Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Kumaon, the northernmost region of Uttarakhand (a state in India), shines under the Himalayan sun and snow and gushes with water shared with the nation of Nepal. This bond runs thousands of years old, and has only in modern times been obscured by a 225 km border. The traditions of trade and migration - where Kumaoni goods spanned out to Tibet and Central Asia through Nepal, or where Nepalese people dwelling in mountain villages came down to the warmer and more inhabited Kumaon - made the Himalayan range seem less of a geographical barrier and more a home to transnational cultures and incredible religious tolerance. Though the geographical isolation that the Himalayas brought about could have very easily caused distinction between ethnic and cultural groups and raised barriers to cultural diffusion, the economic and social conditions led to greater tolerance of intermarriage. Parents blessed marriages of couples whose origins were often hundreds of kilometres apart. As a result, love marriages, though not so common, were also accepted in this region, where arranged marriages were usually the norm. In short, intermarriage and cultural diffusion fuelled each other across the Indo-Nepalese border. The traditions of both regions, which are neither 'purely' from those regions, emphasize this fact. Hindus in Kumaon are less preoccupied with the caste system (though there is still discrimination that exists as a result of this hierarchy.) Buddhists in Nepal retain certain elements of Hinduism that were left with them even as the last of the Kumaoni migrant traders passed by their villages. However, following British rule in India, the Anglo-Nepalese war, and the creation of geopolitical entities, the 225 km landscape which was once known as an open gate between kingdoms of India and Nepal became an established border. Centuries of open trade and intermarriage became closed off, and those who once lived within an autonomous Kumaon with its own kingdom and culture became, for the first time, to be known as Indians. Even today, marriages take place across the border, and thus hold together ancient ties between families and different cultural and ethnic groups. For example, Nepalese men leave their homes for Kumaon in search of jobs and even the love of their life. Immigration between Nepal and India has extremely lax regulations - about 18 forms of ID are acceptable for passing through the border. Even if one cannot produce such ID, get permission, or get a fake passport (another common options) many Nepalese can still take advantage of obscure but dangerous pedestrian paths and cross rivers to get to the land that was once bound with theirs. Once in the Kumaon region, Nepalese migrants usually work menial jobs and, in glaring contrast to their ancestors, are given the short end of the stick in terms of the social hierarchy. Not only are they looked down upon by many modern-day Kumaonis who consider themselves more Indian than Himalayan (though it merits mention that many Kumaonis still venerate the ancient ties with Nepal) but they also face their business often face crushing competitions from larger businesses with backing from Indian financial institutions. This is further emphasized when one looks at the implications of many Indians immigrating freely into Nepal. The Nepalese government has complained time and again about migrant Indians luring Nepalese women into prostitution with empty promises of Bollywood and glamour. In addition, Indian dacoits (robbers or bandits) often take advantage of the porous border and spill into southern and western Nepal. In short, the tie is there, but it is not what it used to be. Q. Which of the following options best sums up the central idea of the passage?

Political relations of India and Nepal

How intermarriage helped to develop and strengthen the bond between India and Nepal

