CLAT Mock Test- 19


150 Questions MCQ Test Mock Test Series for CLAT 2021 | CLAT Mock Test- 19


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This mock test of CLAT Mock Test- 19 for CLAT helps you for every CLAT entrance exam. This contains 150 Multiple Choice Questions for CLAT CLAT Mock Test- 19 (mcq) to study with solutions a complete question bank. The solved questions answers in this CLAT Mock Test- 19 quiz give you a good mix of easy questions and tough questions. CLAT students definitely take this CLAT Mock Test- 19 exercise for a better result in the exam. You can find other CLAT Mock Test- 19 extra questions, long questions & short questions for CLAT on EduRev as well by searching above.
QUESTION: 1

The background of the emergence of political secularism in Europe is profound religious homogenization — dissenters, and adherents of non-dominant religions were exterminated around the wars of religion. Rulers publicly confessed allegiance to one of the many churches in these predominantly single-religion societies, thereby consolidating a strong alliance between the state and the dominant church. Trouble began, however, when this church became increasingly politically meddlesome and socially oppressive. The key issue then was how to tame the power of this church. The state’s disentanglement from the dominant church was necessary to realize a number of goals, including the enhancement of individual liberty and equality. But for this secularism, tackling religious diversity was simply not an issue, because it had already been liquidated in all kinds of ethically undesirable ways.

By contrast, in India, deep religious diversity was not an optional extra but part of its social, cultural, and historical landscape. Gandhi understood this and never tired of stating it: India is “one nation in the ancient world which had recognized cultural democracy, whereby it is held that the roads to one and the same God are many, but the goal was one because God was one and the same. The various religions were as so many leaves of a tree; at the trunk, they are one”. Gandhi dismissed the idea that there could ever be a uniform religious code, as it were, for all humankind.

What is needed then is due recognition of different religious communities and to ensure comfort and trust among their members. This was viable because, for Gandhi, all humans had a fundamental desire of deep sociability. They value human relations as an end in itself. They desire a constructive relationship with others. Why else would they be motivated to seek agreement? Why, upon realizing that they can’t resolve the disagreement on one issue, would they seek agreement on something else? Why are they motivated to renew conversation after it has been violently disrupted? Why, after a period of mutual recrimination, breakdown, and silence, do people still begin talking to one another? Humans simply can’t do without one another, and no matter how much they like to be with people of their own ilk, they invariably also need to live with those with who they differ, to reach out to people with whom they disagree.

The world’s religious diversity, the impossibility of there ever being one religion for humankind, makes mutual respect, equal regard, and communal harmony a necessity. Gandhi believed that this can become a reality by virtue of the human quality of deep sociability.

Humans occasionally wish to live independently of their communities, but as participants of historically embedded cultural and religious traditions, they also meet each other as members of religious-cultural communities. They must actively shape these encounters, ensure that they do not become bitter or turn sour but be good, decent, friendly and respectful. Humans can’t really be good to each other unless they are respectful to each other’s religious and traditions.

Q. According to the author, the idea of political secularism in Europe, emerged in the backdrop of

Solution: The background of emergence of political secularism in Europe is mentioned as religious homogenisation, which included expulsion of dissenters and adherents of minority groups. This clearly points towards majoritarianism. None of the other options are discussed in the context.
QUESTION: 2

The background of the emergence of political secularism in Europe is profound religious homogenization — dissenters, and adherents of non-dominant religions were exterminated around the wars of religion. Rulers publicly confessed allegiance to one of the many churches in these predominantly single-religion societies, thereby consolidating a strong alliance between the state and the dominant church. Trouble began, however, when this church became increasingly politically meddlesome and socially oppressive. The key issue then was how to tame the power of this church. The state’s disentanglement from the dominant church was necessary to realize a number of goals, including the enhancement of individual liberty and equality. But for this secularism, tackling religious diversity was simply not an issue, because it had already been liquidated in all kinds of ethically undesirable ways.

By contrast, in India, deep religious diversity was not an optional extra but part of its social, cultural, and historical landscape. Gandhi understood this and never tired of stating it: India is “one nation in the ancient world which had recognized cultural democracy, whereby it is held that the roads to one and the same God are many, but the goal was one because God was one and the same. The various religions were as so many leaves of a tree; at the trunk, they are one”. Gandhi dismissed the idea that there could ever be a uniform religious code, as it were, for all humankind.

What is needed then is due recognition of different religious communities and to ensure comfort and trust among their members. This was viable because, for Gandhi, all humans had a fundamental desire of deep sociability. They value human relations as an end in itself. They desire a constructive relationship with others. Why else would they be motivated to seek agreement? Why, upon realizing that they can’t resolve the disagreement on one issue, would they seek agreement on something else? Why are they motivated to renew conversation after it has been violently disrupted? Why, after a period of mutual recrimination, breakdown, and silence, do people still begin talking to one another? Humans simply can’t do without one another, and no matter how much they like to be with people of their own ilk, they invariably also need to live with those with who they differ, to reach out to people with whom they disagree.

The world’s religious diversity, the impossibility of there ever being one religion for humankind, makes mutual respect, equal regard, and communal harmony a necessity. Gandhi believed that this can become a reality by virtue of the human quality of deep sociability.

Humans occasionally wish to live independently of their communities, but as participants of historically embedded cultural and religious traditions, they also meet each other as members of religious-cultural communities. They must actively shape these encounters, ensure that they do not become bitter or turn sour but be good, decent, friendly and respectful. Humans can’t really be good to each other unless they are respectful to each other’s religious and traditions.

Q. Tackling religious diversity to achieve 'Church-State separation 'was not an issue, because

Solution: Options (a) and (d) are not discussed in the passage. Option (b) is correct only for Indian scenario, which doesn't talk about Church-State separation. Option (c) is correct as the passage talks about religious homogenisation in the beginning itself, which would have eliminated religious diversity.
QUESTION: 3

The background of the emergence of political secularism in Europe is profound religious homogenization — dissenters, and adherents of non-dominant religions were exterminated around the wars of religion. Rulers publicly confessed allegiance to one of the many churches in these predominantly single-religion societies, thereby consolidating a strong alliance between the state and the dominant church. Trouble began, however, when this church became increasingly politically meddlesome and socially oppressive. The key issue then was how to tame the power of this church. The state’s disentanglement from the dominant church was necessary to realize a number of goals, including the enhancement of individual liberty and equality. But for this secularism, tackling religious diversity was simply not an issue, because it had already been liquidated in all kinds of ethically undesirable ways.

By contrast, in India, deep religious diversity was not an optional extra but part of its social, cultural, and historical landscape. Gandhi understood this and never tired of stating it: India is “one nation in the ancient world which had recognized cultural democracy, whereby it is held that the roads to one and the same God are many, but the goal was one because God was one and the same. The various religions were as so many leaves of a tree; at the trunk, they are one”. Gandhi dismissed the idea that there could ever be a uniform religious code, as it were, for all humankind.

What is needed then is due recognition of different religious communities and to ensure comfort and trust among their members. This was viable because, for Gandhi, all humans had a fundamental desire of deep sociability. They value human relations as an end in itself. They desire a constructive relationship with others. Why else would they be motivated to seek agreement? Why, upon realizing that they can’t resolve the disagreement on one issue, would they seek agreement on something else? Why are they motivated to renew conversation after it has been violently disrupted? Why, after a period of mutual recrimination, breakdown, and silence, do people still begin talking to one another? Humans simply can’t do without one another, and no matter how much they like to be with people of their own ilk, they invariably also need to live with those with who they differ, to reach out to people with whom they disagree.

The world’s religious diversity, the impossibility of there ever being one religion for humankind, makes mutual respect, equal regard, and communal harmony a necessity. Gandhi believed that this can become a reality by virtue of the human quality of deep sociability.

Humans occasionally wish to live independently of their communities, but as participants of historically embedded cultural and religious traditions, they also meet each other as members of religious-cultural communities. They must actively shape these encounters, ensure that they do not become bitter or turn sour but be good, decent, friendly and respectful. Humans can’t really be good to each other unless they are respectful to each other’s religious and traditions.

Q. The many 'roads' that the author talks about, is a metaphor for

Solution: Options (c) and (d) are incorrect as the passage doesn't talk about either of these. Option (a) is incorrect as the passage states there are as many roads as there are individuals in the world, if roads were a metaphor for people, it would make the comparison meaningless. Option (b) is the correct answer as the passage states that Gandhiji understood the fact that India has deep religious diversity and is referring to the same while making this comparison.
QUESTION: 4

The background of the emergence of political secularism in Europe is profound religious homogenization — dissenters, and adherents of non-dominant religions were exterminated around the wars of religion. Rulers publicly confessed allegiance to one of the many churches in these predominantly single-religion societies, thereby consolidating a strong alliance between the state and the dominant church. Trouble began, however, when this church became increasingly politically meddlesome and socially oppressive. The key issue then was how to tame the power of this church. The state’s disentanglement from the dominant church was necessary to realize a number of goals, including the enhancement of individual liberty and equality. But for this secularism, tackling religious diversity was simply not an issue, because it had already been liquidated in all kinds of ethically undesirable ways.

By contrast, in India, deep religious diversity was not an optional extra but part of its social, cultural, and historical landscape. Gandhi understood this and never tired of stating it: India is “one nation in the ancient world which had recognized cultural democracy, whereby it is held that the roads to one and the same God are many, but the goal was one because God was one and the same. The various religions were as so many leaves of a tree; at the trunk, they are one”. Gandhi dismissed the idea that there could ever be a uniform religious code, as it were, for all humankind.

What is needed then is due recognition of different religious communities and to ensure comfort and trust among their members. This was viable because, for Gandhi, all humans had a fundamental desire of deep sociability. They value human relations as an end in itself. They desire a constructive relationship with others. Why else would they be motivated to seek agreement? Why, upon realizing that they can’t resolve the disagreement on one issue, would they seek agreement on something else? Why are they motivated to renew conversation after it has been violently disrupted? Why, after a period of mutual recrimination, breakdown, and silence, do people still begin talking to one another? Humans simply can’t do without one another, and no matter how much they like to be with people of their own ilk, they invariably also need to live with those with who they differ, to reach out to people with whom they disagree.

The world’s religious diversity, the impossibility of there ever being one religion for humankind, makes mutual respect, equal regard, and communal harmony a necessity. Gandhi believed that this can become a reality by virtue of the human quality of deep sociability.

Humans occasionally wish to live independently of their communities, but as participants of historically embedded cultural and religious traditions, they also meet each other as members of religious-cultural communities. They must actively shape these encounters, ensure that they do not become bitter or turn sour but be good, decent, friendly and respectful. Humans can’t really be good to each other unless they are respectful to each other’s religious and traditions.

Q. As per Gandhiji's concept of religious diversity, which of these analogies best describes the relation between the different religions and God:

Solution: Option(a) is not correct because a flame is the only means of making a candle useful, thus doesn't talk about diversity. Option(b) is not correct because the ultimate goal of a fish is not to unite with a source of water, its a just a necessity for it to be alive. Option (c) is not correct because countries are just parts of the whole i.e a continent, it doesn't compare any means or the end. Option (d) is the correct answer because there are different varieties of career options, but the ultimate goal is to become successful.
QUESTION: 5

The background of the emergence of political secularism in Europe is profound religious homogenization — dissenters, and adherents of non-dominant religions were exterminated around the wars of religion. Rulers publicly confessed allegiance to one of the many churches in these predominantly single-religion societies, thereby consolidating a strong alliance between the state and the dominant church. Trouble began, however, when this church became increasingly politically meddlesome and socially oppressive. The key issue then was how to tame the power of this church. The state’s disentanglement from the dominant church was necessary to realize a number of goals, including the enhancement of individual liberty and equality. But for this secularism, tackling religious diversity was simply not an issue, because it had already been liquidated in all kinds of ethically undesirable ways.

By contrast, in India, deep religious diversity was not an optional extra but part of its social, cultural, and historical landscape. Gandhi understood this and never tired of stating it: India is “one nation in the ancient world which had recognized cultural democracy, whereby it is held that the roads to one and the same God are many, but the goal was one because God was one and the same. The various religions were as so many leaves of a tree; at the trunk, they are one”. Gandhi dismissed the idea that there could ever be a uniform religious code, as it were, for all humankind.

What is needed then is due recognition of different religious communities and to ensure comfort and trust among their members. This was viable because, for Gandhi, all humans had a fundamental desire of deep sociability. They value human relations as an end in itself. They desire a constructive relationship with others. Why else would they be motivated to seek agreement? Why, upon realizing that they can’t resolve the disagreement on one issue, would they seek agreement on something else? Why are they motivated to renew conversation after it has been violently disrupted? Why, after a period of mutual recrimination, breakdown, and silence, do people still begin talking to one another? Humans simply can’t do without one another, and no matter how much they like to be with people of their own ilk, they invariably also need to live with those with who they differ, to reach out to people with whom they disagree.

