the information given below.

The management of an IT company Cronus wants to recruit Software Engineers due to increase in the number of projects. For facilitating the selection process, several selection criteria were finalized and provided to the selection panel, which are given below. In order to get selected, the candidates are required to fulfill, in addition to I, at least three of conditions II to V.

I.      The age of the candidates must be greater than or equal to 26 years and less than or equal to 32 years.

II.  The candidate should have graduated in Computer Science and should have secured an aggregate of 60% marks in graduation.

III.    The candidate has an M.Tech/MS in Computer Science with at least 55% marks.

IV.     The candidate must have work experience in the IT industry for at least 2 years. (Excluding bench period)

V.        The candidate should secure at least 75% marks in the company’s aptitude test.

If, however, it is observed that some candidates fulfill only two conditions from II to V, but do not fulfill:

a.     II above,(i.e. has not graduated in Computer Science or not secured 60% marks in graduation in Computer Science) but has pursued an M.Tech/MS in

Computer Science with at least 65% marks, then he/she will be considered in the second round of shortlisting of candidates.

b.    Ill above, but has work experience in the IT industry for at least 4 years. (Excluding bench period) then he/she will be considered for the third round of shortlisting of candidates.

c.    IV above, but has secured at least 85% marks in the company’s aptitude test, then he/she will be considered for the second round of shortlisting of candidates.

All the information provided about the candidates applying for the job is as on August 31, 2015. Based on the information furnished, decide in each case, which of the following courses of action the selection panel should adopt, from the available options. You are not to assume any information.

Q.

Jyothish Nair is currently working for an IT company called IDM. He completed his graduation in Computer Science in the year 2012, the year

in which he celebrated his 24th birthday. Then, he completed his M.Tech in Computer Science in the year 2014. He got 70% marks in graduation and 60% marks in M.Tech. He scored 86% in the company’s aptitude test.

Solution:

Jyothish fulfills criteria I, II, III and V and may or may not fulfill IV.

Since he satisfies atleast three criteria out of II-V, he should be selected. Hence, option 1.