The barriers threatening cultural bond between India and Nepal

Intermarriage and diffusion of identities of India and Nepal in Past and Present

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Kumaon, the northernmost region of Uttarakhand (a state in India), shines under the Himalayan sun and snow and gushes with water shared with the nation of Nepal. This bond runs thousands of years old, and has only in modern times been obscured by a 225 km border. The traditions of trade and migration - where Kumaoni goods spanned out to Tibet and Central Asia through Nepal, or where Nepalese people dwelling in mountain villages came down to the warmer and more inhabited Kumaon - made the Himalayan range seem less of a geographical barrier and more a home to transnational cultures and incredible religious tolerance. Though the geographical isolation that the Himalayas brought about could have very easily caused distinction between ethnic and cultural groups and raised barriers to cultural diffusion, the economic and social conditions led to greater tolerance of intermarriage. Parents blessed marriages of couples whose origins were often hundreds of kilometres apart. As a result, love marriages, though not so common, were also accepted in this region, where arranged marriages were usually the norm. In short, intermarriage and cultural diffusion fuelled each other across the Indo-Nepalese border. The traditions of both regions, which are neither 'purely' from those regions, emphasize this fact. Hindus in Kumaon are less preoccupied with the caste system (though there is still discrimination that exists as a result of this hierarchy.) Buddhists in Nepal retain certain elements of Hinduism that were left with them even as the last of the Kumaoni migrant traders passed by their villages. However, following British rule in India, the Anglo-Nepalese war, and the creation of geopolitical entities, the 225 km landscape which was once known as an open gate between kingdoms of India and Nepal became an established border. Centuries of open trade and intermarriage became closed off, and those who once lived within an autonomous Kumaon with its own kingdom and culture became, for the first time, to be known as Indians. Even today, marriages take place across the border, and thus hold together ancient ties between families and different cultural and ethnic groups. For example, Nepalese men leave their homes for Kumaon in search of jobs and even the love of their life. Immigration between Nepal and India has extremely lax regulations - about 18 forms of ID are acceptable for passing through the border. Even if one cannot produce such ID, get permission, or get a fake passport (another common options) many Nepalese can still take advantage of obscure but dangerous pedestrian paths and cross rivers to get to the land that was once bound with theirs. Once in the Kumaon region, Nepalese migrants usually work menial jobs and, in glaring contrast to their ancestors, are given the short end of the stick in terms of the social hierarchy. Not only are they looked down upon by many modern-day Kumaonis who consider themselves more Indian than Himalayan (though it merits mention that many Kumaonis still venerate the ancient ties with Nepal) but they also face their business often face crushing competitions from larger businesses with backing from Indian financial institutions. This is further emphasized when one looks at the implications of many Indians immigrating freely into Nepal. The Nepalese government has complained time and again about migrant Indians luring Nepalese women into prostitution with empty promises of Bollywood and glamour. In addition, Indian dacoits (robbers or bandits) often take advantage of the porous border and spill into southern and western Nepal. In short, the tie is there, but it is not what it used to be. Q. It can be understood that in the fourth paragraph, the key purpose of the author is to:

To introduce the first elements that changed the close cultural bond shared by the people of Nepal and India.

To give an account of historical events and how they changed the mindsets of the Indians and Nepalese towards each other.

To emphasize the fact that the relation between Nepal and India was strained due to the British.

To give the causes that are responsible for the rivalry between Nepal and India today.

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Kumaon, the northernmost region of Uttarakhand (a state in India), shines under the Himalayan sun and snow and gushes with water shared with the nation of Nepal. This bond runs thousands of years old, and has only in modern times been obscured by a 225 km border. The traditions of trade and migration - where Kumaoni goods spanned out to Tibet and Central Asia through Nepal, or where Nepalese people dwelling in mountain villages came down to the warmer and more inhabited Kumaon - made the Himalayan range seem less of a geographical barrier and more a home to transnational cultures and incredible religious tolerance. Though the geographical isolation that the Himalayas brought about could have very easily caused distinction between ethnic and cultural groups and raised barriers to cultural diffusion, the economic and social conditions led to greater tolerance of intermarriage. Parents blessed marriages of couples whose origins were often hundreds of kilometres apart. As a result, love marriages, though not so common, were also accepted in this region, where arranged marriages were usually the norm. In short, intermarriage and cultural diffusion fuelled each other across the Indo-Nepalese border. The traditions of both regions, which are neither 'purely' from those regions, emphasize this fact. Hindus in Kumaon are less preoccupied with the caste system (though there is still discrimination that exists as a result of this hierarchy.) Buddhists in Nepal retain certain elements of Hinduism that were left with them even as the last of the Kumaoni migrant traders passed by their villages. However, following British rule in India, the Anglo-Nepalese war, and the creation of geopolitical entities, the 225 km landscape which was once known as an open gate between kingdoms of India and Nepal became an established border. Centuries of open trade and intermarriage became closed off, and those who once lived within an autonomous Kumaon with its own kingdom and culture became, for the first time, to be known as Indians. Even today, marriages take place across the border, and thus hold together ancient ties between families and different cultural and ethnic groups. For example, Nepalese men leave their homes for Kumaon in search of jobs and even the love of their life. Immigration between Nepal and India has extremely lax regulations - about 18 forms of ID are acceptable for passing through the border. Even if one cannot produce such ID, get permission, or get a fake passport (another common options) many Nepalese can still take advantage of obscure but dangerous pedestrian paths and cross rivers to get to the land that was once bound with theirs. Once in the Kumaon region, Nepalese migrants usually work menial jobs and, in glaring contrast to their ancestors, are given the short end of the stick in terms of the social hierarchy. Not only are they looked down upon by many modern-day Kumaonis who consider themselves more Indian than Himalayan (though it merits mention that many Kumaonis still venerate the ancient ties with Nepal) but they also face their business often face crushing competitions from larger businesses with backing from Indian financial institutions. This is further emphasized when one looks at the implications of many Indians immigrating freely into Nepal. The Nepalese government has complained time and again about migrant Indians luring Nepalese women into prostitution with empty promises of Bollywood and glamour. In addition, Indian dacoits (robbers or bandits) often take advantage of the porous border and spill into southern and western Nepal. In short, the tie is there, but it is not what it used to be. Q. It can be understood from the context of the passage that which of the following would seamlessly follow the last paragraph?