The world’s religious diversity, the impossibility of there ever being one religion for humankind, makes mutual respect, equal regard, and communal harmony a necessity. Gandhi believed that this can become a reality by virtue of the human quality of deep sociability.

Humans occasionally wish to live independently of their communities, but as participants of historically embedded cultural and religious traditions, they also meet each other as members of religious-cultural communities. They must actively shape these encounters, ensure that they do not become bitter or turn sour but be good, decent, friendly and respectful. Humans can’t really be good to each other unless they are respectful to each other’s religious and traditions.

Q. Which of the following is true regarding gandhiji’s conjecture with respect to humans?

Solution: For Gandhi, all humans had a fundamental desire for what might be called deep sociability. They value human relations as an end in itself. They desire a constructive relationship with others.
QUESTION: 6

The Allahabad High Court ruling that people marrying under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, can choose not to publicise their union with a notice 30 days in advance may not exactly be a judicial pushback against problematic anti-conversion laws enacted by several BJP-ruled States. But it serves to get a major irritant out of the way of couples wanting to marry against the wishes of their parents or their immediate community. Many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’. Hindutva activists have been targeting Muslim men marrying Hindu women, especially if the women have converted to Islam prior to the marriage. The court said that mandatorily publishing a notice of the intended marriage and calling for objections violates the right to privacy. According to the new order, if a couple gives it in writing that they do not want the notice publicised, the Marriage Officer can solemnise the marriage. Under Section 5 of the Act, which enables inter-faith marriages, the couple has to give notice to the Marriage Officer; and under Sections 6 and 7, the officer has to publicise the notice and call for objections. But, in his order, Justice Vivek Chaudhary said the Act’s interpretation has to be such that it upholds fundamental rights, not violate them. Laws should not invade liberty and privacy, he said, “including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned.

The HC ruling came on the plea of a Muslim woman who converted to Hinduism for marriage as the couple saw the notice period under the Special Marriage Act as an invasion of their privacy. Justice Chaudhary’s remarks on ‘state and non-state actors’ will undoubtedly be read in the context of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Ordinance, 2020, that particularly targets inter-faith marriages. This new law declares conversion of religion by marriage to be unlawful, mandates a 60-day notice to the District Magistrate and also requires the Magistrate to conduct a police inquiry to find out the explicit reason for the conversion. Enacted last November, there have been 54 arrests till date by the U.P. police. The HC ruling can now be cited across India to prevent public notices under the Special Marriage Act. Interfaith couples will hope that when the Supreme Court hears pleas on the U.P. conversion law, it will be guided by progressive verdicts, such as the 2017 Aadhaar ruling, on the right to privacy as a basic right, and the 2018 judgment on Hadiya, upholding the student’s right to choose a partner, a Muslim man in Kerala, as an essential freedom.

Q. Which of the following could be extrapolated from the passage?

Solution: The author has relentlessly tried to put across the point that the non-publication of the notice will help the interfaith couple, especially when it was stated that- “But it serves to get a major irritant out of the way of couples wanting to marry against the wishes of their parents or their immediate community. Many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’.
QUESTION: 7

The Allahabad High Court ruling that people marrying under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, can choose not to publicise their union with a notice 30 days in advance may not exactly be a judicial pushback against problematic anti-conversion laws enacted by several BJP-ruled States. But it serves to get a major irritant out of the way of couples wanting to marry against the wishes of their parents or their immediate community. Many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’. Hindutva activists have been targeting Muslim men marrying Hindu women, especially if the women have converted to Islam prior to the marriage. The court said that mandatorily publishing a notice of the intended marriage and calling for objections violates the right to privacy. According to the new order, if a couple gives it in writing that they do not want the notice publicised, the Marriage Officer can solemnise the marriage. Under Section 5 of the Act, which enables inter-faith marriages, the couple has to give notice to the Marriage Officer; and under Sections 6 and 7, the officer has to publicise the notice and call for objections. But, in his order, Justice Vivek Chaudhary said the Act’s interpretation has to be such that it upholds fundamental rights, not violate them. Laws should not invade liberty and privacy, he said, “including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned.

The HC ruling came on the plea of a Muslim woman who converted to Hinduism for marriage as the couple saw the notice period under the Special Marriage Act as an invasion of their privacy. Justice Chaudhary’s remarks on ‘state and non-state actors’ will undoubtedly be read in the context of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Ordinance, 2020, that particularly targets inter-faith marriages. This new law declares conversion of religion by marriage to be unlawful, mandates a 60-day notice to the District Magistrate and also requires the Magistrate to conduct a police inquiry to find out the explicit reason for the conversion. Enacted last November, there have been 54 arrests till date by the U.P. police. The HC ruling can now be cited across India to prevent public notices under the Special Marriage Act. Interfaith couples will hope that when the Supreme Court hears pleas on the U.P. conversion law, it will be guided by progressive verdicts, such as the 2017 Aadhaar ruling, on the right to privacy as a basic right, and the 2018 judgment on Hadiya, upholding the student’s right to choose a partner, a Muslim man in Kerala, as an essential freedom.

Q. Which of the following is the synonym to the word interpretation?

Solution:

In the context of the passage the word interpretation means to deduce. It is the action of explaining the meaning of something.

QUESTION: 8

The Allahabad High Court ruling that people marrying under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, can choose not to publicise their union with a notice 30 days in advance may not exactly be a judicial pushback against problematic anti-conversion laws enacted by several BJP-ruled States. But it serves to get a major irritant out of the way of couples wanting to marry against the wishes of their parents or their immediate community. Many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’. Hindutva activists have been targeting Muslim men marrying Hindu women, especially if the women have converted to Islam prior to the marriage. The court said that mandatorily publishing a notice of the intended marriage and calling for objections violates the right to privacy. According to the new order, if a couple gives it in writing that they do not want the notice publicised, the Marriage Officer can solemnise the marriage. Under Section 5 of the Act, which enables inter-faith marriages, the couple has to give notice to the Marriage Officer; and under Sections 6 and 7, the officer has to publicise the notice and call for objections. But, in his order, Justice Vivek Chaudhary said the Act’s interpretation has to be such that it upholds fundamental rights, not violate them. Laws should not invade liberty and privacy, he said, “including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned.

The HC ruling came on the plea of a Muslim woman who converted to Hinduism for marriage as the couple saw the notice period under the Special Marriage Act as an invasion of their privacy. Justice Chaudhary’s remarks on ‘state and non-state actors’ will undoubtedly be read in the context of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Ordinance, 2020, that particularly targets inter-faith marriages. This new law declares conversion of religion by marriage to be unlawful, mandates a 60-day notice to the District Magistrate and also requires the Magistrate to conduct a police inquiry to find out the explicit reason for the conversion. Enacted last November, there have been 54 arrests till date by the U.P. police. The HC ruling can now be cited across India to prevent public notices under the Special Marriage Act. Interfaith couples will hope that when the Supreme Court hears pleas on the U.P. conversion law, it will be guided by progressive verdicts, such as the 2017 Aadhaar ruling, on the right to privacy as a basic right, and the 2018 judgment on Hadiya, upholding the student’s right to choose a partner, a Muslim man in Kerala, as an essential freedom.

Q. Which of the following is true regarding the tone of the author in the passage?

Solution: The passage states that Interfaith couples will hope that when the Supreme Court hears pleas on the U.P. conversion law, it will be guided by progressive verdicts, such as the 2017 Aadhaar ruling, on the right to privacy as a basic right, and the 2018 judgment on Hadiya, upholding the student’s right to choose a partner, a Muslim man in Kerala, as an essential freedom.
QUESTION: 9

The Allahabad High Court ruling that people marrying under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, can choose not to publicise their union with a notice 30 days in advance may not exactly be a judicial pushback against problematic anti-conversion laws enacted by several BJP-ruled States. But it serves to get a major irritant out of the way of couples wanting to marry against the wishes of their parents or their immediate community. Many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’. Hindutva activists have been targeting Muslim men marrying Hindu women, especially if the women have converted to Islam prior to the marriage. The court said that mandatorily publishing a notice of the intended marriage and calling for objections violates the right to privacy. According to the new order, if a couple gives it in writing that they do not want the notice publicised, the Marriage Officer can solemnise the marriage. Under Section 5 of the Act, which enables inter-faith marriages, the couple has to give notice to the Marriage Officer; and under Sections 6 and 7, the officer has to publicise the notice and call for objections. But, in his order, Justice Vivek Chaudhary said the Act’s interpretation has to be such that it upholds fundamental rights, not violate them. Laws should not invade liberty and privacy, he said, “including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned.

The HC ruling came on the plea of a Muslim woman who converted to Hinduism for marriage as the couple saw the notice period under the Special Marriage Act as an invasion of their privacy. Justice Chaudhary’s remarks on ‘state and non-state actors’ will undoubtedly be read in the context of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Ordinance, 2020, that particularly targets inter-faith marriages. This new law declares conversion of religion by marriage to be unlawful, mandates a 60-day notice to the District Magistrate and also requires the Magistrate to conduct a police inquiry to find out the explicit reason for the conversion. Enacted last November, there have been 54 arrests till date by the U.P. police. The HC ruling can now be cited across India to prevent public notices under the Special Marriage Act. Interfaith couples will hope that when the Supreme Court hears pleas on the U.P. conversion law, it will be guided by progressive verdicts, such as the 2017 Aadhaar ruling, on the right to privacy as a basic right, and the 2018 judgment on Hadiya, upholding the student’s right to choose a partner, a Muslim man in Kerala, as an essential freedom.

Q. Which of the following is true on the basis of the passage?

1.The laws shall not conflict with the fundamental rights

2.Under special marriage act, the application has to be made to the marriage officer for scrutinizing the conduct of the marriage

3.Changing of religion prior to the wedding is considered to be one of the major issues for Muslims being targeted in an interfaith marriage

Solution: As per the given passage, Justice Vivek Chaudhary said the Act’s interpretation has to be such that it upholds fundamental rights, not violate them. Laws should not invade liberty and privacy, he said, “including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned”. Further the author has stated that Hindutva activists have been targeting Muslim men marrying Hindu women, especially if the women have converted to Islam prior to the marriage.
QUESTION: 10

The Allahabad High Court ruling that people marrying under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, can choose not to publicise their union with a notice 30 days in advance may not exactly be a judicial pushback against problematic anti-conversion laws enacted by several BJP-ruled States. But it serves to get a major irritant out of the way of couples wanting to marry against the wishes of their parents or their immediate community. Many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’. Hindutva activists have been targeting Muslim men marrying Hindu women, especially if the women have converted to Islam prior to the marriage. The court said that mandatorily publishing a notice of the intended marriage and calling for objections violates the right to privacy. According to the new order, if a couple gives it in writing that they do not want the notice publicised, the Marriage Officer can solemnise the marriage. Under Section 5 of the Act, which enables inter-faith marriages, the couple has to give notice to the Marriage Officer; and under Sections 6 and 7, the officer has to publicise the notice and call for objections. But, in his order, Justice Vivek Chaudhary said the Act’s interpretation has to be such that it upholds fundamental rights, not violate them. Laws should not invade liberty and privacy, he said, “including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned.

The HC ruling came on the plea of a Muslim woman who converted to Hinduism for marriage as the couple saw the notice period under the Special Marriage Act as an invasion of their privacy. Justice Chaudhary’s remarks on ‘state and non-state actors’ will undoubtedly be read in the context of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Ordinance, 2020, that particularly targets inter-faith marriages. This new law declares conversion of religion by marriage to be unlawful, mandates a 60-day notice to the District Magistrate and also requires the Magistrate to conduct a police inquiry to find out the explicit reason for the conversion. Enacted last November, there have been 54 arrests till date by the U.P. police. The HC ruling can now be cited across India to prevent public notices under the Special Marriage Act. Interfaith couples will hope that when the Supreme Court hears pleas on the U.P. conversion law, it will be guided by progressive verdicts, such as the 2017 Aadhaar ruling, on the right to privacy as a basic right, and the 2018 judgment on Hadiya, upholding the student’s right to choose a partner, a Muslim man in Kerala, as an essential freedom.

Q. Which of the following is not consistent with the passage?

Solution:

HC ruling came on the plea of a Muslim woman who converted to Hinduism for marriage. The passage states that many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’.