Hindus make up more than 80 percent of Nepal's population, just as they do in India, and Madhesi and Indians frequently intermarry. Moreover, India is Nepal's largest trade partner and serves as its only viable transit route.

Trade obviously made cultural diffusion and the existence of fluid boundaries much easier. The result was a land not preoccupied with its differences, but fascinated with stringing all of these commonalities together.

Culture once flowed as freely between these two nations as the water does from their glaciers. And though elements of that still remain in the open-air bazaars of Kumaon and Nepal as well as in houses of adorable children with Kumaoni and Nepalese features, here are new problems that have yet to be resolved.

India and Nepal were only divided into little principalities, so the idea of two distinct geopolitical entities never existed. The existence of many different kingdoms made it easier for these regions to have less stringent abidance to local customs and made them more receptive to view outsiders as people of another kingdom rather than 'lesser peoples' or people from a completely alien culture.

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the given question. It took me some time to notice where this process of elimination was leading me. For example, as I once found myself arguing, the state of Michigan has a provision in its founding constitution that forbids capital punishment. Yet high as the rate of violent crime is in Michigan, it is not noticeably worse than in neighboring and somewhat comparable Illinois. Thus, as I was going on to argue, there is no reason to suppose that the death penalty is a deterrent. And then it hit me. I had been hammering on an open door. Nobody had been bothering to argue that the rope or the firing squad, or the gas chamber were a deterrent. The point of the penalty was that it was death. It expressed righteous revulsion and symbolized rectitude and retribution. Once we clear away the brush, then, we can see the crystalline purity of the principle of an eye for an eye. I used to debate these questions with the late Professor Ernest van den Haag. In the case of an execution of an innocent person, he once said to me, the necessary point had nonetheless been made: the state and the community had shown that they were prepared to kill. It did not especially matter if they had or had not taken the "right" life. I found, and find, van den Haag's position to be entirely repellent, and I am not alone. At an execution I attended in 1987 at the Parchman Prison Farm in Mississippi, the guilt of the condemned man was so uncertain that the warden later resigned from his job in horror and disgust. But if one is to lay stress on such cases, then one is morally obliged to consider the approximate equivalents. How might you feel if a friend or loved one was to be murdered by a criminal who had killed before but who had been released prematurely? How might you feel if an inmate or a guard was slain by someone who had been sentenced to life without parole? In these cases, a crisp and swift application of the death penalty would have saved lives. The beast-man is then apprehended. Here, I think, we come up against the old problem of perfectibility and predictability. We cannot know in advance which malefactor, pre-emptively terminated, might have become a repeat offender. Nor can we know, until we set up a "pre-crime" system of detection, which pedophile might in other ways turn out to be a psychopath. So it isn't in our power to save the second category of lives unless we agree to execute all murderers and child rapists. But it is possible to eliminate the execution of the innocent, simply by joining the association of countries that have dispensed with the death penalty. In a modern state that allows for appeals, judicial review, and the admission of new evidence, the death sentence is only the beginning of a protracted and tortuous process to which we give the apotropaic name of "Death Row." At once too random and too institutional and systematic, this dire business has now become an offense both to law and to justice. Q. Which of the following can be best inferred from the statement ''It did not especially matter if they had or had not taken the 'right' life''?

The state wanted to exercise absolute control over criminals, irrespective of whether the criminal was right or wrong.

The focus was on emphasising the serious nature of the crimes instead of promoting justice for the people.

The state believed in instant righteous justice than prolonged partial punishments for the criminals.

The goal of death sentence was to act as a deterrent by highlighting the graveness of the punishment.

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the given question. It took me some time to notice where this process of elimination was leading me. For example, as I once found myself arguing, the state of Michigan has a provision in its founding constitution that forbids capital punishment. Yet high as the rate of violent crime is in Michigan, it is not noticeably worse than in neighboring and somewhat comparable Illinois. Thus, as I was going on to argue, there is no reason to suppose that the death penalty is a deterrent. And then it hit me. I had been hammering on an open door. Nobody had been bothering to argue that the rope or the firing squad, or the gas chamber were a deterrent. The point of the penalty was that it was death. It expressed righteous revulsion and symbolized rectitude and retribution. Once we clear away the brush, then, we can see the crystalline purity of the principle of an eye for an eye. I used to debate these questions with the late Professor Ernest van den Haag. In the case of an execution of an innocent person, he once said to me, the necessary point had nonetheless been made: the state and the community had shown that they were prepared to kill. It did not especially matter if they had or had not taken the "right" life. I found, and find, van den Haag's position to be entirely repellent, and I am not alone. At an execution I attended in 1987 at the Parchman Prison Farm in Mississippi, the guilt of the condemned man was so uncertain that the warden later resigned from his job in horror and disgust. But if one is to lay stress on such cases, then one is morally obliged to consider the approximate equivalents. How might you feel if a friend or loved one was to be murdered by a criminal who had killed before but who had been released prematurely? How might you feel if an inmate or a guard was slain by someone who had been sentenced to life without parole? In these cases, a crisp and swift application of the death penalty would have saved lives. The beast-man is then apprehended. Here, I think, we come up against the old problem of perfectibility and predictability. We cannot know in advance which malefactor, pre-emptively terminated, might have become a repeat offender. Nor can we know, until we set up a "pre-crime" system of detection, which pedophile might in other ways turn out to be a psychopath. So it isn't in our power to save the second category of lives unless we agree to execute all murderers and child rapists. But it is possible to eliminate the execution of the innocent, simply by joining the association of countries that have dispensed with the death penalty. In a modern state that allows for appeals, judicial review, and the admission of new evidence, the death sentence is only the beginning of a protracted and tortuous process to which we give the apotropaic name of "Death Row." At once too random and too institutional and systematic, this dire business has now become an offense both to law and to justice. Q. On the basis of the information given in the passage, it can be inferred that the author is most likely to agree with which of the following statements?

The more serious the crime is, the greater is the suitability of the death sentence as a punishment for the perpetrators.

Doing away with the punishment of death penalty has more moral benefits than keeping such punishment as a deterrent.

Death penalty is inherently advantageous because of its ability to highlight the sternness of the methods of justice of the state.

The author believes that the death penalty is neither effective to serve as a deterrent nor recommendable as a mode of punishment.