QUESTION: 11

The Allahabad High Court ruling that people marrying under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, can choose not to publicise their union with a notice 30 days in advance may not exactly be a judicial pushback against problematic anti-conversion laws enacted by several BJP-ruled States. But it serves to get a major irritant out of the way of couples wanting to marry against the wishes of their parents or their immediate community. Many inter caste and inter-faith marriages have faced violent opposition from those acting in the name of community pride or those raising the bogey of ‘love jihad’. Hindutva activists have been targeting Muslim men marrying Hindu women, especially if the women have converted to Islam prior to the marriage. The court said that mandatorily publishing a notice of the intended marriage and calling for objections violates the right to privacy. According to the new order, if a couple gives it in writing that they do not want the notice publicised, the Marriage Officer can solemnise the marriage. Under Section 5 of the Act, which enables inter-faith marriages, the couple has to give notice to the Marriage Officer; and under Sections 6 and 7, the officer has to publicise the notice and call for objections. But, in his order, Justice Vivek Chaudhary said the Act’s interpretation has to be such that it upholds fundamental rights, not violate them. Laws should not invade liberty and privacy, he said, “including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned.

The HC ruling came on the plea of a Muslim woman who converted to Hinduism for marriage as the couple saw the notice period under the Special Marriage Act as an invasion of their privacy. Justice Chaudhary’s remarks on ‘state and non-state actors’ will undoubtedly be read in the context of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Ordinance, 2020, that particularly targets inter-faith marriages. This new law declares conversion of religion by marriage to be unlawful, mandates a 60-day notice to the District Magistrate and also requires the Magistrate to conduct a police inquiry to find out the explicit reason for the conversion. Enacted last November, there have been 54 arrests till date by the U.P. police. The HC ruling can now be cited across India to prevent public notices under the Special Marriage Act. Interfaith couples will hope that when the Supreme Court hears pleas on the U.P. conversion law, it will be guided by progressive verdicts, such as the 2017 Aadhaar ruling, on the right to privacy as a basic right, and the 2018 judgment on Hadiya, upholding the student’s right to choose a partner, a Muslim man in Kerala, as an essential freedom.

Q. Which of the following could be an apt title to the passage?

Solution: The author has analyzed the aspect of the recent judgment the crux of which was to uphold the fundamental right to privacy, which was being breached by the Special Marriage Act’s provision.
QUESTION: 12

[1]Johnson, a poet and critic, had taken up the task of producing a dictionary. [2]It was on such a large scale that it had seemed impossible without the establishment of an academy to make decisions about right and wrong usage. [3]Johnson decided he did not need an academy to settle arguments about language; and he would do it single-handed.

[4]The Dictionary work shop had a long desk running down the middle at which the copying clerks would work standing up. [5]Johnson himself was stationed on a rickety chair at an ‘old crazy deal table’ surrounded by a chaos of borrowed books. [6]He was also helped by six assistants, two of whom died whilst the Dictionary was still in preparation.

[7]The work was immense; Johnson wrote the definitions of over 40,000 words, and illustrates their many meanings with some 114,000 quotations drawn from English writing on every subject, from the Elizabethans to his own time. [8]He did not expel to achieve complete originality. [9]Working to a deadline, he had to draw on the best of all previous dictionaries, and to make his work one of heroic synthesis. [10]In fact, it was very much more. [11]Unlike his predecessors, Johnson treated English very practically, as a living language, with many different shades of meaning. [12]After its publication, his Dictionary was not seriously rivalled for over a century.

[13]After many vicissitudes the Dictionary was finally published on 15 April 1775. [14]It was instantly recognised as a landmark throughout Europe. [15]The fact that Johnson had taken on the Academies of Europe and matched them (everyone knew that forty French academics had taken forty years to produce the first French national dictionary) was cause for much English celebration.

[16]Johnson was working for a year short of a decade. [17]For all its faults and eccentricities his two-volume work is a masterpiece and a landmark. [18]The Dictionary, together with his other writing, made Johnson famous and so well esteemed that his friends were able to prevail upon King George III to offer him a pension. [19]From then on, he was to become the Johnson of folklore.

Q. Which of the following are not true about the words in Johnsons’ Dictionary?

Solution: In the third paragraph, it is given "writing on every subject, from the Elizabethans to his own time." So answer is first option.
QUESTION: 13

[1]Johnson, a poet and critic, had taken up the task of producing a dictionary. [2]It was on such a large scale that it had seemed impossible without the establishment of an academy to make decisions about right and wrong usage. [3]Johnson decided he did not need an academy to settle arguments about language; and he would do it single-handed.

[4]The Dictionary work shop had a long desk running down the middle at which the copying clerks would work standing up. [5]Johnson himself was stationed on a rickety chair at an ‘old crazy deal table’ surrounded by a chaos of borrowed books. [6]He was also helped by six assistants, two of whom died whilst the Dictionary was still in preparation.

[7]The work was immense; Johnson wrote the definitions of over 40,000 words, and illustrates their many meanings with some 114,000 quotations drawn from English writing on every subject, from the Elizabethans to his own time. [8]He did not expel to achieve complete originality. [9]Working to a deadline, he had to draw on the best of all previous dictionaries, and to make his work one of heroic synthesis. [10]In fact, it was very much more. [11]Unlike his predecessors, Johnson treated English very practically, as a living language, with many different shades of meaning. [12]After its publication, his Dictionary was not seriously rivalled for over a century.

[13]After many vicissitudes the Dictionary was finally published on 15 April 1775. [14]It was instantly recognised as a landmark throughout Europe. [15]The fact that Johnson had taken on the Academies of Europe and matched them (everyone knew that forty French academics had taken forty years to produce the first French national dictionary) was cause for much English celebration.

[16]Johnson was working for a year short of a decade. [17]For all its faults and eccentricities his two-volume work is a masterpiece and a landmark. [18]The Dictionary, together with his other writing, made Johnson famous and so well esteemed that his friends were able to prevail upon King George III to offer him a pension. [19]From then on, he was to become the Johnson of folklore.

Q. Which of the following are true about the dictionary?

Solution: First option is incorrect, as it took time to earn a pension. Third option is incorrect. Fourth option is not discussed in the passage.
QUESTION: 14

[1]Johnson, a poet and critic, had taken up the task of producing a dictionary. [2]It was on such a large scale that it had seemed impossible without the establishment of an academy to make decisions about right and wrong usage. [3]Johnson decided he did not need an academy to settle arguments about language; and he would do it single-handed.

[4]The Dictionary work shop had a long desk running down the middle at which the copying clerks would work standing up. [5]Johnson himself was stationed on a rickety chair at an ‘old crazy deal table’ surrounded by a chaos of borrowed books. [6]He was also helped by six assistants, two of whom died whilst the Dictionary was still in preparation.

[7]The work was immense; Johnson wrote the definitions of over 40,000 words, and illustrates their many meanings with some 114,000 quotations drawn from English writing on every subject, from the Elizabethans to his own time. [8]He did not expel to achieve complete originality. [9]Working to a deadline, he had to draw on the best of all previous dictionaries, and to make his work one of heroic synthesis. [10]In fact, it was very much more. [11]Unlike his predecessors, Johnson treated English very practically, as a living language, with many different shades of meaning. [12]After its publication, his Dictionary was not seriously rivalled for over a century.

[13]After many vicissitudes the Dictionary was finally published on 15 April 1775. [14]It was instantly recognised as a landmark throughout Europe. [15]The fact that Johnson had taken on the Academies of Europe and matched them (everyone knew that forty French academics had taken forty years to produce the first French national dictionary) was cause for much English celebration.

[16]Johnson was working for a year short of a decade. [17]For all its faults and eccentricities his two-volume work is a masterpiece and a landmark. [18]The Dictionary, together with his other writing, made Johnson famous and so well esteemed that his friends were able to prevail upon King George III to offer him a pension. [19]From then on, he was to become the Johnson of folklore.

Q. Which of the following words best describe the ‘dictionary workshop’

Solution: It was not a comfortable place as per the description in the passage.
QUESTION: 15

[1]Johnson, a poet and critic, had taken up the task of producing a dictionary. [2]It was on such a large scale that it had seemed impossible without the establishment of an academy to make decisions about right and wrong usage. [3]Johnson decided he did not need an academy to settle arguments about language; and he would do it single-handed.

[4]The Dictionary work shop had a long desk running down the middle at which the copying clerks would work standing up. [5]Johnson himself was stationed on a rickety chair at an ‘old crazy deal table’ surrounded by a chaos of borrowed books. [6]He was also helped by six assistants, two of whom died whilst the Dictionary was still in preparation.

[7]The work was immense; Johnson wrote the definitions of over 40,000 words, and illustrates their many meanings with some 114,000 quotations drawn from English writing on every subject, from the Elizabethans to his own time. [8]He did not expel to achieve complete originality. [9]Working to a deadline, he had to draw on the best of all previous dictionaries, and to make his work one of heroic synthesis. [10]In fact, it was very much more. [11]Unlike his predecessors, Johnson treated English very practically, as a living language, with many different shades of meaning. [12]After its publication, his Dictionary was not seriously rivalled for over a century.

[13]After many vicissitudes the Dictionary was finally published on 15 April 1775. [14]It was instantly recognised as a landmark throughout Europe. [15]The fact that Johnson had taken on the Academies of Europe and matched them (everyone knew that forty French academics had taken forty years to produce the first French national dictionary) was cause for much English celebration.

[16]Johnson was working for a year short of a decade. [17]For all its faults and eccentricities his two-volume work is a masterpiece and a landmark. [18]The Dictionary, together with his other writing, made Johnson famous and so well esteemed that his friends were able to prevail upon King George III to offer him a pension. [19]From then on, he was to become the Johnson of folklore.

Q. Sentence[7] has one or more words that appear in a form that is grammatically incorrect in the context of that sentence. What is the word(s) that appear(s) in an incorrect form, and what would be its appropriate form in the context of the sentence?

Solution: Since the sentence is in past tense, it should be illustrated and not illustrates.

The work was immense; Johnson wrote the definitions of over 40,000 words, and illustrated their many meanings with some 114,000 quotations drawn from English writing on every subject, from the Elizabethans to his own time.

QUESTION: 16

[1]Johnson, a poet and critic, had taken up the task of producing a dictionary. [2]It was on such a large scale that it had seemed impossible without the establishment of an academy to make decisions about right and wrong usage. [3]Johnson decided he did not need an academy to settle arguments about language; and he would do it single-handed.

[4]The Dictionary work shop had a long desk running down the middle at which the copying clerks would work standing up. [5]Johnson himself was stationed on a rickety chair at an ‘old crazy deal table’ surrounded by a chaos of borrowed books. [6]He was also helped by six assistants, two of whom died whilst the Dictionary was still in preparation.

[7]The work was immense; Johnson wrote the definitions of over 40,000 words, and illustrates their many meanings with some 114,000 quotations drawn from English writing on every subject, from the Elizabethans to his own time. [8]He did not expel to achieve complete originality. [9]Working to a deadline, he had to draw on the best of all previous dictionaries, and to make his work one of heroic synthesis. [10]In fact, it was very much more. [11]Unlike his predecessors, Johnson treated English very practically, as a living language, with many different shades of meaning. [12]After its publication, his Dictionary was not seriously rivalled for over a century.

[13]After many vicissitudes the Dictionary was finally published on 15 April 1775. [14]It was instantly recognised as a landmark throughout Europe. [15]The fact that Johnson had taken on the Academies of Europe and matched them (everyone knew that forty French academics had taken forty years to produce the first French national dictionary) was cause for much English celebration.

[16]Johnson was working for a year short of a decade. [17]For all its faults and eccentricities his two-volume work is a masterpiece and a landmark. [18]The Dictionary, together with his other writing, made Johnson famous and so well esteemed that his friends were able to prevail upon King George III to offer him a pension. [19]From then on, he was to become the Johnson of folklore.

Q. All the sentences in the last paragraph of the passage are grammatically correct in the context of the passage, except –

Solution: 16 is incorrect. Johnson had been working for a year short of a decade. Since the task is completed, the past perfect tense should be used.
QUESTION: 17

Killings of men, women and even couples belonging to separate castes have become a staple of casteism all over India. Their dismay associated with inter-caste involvement in any manner invites all kinds of judgments from like-minded peers who thrive around them. Indian Caste crimes have existed ever since the inception of India as an independent nation, with violent attacks against Brahmins by the kunbi-Maratha community after the assassination of MK Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, a Brahmin himself. The caste system, although one of the oldest forms of social stratification which divides Hindus on the basis of their karma (work) and dharma (duty) has become an elaborate excuse for some in recent years for violent inflictions over the lower classes. The caste system as mentioned in the Manusmriti exists as a basis of order and regularity of the Hindu society, and nowhere mentions the need for stratification with bloodshed or an uncalled-for oppression of lower castes. The Dalits have belonged, according to the caste system, outside the four major varnas namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Every year, events such as inter-caste marriages, the involvement of a lower caste with the upper ones, and several other menial ones call for brutal bloodshed and murders in the name of honor and protection of one's make-believe casteist sanctity, which are really only crimes against humanity and equality and root from an uneducated, oftentimes narrow mind.