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the given question. It took me some time to notice where this process of elimination was leading me. For example, as I once found myself arguing, the state of Michigan has a provision in its founding constitution that forbids capital punishment. Yet high as the rate of violent crime is in Michigan, it is not noticeably worse than in neighboring and somewhat comparable Illinois. Thus, as I was going on to argue, there is no reason to suppose that the death penalty is a deterrent. And then it hit me. I had been hammering on an open door. Nobody had been bothering to argue that the rope or the firing squad, or the gas chamber were a deterrent. The point of the penalty was that it was death. It expressed righteous revulsion and symbolized rectitude and retribution. Once we clear away the brush, then, we can see the crystalline purity of the principle of an eye for an eye. I used to debate these questions with the late Professor Ernest van den Haag. In the case of an execution of an innocent person, he once said to me, the necessary point had nonetheless been made: the state and the community had shown that they were prepared to kill. It did not especially matter if they had or had not taken the "right" life. I found, and find, van den Haag's position to be entirely repellent, and I am not alone. At an execution I attended in 1987 at the Parchman Prison Farm in Mississippi, the guilt of the condemned man was so uncertain that the warden later resigned from his job in horror and disgust. But if one is to lay stress on such cases, then one is morally obliged to consider the approximate equivalents. How might you feel if a friend or loved one was to be murdered by a criminal who had killed before but who had been released prematurely? How might you feel if an inmate or a guard was slain by someone who had been sentenced to life without parole? In these cases, a crisp and swift application of the death penalty would have saved lives. The beast-man is then apprehended. Here, I think, we come up against the old problem of perfectibility and predictability. We cannot know in advance which malefactor, pre-emptively terminated, might have become a repeat offender. Nor can we know, until we set up a "pre-crime" system of detection, which pedophile might in other ways turn out to be a psychopath. So it isn't in our power to save the second category of lives unless we agree to execute all murderers and child rapists. But it is possible to eliminate the execution of the innocent, simply by joining the association of countries that have dispensed with the death penalty. In a modern state that allows for appeals, judicial review, and the admission of new evidence, the death sentence is only the beginning of a protracted and tortuous process to which we give the apotropaic name of "Death Row." At once too random and too institutional and systematic, this dire business has now become an offense both to law and to justice. Q. "But if one is to lay stress on such cases, then one is morally obliged to consider the approximate equivalents.'' Which of the following is the author trying to analyse when he states this?

How effective other punishments are as compared to death sentence in working as an appropriate deterrent for serious crimes

Whether the pre-crime system of detection would lead to better distinction between a serial and a casual offender

Whether aversion to death penalty would be the same in cases where the lack of death punishment led to even more heinous crimes

What the effect of using a trial in cases of crime is as compared to retributive punishment methods like death sentence

Directions: The passage given below is followed by four alternative summaries. Choose the option that best captures the essence of the passage. In computer programming, code smell is any symptom in the source code of a programme that possibly indicates a deeper problem. Code smells are usually not bugs - they are not technically incorrect and don't currently prevent the programme from functioning. Instead, they indicate weaknesses in design that may be slowing down development or increasing the risk of bugs or failures in the future. But when code is a slow, wretchedly designed mess that's hard to maintain, programmers talk about stench. The metaphor becomes olfactory, the swill of gases that rise from rot and decay.

Code smell is an inherent limitation of the digital world that leads to even more problems that eventually become unmanageable.

Olfactory meaning of code smell takes ultimate precedence over its original meaning due to compounding effects of slower code.

Code smell, which indicates weakness in design, transitions to its higher form 'stench' when the technical problems aggravate.

Increased vulnerability of computer programming to bugs because of code smell leads to its eventual decay.

Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow: The higher education system is a unique type of organisation with its own way of motivating productivity in its scholarly workforce. It doesn’t need to compel professors to produce scholarship because they choose to do it on their own. This is in contrast to the standard structure for motivating employees in bureaucratic organisations, which relies on manipulating two incentives: fear and greed. Fear works by holding the threat of firing over the heads of workers in order to ensure that they stay in line: Do it my way, or you’re out of here. Greed works by holding the prospect of pay increases and promotions in front of workers in order to encourage them to exhibit the work behaviours that will bring these rewards: Do it my way and you’ll get what’s yours. Yes, in the United States contingent faculty can be fired at any time, and permanent faculty can be fired at the point of tenure. But, once tenured, there’s little other than criminal conduct or gross negligence that can threaten your job. And yes, most colleges do have merit pay systems that reward more productive faculty with higher salaries. But the differences are small - between the standard 3 per cent raise and a 4 per cent merit increase. Even though gaining consistent above-average raises can compound annually into substantial differences over time, the immediate rewards are pretty underwhelming. Not the kind of incentive that would motivate a major expenditure of effort in a given year - such as the kind that operates on Wall Street, where earning a million-dollar bonus is a real possibility. Academic administrators - chairs, deans, presidents - just don’t have this kind of power over faculty. It’s why we refer to academic leadership as an exercise in herding cats. Deans can ask you to do something, but they really can’t make you do it. This situation is the norm for systems of higher education in most liberal democracies around the world. In more authoritarian settings, the incentives for faculty are skewed by particular political priorities, and in part, for these reasons, the institutions in those settings tend to be consigned to the lower tiers of international rankings. Scholarly autonomy is a defining characteristic of universities higher on the list. If the usual extrinsic incentives of fear and greed don’t apply to academics, then what does motivate them to be productive scholars? One factor, of course, is that this population is highly self-selected. People don’t become professors in order to gain power and money. They enter the role primarily because of a deep passion for a particular field of study. They find that scholarship is a mode of work that is intrinsically satisfying. It’s more a vocation than a job. And these elements tend to be pervasive in most of the world’s universities. But I want to focus on an additional powerful motivation that drives academics, one that we don’t talk about very much. Once launched into an academic career, faculty members find their scholarly efforts spurred on by more than a love of the work. We in academia are motivated by a lust for glory. We want to be recognised for our academic accomplishments by earning our own little pieces of fame. So we work assiduously to accumulate a set of merit badges over the course of our careers, which we then proudly display on our CVs. This situation is particularly pervasive in the US system of higher education, which is organised more by the market than by the state. Market systems are especially prone to the accumulation of distinctions that define your position in the hierarchy. But European and other scholars are also engaged in a race to pick up honours and add lines to their CVs. It’s the universal obsession of the scholarly profession. Q. According to the passage, more than any other factor, academics are motivated by:

The lust for glory once they land a career in the field of academics.

The intrinsic satisfaction of scholarship.

The obsessive need to collect merit badges that can be displayed on their CVs.

The need to gather academic accomplishments that can improve their position in the academic hierarchy.

Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow: The higher education system is a unique type of organisation with its own way of motivating productivity in its scholarly workforce. It doesn’t need to compel professors to produce scholarship because they choose to do it on their own. This is in contrast to the standard structure for motivating employees in bureaucratic organisations, which relies on manipulating two incentives: fear and greed. Fear works by holding the threat of firing over the heads of workers in order to ensure that they stay in line: Do it my way, or you’re out of here. Greed works by holding the prospect of pay increases and promotions in front of workers in order to encourage them to exhibit the work behaviours that will bring these rewards: Do it my way and you’ll get what’s yours. Yes, in the United States contingent faculty can be fired at any time, and permanent faculty can be fired at the point of tenure. But, once tenured, there’s little other than criminal conduct or gross negligence that can threaten your job. And yes, most colleges do have merit pay systems that reward more productive faculty with higher salaries. But the differences are small - between the standard 3 per cent raise and a 4 per cent merit increase. Even though gaining consistent above-average raises can compound annually into substantial differences over time, the immediate rewards are pretty underwhelming. Not the kind of incentive that would motivate a major expenditure of effort in a given year - such as the kind that operates on Wall Street, where earning a million-dollar bonus is a real possibility. Academic administrators - chairs, deans, presidents - just don’t have this kind of power over faculty. It’s why we refer to academic leadership as an exercise in herding cats. Deans can ask you to do something, but they really can’t make you do it. This situation is the norm for systems of higher education in most liberal democracies around the world. In more authoritarian settings, the incentives for faculty are skewed by particular political priorities, and in part, for these reasons, the institutions in those settings tend to be consigned to the lower tiers of international rankings. Scholarly autonomy is a defining characteristic of universities higher on the list. If the usual extrinsic incentives of fear and greed don’t apply to academics, then what does motivate them to be productive scholars? One factor, of course, is that this population is highly self-selected. People don’t become professors in order to gain power and money. They enter the role primarily because of a deep passion for a particular field of study. They find that scholarship is a mode of work that is intrinsically satisfying. It’s more a vocation than a job. And these elements tend to be pervasive in most of the world’s universities. But I want to focus on an additional powerful motivation that drives academics, one that we don’t talk about very much. Once launched into an academic career, faculty members find their scholarly efforts spurred on by more than a love of the work. We in academia are motivated by a lust for glory. We want to be recognised for our academic accomplishments by earning our own little pieces of fame. So we work assiduously to accumulate a set of merit badges over the course of our careers, which we then proudly display on our CVs. This situation is particularly pervasive in the US system of higher education, which is organised more by the market than by the state. Market systems are especially prone to the accumulation of distinctions that define your position in the hierarchy. But European and other scholars are also engaged in a race to pick up honours and add lines to their CVs. It’s the universal obsession of the scholarly profession. Q. Which of the following, if true, would do most to undermine the main point of the second paragraph?