The colonization of India shaped the caste system into what it is today. Susan Bayly, a Professor of Historical Anthropology in the Cambridge University states that the British caste tables ""ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth."" This enabled the Brits to segregate between castes and provide jobs and other work opportunities to the upper castes only. Inter-caste feuds and tensions after almost a century of the inhumane British system's existence was inevitable, and came to a full bloom after India's independence in 1947. Since 1947, there has not been a single year up until 2019 in India where caste-related killings and violence (both reported and unreported) haven't sprouted up at different places within the country. Moreover, what's deeply disturbing is the fact that the people who strictly follow their caste guidelines do not care of the implications of indulging into caste related crimes, and hence become an ongoing threat to a nation which aims to chase humanitarian equality and steep developments.

Q. Which of the following castes does not belong to the four varnas as per the paragraph above?

Solution: Dalits do not belong to the four varnas.
QUESTION: 18

Killings of men, women and even couples belonging to separate castes have become a staple of casteism all over India. Their dismay associated with inter-caste involvement in any manner invites all kinds of judgments from like-minded peers who thrive around them. Indian Caste crimes have existed ever since the inception of India as an independent nation, with violent attacks against Brahmins by the kunbi-Maratha community after the assassination of MK Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, a Brahmin himself. The caste system, although one of the oldest forms of social stratification which divides Hindus on the basis of their karma (work) and dharma (duty) has become an elaborate excuse for some in recent years for violent inflictions over the lower classes. The caste system as mentioned in the Manusmriti exists as a basis of order and regularity of the Hindu society, and nowhere mentions the need for stratification with bloodshed or an uncalled-for oppression of lower castes. The Dalits have belonged, according to the caste system, outside the four major varnas namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Every year, events such as inter-caste marriages, the involvement of a lower caste with the upper ones, and several other menial ones call for brutal bloodshed and murders in the name of honor and protection of one's make-believe casteist sanctity, which are really only crimes against humanity and equality and root from an uneducated, oftentimes narrow mind.

The colonization of India shaped the caste system into what it is today. Susan Bayly, a Professor of Historical Anthropology in the Cambridge University states that the British caste tables ""ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth."" This enabled the Brits to segregate between castes and provide jobs and other work opportunities to the upper castes only. Inter-caste feuds and tensions after almost a century of the inhumane British system's existence was inevitable, and came to a full bloom after India's independence in 1947. Since 1947, there has not been a single year up until 2019 in India where caste-related killings and violence (both reported and unreported) haven't sprouted up at different places within the country. Moreover, what's deeply disturbing is the fact that the people who strictly follow their caste guidelines do not care of the implications of indulging into caste related crimes, and hence become an ongoing threat to a nation which aims to chase humanitarian equality and steep developments.

Q. Which of the following is not true to the above passage?

Solution: Nathuram Godse, who assassinated MK Gandhi, was a Brahmin and not Dalit.
QUESTION: 19

Killings of men, women and even couples belonging to separate castes have become a staple of casteism all over India. Their dismay associated with inter-caste involvement in any manner invites all kinds of judgments from like-minded peers who thrive around them. Indian Caste crimes have existed ever since the inception of India as an independent nation, with violent attacks against Brahmins by the kunbi-Maratha community after the assassination of MK Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, a Brahmin himself. The caste system, although one of the oldest forms of social stratification which divides Hindus on the basis of their karma (work) and dharma (duty) has become an elaborate excuse for some in recent years for violent inflictions over the lower classes. The caste system as mentioned in the Manusmriti exists as a basis of order and regularity of the Hindu society, and nowhere mentions the need for stratification with bloodshed or an uncalled-for oppression of lower castes. The Dalits have belonged, according to the caste system, outside the four major varnas namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Every year, events such as inter-caste marriages, the involvement of a lower caste with the upper ones, and several other menial ones call for brutal bloodshed and murders in the name of honor and protection of one's make-believe casteist sanctity, which are really only crimes against humanity and equality and root from an uneducated, oftentimes narrow mind.

The colonization of India shaped the caste system into what it is today. Susan Bayly, a Professor of Historical Anthropology in the Cambridge University states that the British caste tables ""ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth."" This enabled the Brits to segregate between castes and provide jobs and other work opportunities to the upper castes only. Inter-caste feuds and tensions after almost a century of the inhumane British system's existence was inevitable, and came to a full bloom after India's independence in 1947. Since 1947, there has not been a single year up until 2019 in India where caste-related killings and violence (both reported and unreported) haven't sprouted up at different places within the country. Moreover, what's deeply disturbing is the fact that the people who strictly follow their caste guidelines do not care of the implications of indulging into caste related crimes, and hence become an ongoing threat to a nation which aims to chase humanitarian equality and steep developments.

Q. Which of the following factors gave rise to the Caste System in India as per the author in the above passage?

Solution: According to the passage, the colonization of India by the Britishers gave rise to the caste system in India.
QUESTION: 20

Killings of men, women and even couples belonging to separate castes have become a staple of casteism all over India. Their dismay associated with inter-caste involvement in any manner invites all kinds of judgments from like-minded peers who thrive around them. Indian Caste crimes have existed ever since the inception of India as an independent nation, with violent attacks against Brahmins by the kunbi-Maratha community after the assassination of MK Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, a Brahmin himself. The caste system, although one of the oldest forms of social stratification which divides Hindus on the basis of their karma (work) and dharma (duty) has become an elaborate excuse for some in recent years for violent inflictions over the lower classes. The caste system as mentioned in the Manusmriti exists as a basis of order and regularity of the Hindu society, and nowhere mentions the need for stratification with bloodshed or an uncalled-for oppression of lower castes. The Dalits have belonged, according to the caste system, outside the four major varnas namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Every year, events such as inter-caste marriages, the involvement of a lower caste with the upper ones, and several other menial ones call for brutal bloodshed and murders in the name of honor and protection of one's make-believe casteist sanctity, which are really only crimes against humanity and equality and root from an uneducated, oftentimes narrow mind.

The colonization of India shaped the caste system into what it is today. Susan Bayly, a Professor of Historical Anthropology in the Cambridge University states that the British caste tables ""ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth."" This enabled the Brits to segregate between castes and provide jobs and other work opportunities to the upper castes only. Inter-caste feuds and tensions after almost a century of the inhumane British system's existence was inevitable, and came to a full bloom after India's independence in 1947. Since 1947, there has not been a single year up until 2019 in India where caste-related killings and violence (both reported and unreported) haven't sprouted up at different places within the country. Moreover, what's deeply disturbing is the fact that the people who strictly follow their caste guidelines do not care of the implications of indulging into caste related crimes, and hence become an ongoing threat to a nation which aims to chase humanitarian equality and steep developments.

Q. As per the author, what has become a staple of casteism all over India?

Solution: All the incidents have been mentioned in the passage.
QUESTION: 21

Killings of men, women and even couples belonging to separate castes have become a staple of casteism all over India. Their dismay associated with inter-caste involvement in any manner invites all kinds of judgments from like-minded peers who thrive around them. Indian Caste crimes have existed ever since the inception of India as an independent nation, with violent attacks against Brahmins by the kunbi-Maratha community after the assassination of MK Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, a Brahmin himself. The caste system, although one of the oldest forms of social stratification which divides Hindus on the basis of their karma (work) and dharma (duty) has become an elaborate excuse for some in recent years for violent inflictions over the lower classes. The caste system as mentioned in the Manusmriti exists as a basis of order and regularity of the Hindu society, and nowhere mentions the need for stratification with bloodshed or an uncalled-for oppression of lower castes. The Dalits have belonged, according to the caste system, outside the four major varnas namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Every year, events such as inter-caste marriages, the involvement of a lower caste with the upper ones, and several other menial ones call for brutal bloodshed and murders in the name of honor and protection of one's make-believe casteist sanctity, which are really only crimes against humanity and equality and root from an uneducated, oftentimes narrow mind.

The colonization of India shaped the caste system into what it is today. Susan Bayly, a Professor of Historical Anthropology in the Cambridge University states that the British caste tables ""ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth."" This enabled the Brits to segregate between castes and provide jobs and other work opportunities to the upper castes only. Inter-caste feuds and tensions after almost a century of the inhumane British system's existence was inevitable, and came to a full bloom after India's independence in 1947. Since 1947, there has not been a single year up until 2019 in India where caste-related killings and violence (both reported and unreported) haven't sprouted up at different places within the country. Moreover, what's deeply disturbing is the fact that the people who strictly follow their caste guidelines do not care of the implications of indulging into caste related crimes, and hence become an ongoing threat to a nation which aims to chase humanitarian equality and steep developments.

Q. What Is the author trying to convey from the above passage?

Solution: All the above can be inferred from the above passage.
QUESTION: 22

Killings of men, women and even couples belonging to separate castes have become a staple of casteism all over India. Their dismay associated with inter-caste involvement in any manner invites all kinds of judgments from like-minded peers who thrive around them. Indian Caste crimes have existed ever since the inception of India as an independent nation, with violent attacks against Brahmins by the kunbi-Maratha community after the assassination of MK Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, a Brahmin himself. The caste system, although one of the oldest forms of social stratification which divides Hindus on the basis of their karma (work) and dharma (duty) has become an elaborate excuse for some in recent years for violent inflictions over the lower classes. The caste system as mentioned in the Manusmriti exists as a basis of order and regularity of the Hindu society, and nowhere mentions the need for stratification with bloodshed or an uncalled-for oppression of lower castes. The Dalits have belonged, according to the caste system, outside the four major varnas namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Every year, events such as inter-caste marriages, the involvement of a lower caste with the upper ones, and several other menial ones call for brutal bloodshed and murders in the name of honor and protection of one's make-believe casteist sanctity, which are really only crimes against humanity and equality and root from an uneducated, oftentimes narrow mind.

The colonization of India shaped the caste system into what it is today. Susan Bayly, a Professor of Historical Anthropology in the Cambridge University states that the British caste tables ""ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth."" This enabled the Brits to segregate between castes and provide jobs and other work opportunities to the upper castes only. Inter-caste feuds and tensions after almost a century of the inhumane British system's existence was inevitable, and came to a full bloom after India's independence in 1947. Since 1947, there has not been a single year up until 2019 in India where caste-related killings and violence (both reported and unreported) haven't sprouted up at different places within the country. Moreover, what's deeply disturbing is the fact that the people who strictly follow their caste guidelines do not care of the implications of indulging into caste related crimes, and hence become an ongoing threat to a nation which aims to chase humanitarian equality and steep developments.

Q. Choose the correct meanings of the words in the order as provided herein - “Dismay, Infliction, Menial”.

Solution:

Meaning of Dismay is Consternation, Distress, Disquiet. Infliction means imposition. Menial means unskilled.

QUESTION: 23

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.

Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.

The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.

Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.

The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.

Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.

Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.

Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.

Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.

Q. Which of the following points would the author agree with?

1. Segregation of households aggravates communal violence

2. In India, the town planners segregate certain accommodations for minorities

3. Jaipur might have lower crime rate against minorities than Lucknow

Solution: The author through the passage tries to prove the conjecture that segregation of household plays a role in violence. The reservation of plots for certain groups was practiced in the USA and nothing has been mentioned in the passage which hints towards the author's agreement towards it. Similarly, as per the passage, Jaipur and Lucknow, both seem to have least segregation of areas on basis of the factors mentioned in the passage. Nothing could be said conclusively regarding comparison of crime rates between the two cities.
QUESTION: 24

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.

Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.

The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.

Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.

The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.

Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.

Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.

Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.

Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.

Q. Which of the following reasons can be ascribed to absence of communal riots in Jaipur for past many decades?

1. There seems to be economic integration among Muslims and Hindus

2. The diverse neighborhood provided the opportunity for economic integration

3. The city has the least segregation on basis of identity

Solution: Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. The economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots. Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.
QUESTION: 25

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.

Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.

The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.

Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.

The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.

Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.

Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.

Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.

Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.

Q. Which of the following happens to be the findings of Raphael Susewind?

Solution: Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines. Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.
QUESTION: 26

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.

Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.

The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.

Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.

The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.

Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.

Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.

Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.

Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.

Q. Which among the following is the most appropriate meaning of ghettoisation?

Solution: Ghettoisation means to confine or restrict to a particular area, activity, or category.
QUESTION: 27

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.

Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.

The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.

Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.

The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.

Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.

Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.

Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.

Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.

Q. Which of the following is not true regarding homogenous neighbourhoods?

Solution: The author states that there is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.
QUESTION: 28

In simple terms, TRPs represent how many people, from which socio-economic categories, watched which channels for how much time during a particular period. This could be for an hour, a day, or even a week; India follows the international standard of one minute. The data is usually made public every week. BARC has installed “BAR-O-meters” in over 45,000 empanelled households. While watching a show, members of the household register their presence by pressing their viewer ID button — every person in household has a separate ID — thus capturing the duration for which the channel was watched and by whom, and providing data on viewership habits across age and socio-economic groups. The panel chosen to capture TRPs must be representative of the country’s population, and the methodology must be economically viable for the industry. If broadcasters can find the households where devices are installed, they can either bribe them to watch their channels, or ask cable operators or multi-system operators to ensure their channel is available as the “landing page” when the TV is switched on. For TRPs, it does not matter what the entire country is watching, but essentially what the 45,000-odd households supposed to represent TV viewership of the country have watched. Broadcasters can target these households to fudge actual viewership data. TRAI mentioned “panel infiltration has a significant impact when the panel size is smaller” and “with the increase in panel size, infiltration of panel homes becomes challenging”. When the sample is smaller, “manipulation becomes easier”. In a genre like English news, “because fewer homes will have larger weightage, change in behaviour of one home gets amplified at a much larger scale nationwide”. Additionally, as each channel tries to project itself as a market leader in a particular segment, it slices the data into socio-economic brackets on the basis of NCCS, age, gender, time slots (primetime) etc to find the perfect data slice. This too increases relative error in the data, because of the small sample size.

Q. Which of the following statements shows the relevance of the TRP system?

Solution: In simple terms, TRPs represent how many people, from which socio-economic categories, watched which channels for how much time during a particular period. So, option (c) describes it the best.
QUESTION: 29

In simple terms, TRPs represent how many people, from which socio-economic categories, watched which channels for how much time during a particular period. This could be for an hour, a day, or even a week; India follows the international standard of one minute. The data is usually made public every week. BARC has installed “BAR-O-meters” in over 45,000 empanelled households. While watching a show, members of the household register their presence by pressing their viewer ID button — every person in household has a separate ID — thus capturing the duration for which the channel was watched and by whom, and providing data on viewership habits across age and socio-economic groups. The panel chosen to capture TRPs must be representative of the country’s population, and the methodology must be economically viable for the industry. If broadcasters can find the households where devices are installed, they can either bribe them to watch their channels, or ask cable operators or multi-system operators to ensure their channel is available as the “landing page” when the TV is switched on. For TRPs, it does not matter what the entire country is watching, but essentially what the 45,000-odd households supposed to represent TV viewership of the country have watched. Broadcasters can target these households to fudge actual viewership data. TRAI mentioned “panel infiltration has a significant impact when the panel size is smaller” and “with the increase in panel size, infiltration of panel homes becomes challenging”. When the sample is smaller, “manipulation becomes easier”. In a genre like English news, “because fewer homes will have larger weightage, change in behaviour of one home gets amplified at a much larger scale nationwide”. Additionally, as each channel tries to project itself as a market leader in a particular segment, it slices the data into socio-economic brackets on the basis of NCCS, age, gender, time slots (primetime) etc to find the perfect data slice. This too increases relative error in the data, because of the small sample size.

Q. Which of the following conditions is considered while making the TRP panel?

Solution: The panel chosen to capture TRPs must be representative of the country’s population, and the methodology must be economically viable for the industry.
QUESTION: 30

In simple terms, TRPs represent how many people, from which socio-economic categories, watched which channels for how much time during a particular period. This could be for an hour, a day, or even a week; India follows the international standard of one minute. The data is usually made public every week. BARC has installed “BAR-O-meters” in over 45,000 empanelled households. While watching a show, members of the household register their presence by pressing their viewer ID button — every person in household has a separate ID — thus capturing the duration for which the channel was watched and by whom, and providing data on viewership habits across age and socio-economic groups. The panel chosen to capture TRPs must be representative of the country’s population, and the methodology must be economically viable for the industry. If broadcasters can find the households where devices are installed, they can either bribe them to watch their channels, or ask cable operators or multi-system operators to ensure their channel is available as the “landing page” when the TV is switched on. For TRPs, it does not matter what the entire country is watching, but essentially what the 45,000-odd households supposed to represent TV viewership of the country have watched. Broadcasters can target these households to fudge actual viewership data. TRAI mentioned “panel infiltration has a significant impact when the panel size is smaller” and “with the increase in panel size, infiltration of panel homes becomes challenging”. When the sample is smaller, “manipulation becomes easier”. In a genre like English news, “because fewer homes will have larger weightage, change in behaviour of one home gets amplified at a much larger scale nationwide”. Additionally, as each channel tries to project itself as a market leader in a particular segment, it slices the data into socio-economic brackets on the basis of NCCS, age, gender, time slots (primetime) etc to find the perfect data slice. This too increases relative error in the data, because of the small sample size.

Q. Which of the following statements, most aptly tells the criticism of the TRP system?

Solution: TRPs are calculated on the basis of what the 45,000-odd households watch. So, it cannot be termed as a true indicator.
QUESTION: 31

In simple terms, TRPs represent how many people, from which socio-economic categories, watched which channels for how much time during a particular period. This could be for an hour, a day, or even a week; India follows the international standard of one minute. The data is usually made public every week. BARC has installed “BAR-O-meters” in over 45,000 empanelled households. While watching a show, members of the household register their presence by pressing their viewer ID button — every person in household has a separate ID — thus capturing the duration for which the channel was watched and by whom, and providing data on viewership habits across age and socio-economic groups. The panel chosen to capture TRPs must be representative of the country’s population, and the methodology must be economically viable for the industry. If broadcasters can find the households where devices are installed, they can either bribe them to watch their channels, or ask cable operators or multi-system operators to ensure their channel is available as the “landing page” when the TV is switched on. For TRPs, it does not matter what the entire country is watching, but essentially what the 45,000-odd households supposed to represent TV viewership of the country have watched. Broadcasters can target these households to fudge actual viewership data. TRAI mentioned “panel infiltration has a significant impact when the panel size is smaller” and “with the increase in panel size, infiltration of panel homes becomes challenging”. When the sample is smaller, “manipulation becomes easier”. In a genre like English news, “because fewer homes will have larger weightage, change in behaviour of one home gets amplified at a much larger scale nationwide”. Additionally, as each channel tries to project itself as a market leader in a particular segment, it slices the data into socio-economic brackets on the basis of NCCS, age, gender, time slots (primetime) etc to find the perfect data slice. This too increases relative error in the data, because of the small sample size.

Q. As per author, which of the following opens up, if the sample size of the panel for TRP is not adequately large?

Solution: When the sample is smaller, “manipulation becomes easier”. Swindle is a synonym for manipulation.
QUESTION: 32

In simple terms, TRPs represent how many people, from which socio-economic categories, watched which channels for how much time during a particular period. This could be for an hour, a day, or even a week; India follows the international standard of one minute. The data is usually made public every week. BARC has installed “BAR-O-meters” in over 45,000 empanelled households. While watching a show, members of the household register their presence by pressing their viewer ID button — every person in household has a separate ID — thus capturing the duration for which the channel was watched and by whom, and providing data on viewership habits across age and socio-economic groups. The panel chosen to capture TRPs must be representative of the country’s population, and the methodology must be economically viable for the industry. If broadcasters can find the households where devices are installed, they can either bribe them to watch their channels, or ask cable operators or multi-system operators to ensure their channel is available as the “landing page” when the TV is switched on. For TRPs, it does not matter what the entire country is watching, but essentially what the 45,000-odd households supposed to represent TV viewership of the country have watched. Broadcasters can target these households to fudge actual viewership data. TRAI mentioned “panel infiltration has a significant impact when the panel size is smaller” and “with the increase in panel size, infiltration of panel homes becomes challenging”. When the sample is smaller, “manipulation becomes easier”. In a genre like English news, “because fewer homes will have larger weightage, change in behaviour of one home gets amplified at a much larger scale nationwide”. Additionally, as each channel tries to project itself as a market leader in a particular segment, it slices the data into socio-economic brackets on the basis of NCCS, age, gender, time slots (primetime) etc to find the perfect data slice. This too increases relative error in the data, because of the small sample size.

Q. Which of the following can replace the word viable?

Solution: Viable means capable of working successfully; feasible. Plausible is synonymous to viable.
QUESTION: 33

The Union Cabinet on Wednesday approved adoption of the [X] Panchayat Raj Act and said the process for local body polls in the union territory will start soon. Speaking to media after a cabinet meeting, union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar said the move will help establish all the three tiers of grassroots level democracy like in other parts of the country for the first time since Independence. The minister said while people across India had the right to elect local representatives, the same was missing in[X]. Javadekar said the move will empower people in the [X] and “they will elect their own representatives. And those representatives will plan the development of the district and implement the various welfare measures and programs" “For the first time in 73 years after independence, paving the way for true grassroot democracy in [X], Union Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Narendra Modi approves adaptation of [X] state Panchayati Raj Act, 1989. All the 3 tiers of local self-rule, like in the rest of country," tweeted Jitendra Singh Minister of State (PMO). In another decision related to [X], the union cabinet approved the extension of Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) for apple procurement in the union territory for the current season of 2020-21. As per the approval, the procurement of apple will be done by the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation (NAFED) through the state designated agency directly from apple farmers of [X] and the payment will be made through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) into Bank account of apple farmers. Under this scheme, 12 lakh metric tons of apples can be procured. “Government has also allowed NAFED to utilize government guarantee of Rs. 2,500 crore for this operation. The losses, if any, to be incurred in this operation will be shared between Central Government and UT administration of [X] on 50:50 basis," an official statement said.

Q. What is the state/UT [X] mentioned in the passage?

Solution: "The Union Cabinet on Wednesday approved adoption of the Jammu and Kashmir Panchayat Raj Act and said the process for local body polls in the union territory will start soon.

Speaking to media after a cabinet meeting, union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar said the move will help establish all the three tiers of grassroots level democracy like in other parts of the country for the first time since Independence."

QUESTION: 34

The Union Cabinet on Wednesday approved adoption of the [X] Panchayat Raj Act and said the process for local body polls in the union territory will start soon. Speaking to media after a cabinet meeting, union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar said the move will help establish all the three tiers of grassroots level democracy like in other parts of the country for the first time since Independence. The minister said while people across India had the right to elect local representatives, the same was missing in[X]. Javadekar said the move will empower people in the [X] and “they will elect their own representatives. And those representatives will plan the development of the district and implement the various welfare measures and programs" “For the first time in 73 years after independence, paving the way for true grassroot democracy in [X], Union Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Narendra Modi approves adaptation of [X] state Panchayati Raj Act, 1989. All the 3 tiers of local self-rule, like in the rest of country," tweeted Jitendra Singh Minister of State (PMO). In another decision related to [X], the union cabinet approved the extension of Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) for apple procurement in the union territory for the current season of 2020-21. As per the approval, the procurement of apple will be done by the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation (NAFED) through the state designated agency directly from apple farmers of [X] and the payment will be made through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) into Bank account of apple farmers. Under this scheme, 12 lakh metric tons of apples can be procured. “Government has also allowed NAFED to utilize government guarantee of Rs. 2,500 crore for this operation. The losses, if any, to be incurred in this operation will be shared between Central Government and UT administration of [X] on 50:50 basis," an official statement said.

Q. The National Commission for Scheduled Tribes recently recommended to include which of the following Union Territories under Schedule 6 of Indian constitution?

Solution: NCST Writes to Union Home Minister & Union Tribal Affairs Minister Conveying Its recommendation to Include Union Territory of Ladakh Under 6th Schedule of Constitution Of India. ... The Commission took note of the fact that the newly created Union Territory of Ladakh is predominantly a tribal region in the country.
QUESTION: 35

The Union Cabinet on Wednesday approved adoption of the [X] Panchayat Raj Act and said the process for local body polls in the union territory will start soon. Speaking to media after a cabinet meeting, union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar said the move will help establish all the three tiers of grassroots level democracy like in other parts of the country for the first time since Independence. The minister said while people across India had the right to elect local representatives, the same was missing in[X]. Javadekar said the move will empower people in the [X] and “they will elect their own representatives. And those representatives will plan the development of the district and implement the various welfare measures and programs" “For the first time in 73 years after independence, paving the way for true grassroot democracy in [X], Union Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Narendra Modi approves adaptation of [X] state Panchayati Raj Act, 1989. All the 3 tiers of local self-rule, like in the rest of country," tweeted Jitendra Singh Minister of State (PMO). In another decision related to [X], the union cabinet approved the extension of Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) for apple procurement in the union territory for the current season of 2020-21. As per the approval, the procurement of apple will be done by the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation (NAFED) through the state designated agency directly from apple farmers of [X] and the payment will be made through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) into Bank account of apple farmers. Under this scheme, 12 lakh metric tons of apples can be procured. “Government has also allowed NAFED to utilize government guarantee of Rs. 2,500 crore for this operation. The losses, if any, to be incurred in this operation will be shared between Central Government and UT administration of [X] on 50:50 basis," an official statement said.