Recently a tenured faculty member, known for his outstanding track record, was fired without notice.

Academic administrators in the US can recommend selected faculty members for lucrative consulting projects.

Even though they earn more than the academics in the US, Wall Street Stockbrokers sometimes lose millions of dollars in crashes.

Academic administrators in the US are known to show partiality while recommending names for tenure.

Read the passage and answer the following questions. Publishing the Quran and making it available in translation was a dangerous enterprise in the 16th century, apt to confuse or seduce the faithful Christian. This, at least, was the opinion of the Protestant city councillors of Basel in 1542, when they briefly jailed a local printer for planning to publish a Latin translation of the Muslim holy book. The Protestant reformer Martin Luther intervened to salvage the project: there was no better way to combat the Turk, he wrote, than to expose the ‘lies of Muhammad’ for all to see. The resulting publication in 1543 made the Quran available to European intellectuals, most of whom studied it in order to better understand and combat Islam. There were others, however, who used their reading of the Quran to question Christian doctrine. The Catalonian polymath and theologian Michael Servetus found numerous Quranic arguments to employ in his anti-Trinitarian tract, Christianismi Restitutio (1553), in which he called Muhammad a true reformer who preached a return to the pure monotheism that Christian theologians had corrupted by inventing the perverse and irrational doctrine of the Trinity. After publishing these heretical ideas, Servetus was condemned by the Catholic Inquisition in Vienne, and finally burned with his own books in Calvin’s Geneva. During the European Enlightenment, a number of authors presented Muhammad in a similar vein, as an anticlerical hero; some saw Islam as a pure form of monotheism close to philosophic Deism and the Quran as a rational paean to the Creator. In 1734, George Sale published a new English translation. In his introduction, he traced the early history of Islam and idealised the Prophet as an iconoclastic, anticlerical reformer who had banished the ‘superstitious’ beliefs and practices of early Christians - the cult of the saints, holy relics - and quashed the power of a corrupt and avaricious clergy. Sale’s translation of the Quran was widely read and appreciated in England: for many of his readers, Muhammad had become a symbol of anticlerical republicanism. It was influential outside England too. The US founding father Thomas Jefferson bought a copy from a bookseller in Williamsburg, Virginia, in 1765, which helped him conceive of a philosophical deism that surpassed confessional boundaries. (Jefferson’s copy, now in the Library of Congress, has been used for the swearing in of Muslim representatives to Congress, starting with Keith Ellison in 2007.) And in Germany, the Romantic Johann Wolfgang von Goethe read a translation of Sale’s version, which helped to colour his evolving notion of Muhammad as an inspired poet and archetypal prophet. Q. What is the purpose of the penultimate paragraph?

To explain the status of the Quran during the period of European enlightenment.

To trace the rise of the image of Mohammed as an anti-clerical reformer.

To give examples of authors who propagated the teachings of the Quran.

To explain why anti-Christianity sentiments rose during the period of European Enlightenment.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following data. There were five teams in a hockey tournament: Delhi Daredevils, Chennai Superkings, Mumbai Indians, Kolkata Knight Riders and Kings Eleven Punjab. The tournament was played as a round robin league where each team played with other teams exactly twice on a home and away basis. The following table gives the information about the results of the matches in the first leg of the tournament: Here, Chennai Superkings 4-2 means Chennai Superkings scored 4 goals and the other team scored 2 goals. The winning team gets 3 points and if the game is a draw, then both the teams get 1 point each. Losing team does not get any point. The team with highest number of points at the end of the tournament wins the cup. Team performance ratio is defined as the ratio of the number of goals for to the number of goals against. Lesser the performance ratio, lower is the performance. Q. Which of the following is correct?

The match between MI and KKR is drawn.

A pair of straight lines is expressed as 2x 2 - 3 = 0. The straight lines are ____________ to each other. Fill in the blank.

Neither parallel nor do they intersect

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CAT Mock Test - 20 (November 22) MCQs with Answers

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