Q. Which of the following statements is not correct?

Solution: Madhya Pradesh was the first state which implemented the The Panchayati Raj system in India

"Panchayati Raj Institution (PRI) is a system of rural local self-government in India.

Local Self Government is the management of local affairs by such local bodies who have been elected by the local people.

PRI was constitutionalized through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992 to build democracy at the grass roots level and was entrusted with the task of rural development in the country.

In its present form and structure PRI has completed 26 years of existence. However, a lot remains to be done in order to further decentralization and strengthen democracy at the grass root level."

QUESTION: 36

The Union Cabinet on Wednesday approved adoption of the [X] Panchayat Raj Act and said the process for local body polls in the union territory will start soon. Speaking to media after a cabinet meeting, union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar said the move will help establish all the three tiers of grassroots level democracy like in other parts of the country for the first time since Independence. The minister said while people across India had the right to elect local representatives, the same was missing in[X]. Javadekar said the move will empower people in the [X] and “they will elect their own representatives. And those representatives will plan the development of the district and implement the various welfare measures and programs" “For the first time in 73 years after independence, paving the way for true grassroot democracy in [X], Union Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Narendra Modi approves adaptation of [X] state Panchayati Raj Act, 1989. All the 3 tiers of local self-rule, like in the rest of country," tweeted Jitendra Singh Minister of State (PMO). In another decision related to [X], the union cabinet approved the extension of Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) for apple procurement in the union territory for the current season of 2020-21. As per the approval, the procurement of apple will be done by the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation (NAFED) through the state designated agency directly from apple farmers of [X] and the payment will be made through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) into Bank account of apple farmers. Under this scheme, 12 lakh metric tons of apples can be procured. “Government has also allowed NAFED to utilize government guarantee of Rs. 2,500 crore for this operation. The losses, if any, to be incurred in this operation will be shared between Central Government and UT administration of [X] on 50:50 basis," an official statement said.

Q. The part IX of the constitution which deals with Panchayats is not applicable to which of the following states?

Solution: Nagaland , Meghalaya , Mizoram , Tribal Areas of Assam , Tripura & Hill areas of Manipur

"The following areas have been exempted from the operation of the Act because of the socio-cultural and administrative considerations:

Scheduled areas listed under the V Schedule in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa and Rajasthan.

The states of Nagaland, Meghalaya and Mizoram.

The hill areas of district of Darjeeling in the state of West Bengal for which Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council exists.

In conformity with provisions in the Constitution Amendment Act, an Act called the Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 passed by the Government of India."

QUESTION: 37

The Union Cabinet on Wednesday approved adoption of the [X] Panchayat Raj Act and said the process for local body polls in the union territory will start soon. Speaking to media after a cabinet meeting, union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar said the move will help establish all the three tiers of grassroots level democracy like in other parts of the country for the first time since Independence. The minister said while people across India had the right to elect local representatives, the same was missing in[X]. Javadekar said the move will empower people in the [X] and “they will elect their own representatives. And those representatives will plan the development of the district and implement the various welfare measures and programs" “For the first time in 73 years after independence, paving the way for true grassroot democracy in [X], Union Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Narendra Modi approves adaptation of [X] state Panchayati Raj Act, 1989. All the 3 tiers of local self-rule, like in the rest of country," tweeted Jitendra Singh Minister of State (PMO). In another decision related to [X], the union cabinet approved the extension of Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) for apple procurement in the union territory for the current season of 2020-21. As per the approval, the procurement of apple will be done by the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation (NAFED) through the state designated agency directly from apple farmers of [X] and the payment will be made through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) into Bank account of apple farmers. Under this scheme, 12 lakh metric tons of apples can be procured. “Government has also allowed NAFED to utilize government guarantee of Rs. 2,500 crore for this operation. The losses, if any, to be incurred in this operation will be shared between Central Government and UT administration of [X] on 50:50 basis," an official statement said.

Q. What was the main purpose behind bringing Panchayati Raj system in India?

Solution: "Panchayati Raj Institution (PRI) is a system of rural local self-government in India.

Local Self Government is the management of local affairs by such local bodies who have been elected by the local people.

PRI was constitutionalized through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992 to build democracy at the grass roots level and was entrusted with the task of rural development in the country.

In its present form and structure PRI has completed 26 years of existence. However, a lot remains to be done in order to further decentralization and strengthen democracy at the grass root level."

QUESTION: 38

The Union Cabinet on Wednesday approved adoption of the [X] Panchayat Raj Act and said the process for local body polls in the union territory will start soon. Speaking to media after a cabinet meeting, union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar said the move will help establish all the three tiers of grassroots level democracy like in other parts of the country for the first time since Independence. The minister said while people across India had the right to elect local representatives, the same was missing in[X]. Javadekar said the move will empower people in the [X] and “they will elect their own representatives. And those representatives will plan the development of the district and implement the various welfare measures and programs" “For the first time in 73 years after independence, paving the way for true grassroot democracy in [X], Union Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Narendra Modi approves adaptation of [X] state Panchayati Raj Act, 1989. All the 3 tiers of local self-rule, like in the rest of country," tweeted Jitendra Singh Minister of State (PMO). In another decision related to [X], the union cabinet approved the extension of Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) for apple procurement in the union territory for the current season of 2020-21. As per the approval, the procurement of apple will be done by the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation (NAFED) through the state designated agency directly from apple farmers of [X] and the payment will be made through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) into Bank account of apple farmers. Under this scheme, 12 lakh metric tons of apples can be procured. “Government has also allowed NAFED to utilize government guarantee of Rs. 2,500 crore for this operation. The losses, if any, to be incurred in this operation will be shared between Central Government and UT administration of [X] on 50:50 basis," an official statement said.

Q. Which statement is true about Panchayati Raj?

Solution:
QUESTION: 39

Gyanendra Ningombam from state [X] has been elected unopposed as the President of Hockey India while the former president of the body, Mohd Mushtaque Ahmed has been back at the Hockey India Executive Board on the Senior Vice President Post after being elected unopposed.

Hockey India, the governing body of Hockey held its 10th Hockey India Congress and Elections on November 6, 2020, where the newly elected President and Vice President of the body officially took charge of their duties.

Gyanendra Ningombam, on being elected unopposed, has become the first President of Hockey India from the Northeast region. Ningombam who has been elected for the term for two years had formerly held the position of officiating President after Mohd Mushtaque Ahmad gave his resignation in July 2020.

Ningombam from [X] has been associated with the discipline of Hockey in the state for the last 40 years. He has also been actively involved in the development of the discipline at the grass-root level in the North East region and has impressed everyone with his work. Gyanendra Ningombam was also the senior vice-president of Hockey India, Chief Executive Officer of [X] Hockey, and Senior Vice President of [X] Hockey. Ningombam had also served as the editor of Meeyam, an evening daily in [X].

Q. Gyanendra Ningombam belongs to which of these states and he is the first person to elected from north-east region?

Solution: Gyanendra Ningombam from Manipur has been elected unopposed as the President of Hockey India while the former president of the body, Mohd Mushtaque Ahmed has been back at the Hockey India Executive Board on the Senior Vice President Post after being elected unopposed.

Hockey India, the governing body of Hockey held its 10th Hockey India Congress and Elections on November 6, 2020, where the newly elected President and Vice President of the body officially took charge of their duties.

Gyanendra Ningombam, on being elected unopposed, has become the first President of Hockey India from the Northeast region. Ningombam who has been elected for the term for two years had formerly held the position of officiating President after Mohd Mushtaque Ahmad gave his resignation in July 2020.

QUESTION: 40

Gyanendra Ningombam from state [X] has been elected unopposed as the President of Hockey India while the former president of the body, Mohd Mushtaque Ahmed has been back at the Hockey India Executive Board on the Senior Vice President Post after being elected unopposed.

Hockey India, the governing body of Hockey held its 10th Hockey India Congress and Elections on November 6, 2020, where the newly elected President and Vice President of the body officially took charge of their duties.

Gyanendra Ningombam, on being elected unopposed, has become the first President of Hockey India from the Northeast region. Ningombam who has been elected for the term for two years had formerly held the position of officiating President after Mohd Mushtaque Ahmad gave his resignation in July 2020.

Ningombam from [X] has been associated with the discipline of Hockey in the state for the last 40 years. He has also been actively involved in the development of the discipline at the grass-root level in the North East region and has impressed everyone with his work. Gyanendra Ningombam was also the senior vice-president of Hockey India, Chief Executive Officer of [X] Hockey, and Senior Vice President of [X] Hockey. Ningombam had also served as the editor of Meeyam, an evening daily in [X].

Q. Which among these is the highest governing body of Hockey?

Solution: The Fédération Internationale de Hockey, commonly known by the acronym FIH, is the international governing body of field hockey and indoor field hockey. Its headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland and the president is Narinder Batra.
QUESTION: 41

Gyanendra Ningombam from state [X] has been elected unopposed as the President of Hockey India while the former president of the body, Mohd Mushtaque Ahmed has been back at the Hockey India Executive Board on the Senior Vice President Post after being elected unopposed.

Hockey India, the governing body of Hockey held its 10th Hockey India Congress and Elections on November 6, 2020, where the newly elected President and Vice President of the body officially took charge of their duties.

Gyanendra Ningombam, on being elected unopposed, has become the first President of Hockey India from the Northeast region. Ningombam who has been elected for the term for two years had formerly held the position of officiating President after Mohd Mushtaque Ahmad gave his resignation in July 2020.

Ningombam from [X] has been associated with the discipline of Hockey in the state for the last 40 years. He has also been actively involved in the development of the discipline at the grass-root level in the North East region and has impressed everyone with his work. Gyanendra Ningombam was also the senior vice-president of Hockey India, Chief Executive Officer of [X] Hockey, and Senior Vice President of [X] Hockey. Ningombam had also served as the editor of Meeyam, an evening daily in [X].

Q. Which nation has been crowned as World Champions of Hockey four times?

Solution:
QUESTION: 42

Gyanendra Ningombam from state [X] has been elected unopposed as the President of Hockey India while the former president of the body, Mohd Mushtaque Ahmed has been back at the Hockey India Executive Board on the Senior Vice President Post after being elected unopposed.

Hockey India, the governing body of Hockey held its 10th Hockey India Congress and Elections on November 6, 2020, where the newly elected President and Vice President of the body officially took charge of their duties.

Gyanendra Ningombam, on being elected unopposed, has become the first President of Hockey India from the Northeast region. Ningombam who has been elected for the term for two years had formerly held the position of officiating President after Mohd Mushtaque Ahmad gave his resignation in July 2020.

Ningombam from [X] has been associated with the discipline of Hockey in the state for the last 40 years. He has also been actively involved in the development of the discipline at the grass-root level in the North East region and has impressed everyone with his work. Gyanendra Ningombam was also the senior vice-president of Hockey India, Chief Executive Officer of [X] Hockey, and Senior Vice President of [X] Hockey. Ningombam had also served as the editor of Meeyam, an evening daily in [X].

Q. Which nation has the most Olympic Gold Medals in Hockey with 8 medals?

Solution:
QUESTION: 43

Gyanendra Ningombam from state [X] has been elected unopposed as the President of Hockey India while the former president of the body, Mohd Mushtaque Ahmed has been back at the Hockey India Executive Board on the Senior Vice President Post after being elected unopposed.

Hockey India, the governing body of Hockey held its 10th Hockey India Congress and Elections on November 6, 2020, where the newly elected President and Vice President of the body officially took charge of their duties.

Gyanendra Ningombam, on being elected unopposed, has become the first President of Hockey India from the Northeast region. Ningombam who has been elected for the term for two years had formerly held the position of officiating President after Mohd Mushtaque Ahmad gave his resignation in July 2020.

Ningombam from [X] has been associated with the discipline of Hockey in the state for the last 40 years. He has also been actively involved in the development of the discipline at the grass-root level in the North East region and has impressed everyone with his work. Gyanendra Ningombam was also the senior vice-president of Hockey India, Chief Executive Officer of [X] Hockey, and Senior Vice President of [X] Hockey. Ningombam had also served as the editor of Meeyam, an evening daily in [X].

Q. India's Male Hockey Team finished in which position in the year 2020?

Solution: India's men's hockey team finished in the 4th position in 2020. Belgium's men's team finished in the 1st position.

The women's hockey team finished in the 9th position. Netherlands women's team finished on the 1st position.

QUESTION: 44

Pakistan raised objections to the designs of Pakal Dul and Lower Kalnai hydropower plants in Jammu and Kashmir and sought more information on the projects in Ladakh sanctioned after the abrogation of Article 370 as the [X]Commissioners of the two countries met here on Tuesday, sources said. On its part, India justified its stand on the designs.

The Pakal Dul Hydro Electric Project (1,000 MW) is proposed on the Marusudar river, a tributary of the [...] river, in Kishtwar district in Jammu and Kashmir. The Lower Kalnai project is proposed in Kishtwar and Doda districts. The two sides also discussed a host of other issues under the [X] during the annual Permanent Indus Commission meeting.

The two-day meeting which started on Tuesday is taking place after a gap of over two years. The last meeting took place in Lahore in August 2018. The Indian delegation was led by P K Saxena, India's Commissioner, and his team from the Central Water Commission, the Central Electricity Authority and the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation.

The Pakistani delegation was led by its Commissioner Syed Muhammad Meher Ali Shah. The delegation arrived here on Monday evening. This year's meeting is the first between the two commissioners after the August 2019 nullification of the provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution that gave special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Q. Which of the following treaty was signed between India and Pakistan as mentioned in[X]?

Solution: Indus Waters treaty signed between India and Pakistan in 1960, all the waters of three rivers, namely Ravi,Sutlej and Beas ( Eastern Rivers) were allocated to India for exclusive use.
QUESTION: 45

Pakistan raised objections to the designs of Pakal Dul and Lower Kalnai hydropower plants in Jammu and Kashmir and sought more information on the projects in Ladakh sanctioned after the abrogation of Article 370 as the [X]Commissioners of the two countries met here on Tuesday, sources said. On its part, India justified its stand on the designs.

The Pakal Dul Hydro Electric Project (1,000 MW) is proposed on the Marusudar river, a tributary of the [...] river, in Kishtwar district in Jammu and Kashmir. The Lower Kalnai project is proposed in Kishtwar and Doda districts. The two sides also discussed a host of other issues under the [X] during the annual Permanent Indus Commission meeting.

The two-day meeting which started on Tuesday is taking place after a gap of over two years. The last meeting took place in Lahore in August 2018. The Indian delegation was led by P K Saxena, India's Commissioner, and his team from the Central Water Commission, the Central Electricity Authority and the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation.

The Pakistani delegation was led by its Commissioner Syed Muhammad Meher Ali Shah. The delegation arrived here on Monday evening. This year's meeting is the first between the two commissioners after the August 2019 nullification of the provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution that gave special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Q. Identify the three rivers that are allocated to Pakistan according to the treaty?

Solution: the waters of Western rivers - Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab were allocated to Pakistan except for specified domestic , non-consumptive and agricultural use permitted to India as provided in the Treaty.
QUESTION: 46

Pakistan raised objections to the designs of Pakal Dul and Lower Kalnai hydropower plants in Jammu and Kashmir and sought more information on the projects in Ladakh sanctioned after the abrogation of Article 370 as the [X]Commissioners of the two countries met here on Tuesday, sources said. On its part, India justified its stand on the designs.

The Pakal Dul Hydro Electric Project (1,000 MW) is proposed on the Marusudar river, a tributary of the [...] river, in Kishtwar district in Jammu and Kashmir. The Lower Kalnai project is proposed in Kishtwar and Doda districts. The two sides also discussed a host of other issues under the [X] during the annual Permanent Indus Commission meeting.

The two-day meeting which started on Tuesday is taking place after a gap of over two years. The last meeting took place in Lahore in August 2018. The Indian delegation was led by P K Saxena, India's Commissioner, and his team from the Central Water Commission, the Central Electricity Authority and the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation.

The Pakistani delegation was led by its Commissioner Syed Muhammad Meher Ali Shah. The delegation arrived here on Monday evening. This year's meeting is the first between the two commissioners after the August 2019 nullification of the provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution that gave special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Q. Who acted as a mediator in this treaty?

Solution: In 1952 the World Bank acted as a mediator to help both the countries resolve this issue. The Bank gave its proposal in 1954, which was accepted by India but rejected by Pakistan because it felt the proposal did not provide enough water storage to meet irrigation uses in Pakistan. Finally, in 1960, after negotiations and amendments to the initial Bank proposal, an agreement was reached between India and Pakistan.
QUESTION: 47

Pakistan raised objections to the designs of Pakal Dul and Lower Kalnai hydropower plants in Jammu and Kashmir and sought more information on the projects in Ladakh sanctioned after the abrogation of Article 370 as the [X]Commissioners of the two countries met here on Tuesday, sources said. On its part, India justified its stand on the designs.

The Pakal Dul Hydro Electric Project (1,000 MW) is proposed on the Marusudar river, a tributary of the [...] river, in Kishtwar district in Jammu and Kashmir. The Lower Kalnai project is proposed in Kishtwar and Doda districts. The two sides also discussed a host of other issues under the [X] during the annual Permanent Indus Commission meeting.

The two-day meeting which started on Tuesday is taking place after a gap of over two years. The last meeting took place in Lahore in August 2018. The Indian delegation was led by P K Saxena, India's Commissioner, and his team from the Central Water Commission, the Central Electricity Authority and the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation.

The Pakistani delegation was led by its Commissioner Syed Muhammad Meher Ali Shah. The delegation arrived here on Monday evening. This year's meeting is the first between the two commissioners after the August 2019 nullification of the provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution that gave special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Q. By this treaty 20% of water was allocated to Pakistan, what is the main utilisation of this water?

Solution: The Indus River, one of the world’s largest, and its tributaries feed 80 percent of Pakistan’s irrigated agriculture.
QUESTION: 48

Pakistan raised objections to the designs of Pakal Dul and Lower Kalnai hydropower plants in Jammu and Kashmir and sought more information on the projects in Ladakh sanctioned after the abrogation of Article 370 as the [X]Commissioners of the two countries met here on Tuesday, sources said. On its part, India justified its stand on the designs.

The Pakal Dul Hydro Electric Project (1,000 MW) is proposed on the Marusudar river, a tributary of the [...] river, in Kishtwar district in Jammu and Kashmir. The Lower Kalnai project is proposed in Kishtwar and Doda districts. The two sides also discussed a host of other issues under the [X] during the annual Permanent Indus Commission meeting.

The two-day meeting which started on Tuesday is taking place after a gap of over two years. The last meeting took place in Lahore in August 2018. The Indian delegation was led by P K Saxena, India's Commissioner, and his team from the Central Water Commission, the Central Electricity Authority and the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation.

The Pakistani delegation was led by its Commissioner Syed Muhammad Meher Ali Shah. The delegation arrived here on Monday evening. This year's meeting is the first between the two commissioners after the August 2019 nullification of the provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution that gave special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Q. Which of the following Hydroelectric project was collapsed due to glacier burst recently?

Solution: Uttarakhand police said the avalanche struck at about 11:00 local time (05:30 GMT), destroying a dam known as the Rishiganga Hydroelectric Project. The impact catapulted water along the Dhauliganga river, damaging another power project downstream in the Tapovan area.
QUESTION: 49

The International Day of Forests celebrated on Thursday was marked by planting of saplings in Trichy and neighbouring Perambalur districts. Awareness on the need to conserve forests were driven home to students here on the occasion.

The Forest Department here celebrated the day by planting saplings inside the Tropical Butterfly Conservatory at Srirangam. Students of Government School at Melur village near Srirangam were taken on a visit to the conservatory in connection with the celebration.

Drawing, quiz and essay competitions were conducted for the students on topics related to forest and environment at the butterfly conservatory. Chief Conservator of Forests, Tiruchi T.V. Manjunatha while addressing the students emphasised the need to conserve forests and the importance of planting saplings to improve green cover.

He distributed prizes to students who emerged winners in various competitions. The District Forest Officer, Tiruchi, D. Sujatha and senior officials of the department participated. In neighbouring Perambalur, Collector V. Santha planted saplings at the Collectorate campus on the occasion.

Q. International Day of Forests celebrated every on?

Solution: The International Day of Forests was established on the 21st day of March, by resolution of the United Nations General Assembly on November 28, 2012.
QUESTION: 50

The International Day of Forests celebrated on Thursday was marked by planting of saplings in Trichy and neighbouring Perambalur districts. Awareness on the need to conserve forests were driven home to students here on the occasion.

The Forest Department here celebrated the day by planting saplings inside the Tropical Butterfly Conservatory at Srirangam. Students of Government School at Melur village near Srirangam were taken on a visit to the conservatory in connection with the celebration.

Drawing, quiz and essay competitions were conducted for the students on topics related to forest and environment at the butterfly conservatory. Chief Conservator of Forests, Tiruchi T.V. Manjunatha while addressing the students emphasised the need to conserve forests and the importance of planting saplings to improve green cover.

He distributed prizes to students who emerged winners in various competitions. The District Forest Officer, Tiruchi, D. Sujatha and senior officials of the department participated. In neighbouring Perambalur, Collector V. Santha planted saplings at the Collectorate campus on the occasion.

Q. Which country has the highest percentage of its geographical area under forests?

Solution: China has the highest percentage of its geographical area under forests
QUESTION: 51

The International Day of Forests celebrated on Thursday was marked by planting of saplings in Trichy and neighbouring Perambalur districts. Awareness on the need to conserve forests were driven home to students here on the occasion.

The Forest Department here celebrated the day by planting saplings inside the Tropical Butterfly Conservatory at Srirangam. Students of Government School at Melur village near Srirangam were taken on a visit to the conservatory in connection with the celebration.

Drawing, quiz and essay competitions were conducted for the students on topics related to forest and environment at the butterfly conservatory. Chief Conservator of Forests, Tiruchi T.V. Manjunatha while addressing the students emphasised the need to conserve forests and the importance of planting saplings to improve green cover.

He distributed prizes to students who emerged winners in various competitions. The District Forest Officer, Tiruchi, D. Sujatha and senior officials of the department participated. In neighbouring Perambalur, Collector V. Santha planted saplings at the Collectorate campus on the occasion.

Q. In State of Jharkhand, the forests categorized as ‘Reserve Forests’

Solution:
QUESTION: 52

The International Day of Forests celebrated on Thursday was marked by planting of saplings in Trichy and neighbouring Perambalur districts. Awareness on the need to conserve forests were driven home to students here on the occasion.

The Forest Department here celebrated the day by planting saplings inside the Tropical Butterfly Conservatory at Srirangam. Students of Government School at Melur village near Srirangam were taken on a visit to the conservatory in connection with the celebration.

Drawing, quiz and essay competitions were conducted for the students on topics related to forest and environment at the butterfly conservatory. Chief Conservator of Forests, Tiruchi T.V. Manjunatha while addressing the students emphasised the need to conserve forests and the importance of planting saplings to improve green cover.

He distributed prizes to students who emerged winners in various competitions. The District Forest Officer, Tiruchi, D. Sujatha and senior officials of the department participated. In neighbouring Perambalur, Collector V. Santha planted saplings at the Collectorate campus on the occasion.

Q. Chipko movement was basically against

Solution: The Chipko movement or Chipko Andolan, was a forest conservation movement in India. It began in 1973 in Uttarakhand, then a part of Uttar Pradesh (at the foothills of Himalayas) and went on to become a rallying point for many future environmental movements all over the world.
QUESTION: 53

The International Day of Forests celebrated on Thursday was marked by planting of saplings in Trichy and neighbouring Perambalur districts. Awareness on the need to conserve forests were driven home to students here on the occasion.

The Forest Department here celebrated the day by planting saplings inside the Tropical Butterfly Conservatory at Srirangam. Students of Government School at Melur village near Srirangam were taken on a visit to the conservatory in connection with the celebration.

Drawing, quiz and essay competitions were conducted for the students on topics related to forest and environment at the butterfly conservatory. Chief Conservator of Forests, Tiruchi T.V. Manjunatha while addressing the students emphasised the need to conserve forests and the importance of planting saplings to improve green cover.

He distributed prizes to students who emerged winners in various competitions. The District Forest Officer, Tiruchi, D. Sujatha and senior officials of the department participated. In neighbouring Perambalur, Collector V. Santha planted saplings at the Collectorate campus on the occasion.

Q. Ebony and Mahogany trees are associated with

Solution: Ebony and Mahogany trees are associated with Tropical evergreen forests. Tropical evergreen forests are usually found in areas receiving more than 200 cm of rainfall and having a temperature of 15 °C to 30 °C. They occupy about seven per cent of the Earth’s land surface and harbour more than half of the planet’s terrestrial plants and animals. Tropical evergreen forests are dense, multi-layered, and harbour many types of plants and animals.
QUESTION: 54

Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship Programme has been launched. In a bid to strengthen skills training at district level, the [X] ministry on Saturday launched the Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship (MGNF) programme nationwide in partnership with nine Indian Institutes of Management across India. The progtranmme has been launched under under the [Y] loan assisted programme SANKALP.

IIM [Z] announced the launch of ‘Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship’ (MGNF) 2021-23 in collaboration with the [X] ministry, Government of India and State Skill Development Missions (SSDMs).

The Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship is a unique opportunity for young, dynamic individuals to combine classroom sessions at IIM with engagement in the district economies to promote skill development and skill planning.

The AMs focus on management principles, economic development, public policy, and soft skills and have been designed to address the needs of the MGN Fellows in allowing them to understand opportunities and challenges to enable a flexible, skill-based economy in their district and to identify opportunities and infrastructure needed to support it.

The District Immersion module would provide a framework to help the MGN Fellows negotiate the district-specific challenges in the context of documenting institutional weaknesses at the district level, identifying schemes that work well, undertaking detailed resource mapping, and formulating a rigorously researched District Skill Development Plan (DDP) that chart out a strategy for economic development at the district.

Q. Which Ministry [X] has launched this programme?

Solution: Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, Govt of India is launching this programme.
QUESTION: 55

Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship Programme has been launched. In a bid to strengthen skills training at district level, the [X] ministry on Saturday launched the Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship (MGNF) programme nationwide in partnership with nine Indian Institutes of Management across India. The programme has been launched under under the [Y] loan assisted programme SANKALP.

IIM [Z] announced the launch of ‘Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship’ (MGNF) 2021-23 in collaboration with the [X] ministry, Government of India and State Skill Development Missions (SSDMs).

The Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship is a unique opportunity for young, dynamic individuals to combine classroom sessions at IIM with engagement in the district economies to promote skill development and skill planning.

The AMs focus on management principles, economic development, public policy, and soft skills and have been designed to address the needs of the MGN Fellows in allowing them to understand opportunities and challenges to enable a flexible, skill-based economy in their district and to identify opportunities and infrastructure needed to support it.

The District Immersion module would provide a framework to help the MGN Fellows negotiate the district-specific challenges in the context of documenting institutional weaknesses at the district level, identifying schemes that work well, undertaking detailed resource mapping, and formulating a rigorously researched District Skill Development Plan (DDP) that chart out a strategy for economic development at the district.

Q. What is the name of the organisation [Y], which has been redacted from the passage?

Solution: World Bank was the organisation that was funding the SANKALP progamme
QUESTION: 56

Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship Programme has been launched. In a bid to strengthen skills training at district level, the [X] ministry on Saturday launched the Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship (MGNF) programme nationwide in partnership with nine Indian Institutes of Management across India. The programme has been launched under under the [Y] loan assisted programme SANKALP.

IIM [Z] announced the launch of ‘Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship’ (MGNF) 2021-23 in collaboration with the [X] ministry, Government of India and State Skill Development Missions (SSDMs).

The Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship is a unique opportunity for young, dynamic individuals to combine classroom sessions at IIM with engagement in the district economies to promote skill development and skill planning.

The AMs focus on management principles, economic development, public policy, and soft skills and have been designed to address the needs of the MGN Fellows in allowing them to understand opportunities and challenges to enable a flexible, skill-based economy in their district and to identify opportunities and infrastructure needed to support it.

The District Immersion module would provide a framework to help the MGN Fellows negotiate the district-specific challenges in the context of documenting institutional weaknesses at the district level, identifying schemes that work well, undertaking detailed resource mapping, and formulating a rigorously researched District Skill Development Plan (DDP) that chart out a strategy for economic development at the district.

Q. Which IIM, [Z] is collaborating with the Ministry for this programme?

Solution: IIM Bangalore is collaborating with the Ministry to roll out this programme.
QUESTION: 57

Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship Programme has been launched. In a bid to strengthen skills training at district level, the [X] ministry on Saturday launched the Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship (MGNF) programme nationwide in partnership with nine Indian Institutes of Management across India. The programme has been launched under under the [Y] loan assisted programme SANKALP.

IIM [Z] announced the launch of ‘Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship’ (MGNF) 2021-23 in collaboration with the [X] ministry, Government of India and State Skill Development Missions (SSDMs).

The Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship is a unique opportunity for young, dynamic individuals to combine classroom sessions at IIM with engagement in the district economies to promote skill development and skill planning.

The AMs focus on management principles, economic development, public policy, and soft skills and have been designed to address the needs of the MGN Fellows in allowing them to understand opportunities and challenges to enable a flexible, skill-based economy in their district and to identify opportunities and infrastructure needed to support it.

The District Immersion module would provide a framework to help the MGN Fellows negotiate the district-specific challenges in the context of documenting institutional weaknesses at the district level, identifying schemes that work well, undertaking detailed resource mapping, and formulating a rigorously researched District Skill Development Plan (DDP) that chart out a strategy for economic development at the district.

Q. What is the full form of SANKALP?

Solution: Skill Acquisition and Knowledge Awareness for Livelihood Promotion is the full form of SANKALP.
QUESTION: 58

Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship Programme has been launched. In a bid to strengthen skills training at district level, the [X] ministry on Saturday launched the Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship (MGNF) programme nationwide in partnership with nine Indian Institutes of Management across India. The programme has been launched under under the [Y] loan assisted programme SANKALP.

IIM [Z] announced the launch of ‘Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship’ (MGNF) 2021-23 in collaboration with the [X] ministry, Government of India and State Skill Development Missions (SSDMs).

The Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship is a unique opportunity for young, dynamic individuals to combine classroom sessions at IIM with engagement in the district economies to promote skill development and skill planning.

The AMs focus on management principles, economic development, public policy, and soft skills and have been designed to address the needs of the MGN Fellows in allowing them to understand opportunities and challenges to enable a flexible, skill-based economy in their district and to identify opportunities and infrastructure needed to support it.

The District Immersion module would provide a framework to help the MGN Fellows negotiate the district-specific challenges in the context of documenting institutional weaknesses at the district level, identifying schemes that work well, undertaking detailed resource mapping, and formulating a rigorously researched District Skill Development Plan (DDP) that chart out a strategy for economic development at the district.

Q. What is India's rank in the Ease of Doing Business index?

Solution: India was ranked in the 2020 Ease of Doing Business Index.
QUESTION: 59

The Union Minister of Textiles, [X] has inaugurated the 8th India International Silk Fair.

The fair is considered to be India’s biggest silk fair, being held under one roof on Indian Silk Export Promotion Council’s virtual platform from 31stJanuary to 4thFebruary 2021. The event was held virtually due to COVID-19 pandemic.

Inaugurating the Fair, Textile Minister stated that more than 200 overseas buyers have already registered and equal number of their representatives in India shall be interacting on virtual platform with more than 100 renowned and big Indian companies manufacturing and trading silk and silk blended products. The Minister called upon the exhibitors and overseas buyers to take part in this initiative to celebrate the beauty and vibrancy of Indian silk.

India International Silk Fair is the Sourcing Fair for silk and silk blend products organised by the Indian Silk Export Promotion Council under the aegis of Ministry of Textiles and sponsored by Department of Commerce. India has long history of silk production and is the 2nd largest producer of Silk.

India is the only country in the world which produces all the four major varieties of silk i.e. Mulberry, Eri, Tassar, and Muga and has large varieties of products to offer i.e. Garments, fabrics and sarees, made-ups,carpets, hi-fashion silk apparels, gift items, scarves, stoles, home furnishing, curtains etc.

India has around 11 Geographical Indications (GI) such as Pochampally Ikat,Chanderpaul Silk, Mysore Silk, Kanchipuram Silk, Muga Silk, Salem Silk, Arni Silk,Champa Silk, Bhagalpur Silk, Banaras Brocade and Sarees etc.

The challenges posed before the exporters during COVID-19 pandemic have led the Govt. and trade to look for an alternate business module and organising Silk Fair by the Council on Virtual mode is maiden initiative and is expected to revive business contacts with overseas trading partners.

Q. Name the Union Minister of Textiles. [X].

Solution: Smriti Irani is the Union Minister of Textiles.
QUESTION: 60

The Union Minister of Textiles, [X] has inaugurated the 8th India International Silk Fair.

The fair is considered to be India’s biggest silk fair, being held under one roof on Indian Silk Export Promotion Council’s virtual platform from 31stJanuary to 4thFebruary 2021. The event was held virtually due to COVID-19 pandemic.

Inaugurating the Fair, Textile Minister stated that more than 200 overseas buyers have already registered and equal number of their representatives in India shall be interacting on virtual platform with more than 100 renowned and big Indian companies manufacturing and trading silk and silk blended products. The Minister called upon the exhibitors and overseas buyers to take part in this initiative to celebrate the beauty and vibrancy of Indian silk.

India International Silk Fair is the Sourcing Fair for silk and silk blend products organised by the Indian Silk Export Promotion Council under the aegis of Ministry of Textiles and sponsored by Department of Commerce. India has long history of silk production and is the 2nd largest producer of Silk.

India is the only country in the world which produces all the four major varieties of silk i.e. Mulberry, Eri, Tassar, and Muga and has large varieties of products to offer i.e. Garments, fabrics and sarees, made-ups,carpets, hi-fashion silk apparels, gift items, scarves, stoles, home furnishing, curtains etc.

India has around 11 Geographical Indications (GI) such as Pochampally Ikat,Chanderpaul Silk, Mysore Silk, Kanchipuram Silk, Muga Silk, Salem Silk, Arni Silk,Champa Silk, Bhagalpur Silk, Banaras Brocade and Sarees etc.

The challenges posed before the exporters during COVID-19 pandemic have led the Govt. and trade to look for an alternate business module and organising Silk Fair by the Council on Virtual mode is maiden initiative and is expected to revive business contacts with overseas trading partners.

Q. The above passage mentions that India is the 2nd largest producer of Silk. It is the second largest producer after which country?

Solution: China is the largest producer of silk. India is thereby the 2nd largest producer of Silk.
QUESTION: 61

The Union Minister of Textiles, [X] has inaugurated the 8th India International Silk Fair.

The fair is considered to be India’s biggest silk fair, being held under one roof on Indian Silk Export Promotion Council’s virtual platform from 31stJanuary to 4thFebruary 2021. The event was held virtually due to COVID-19 pandemic.

Inaugurating the Fair, Textile Minister stated that more than 200 overseas buyers have already registered and equal number of their representatives in India shall be interacting on virtual platform with more than 100 renowned and big Indian companies manufacturing and trading silk and silk blended products. The Minister called upon the exhibitors and overseas buyers to take part in this initiative to celebrate the beauty and vibrancy of Indian silk.

India International Silk Fair is the Sourcing Fair for silk and silk blend products organised by the Indian Silk Export Promotion Council under the aegis of Ministry of Textiles and sponsored by Department of Commerce. India has long history of silk production and is the 2nd largest producer of Silk.

India is the only country in the world which produces all the four major varieties of silk i.e. Mulberry, Eri, Tassar, and Muga and has large varieties of products to offer i.e. Garments, fabrics and sarees, made-ups,carpets, hi-fashion silk apparels, gift items, scarves, stoles, home furnishing, curtains etc.

India has around 11 Geographical Indications (GI) such as Pochampally Ikat,Chanderpaul Silk, Mysore Silk, Kanchipuram Silk, Muga Silk, Salem Silk, Arni Silk,Champa Silk, Bhagalpur Silk, Banaras Brocade and Sarees etc.

The challenges posed before the exporters during COVID-19 pandemic have led the Govt. and trade to look for an alternate business module and organising Silk Fair by the Council on Virtual mode is maiden initiative and is expected to revive business contacts with overseas trading partners.

Q. Name the Indian city which is known as the Silk City.

Solution: Mysore is famously known as the Silk City.
QUESTION: 62

The Union Minister of Textiles, [X] has inaugurated the 8th India International Silk Fair.

The fair is considered to be India’s biggest silk fair, being held under one roof on Indian Silk Export Promotion Council’s virtual platform from 31stJanuary to 4thFebruary 2021. The event was held virtually due to COVID-19 pandemic.

Inaugurating the Fair, Textile Minister stated that more than 200 overseas buyers have already registered and equal number of their representatives in India shall be interacting on virtual platform with more than 100 renowned and big Indian companies manufacturing and trading silk and silk blended products. The Minister called upon the exhibitors and overseas buyers to take part in this initiative to celebrate the beauty and vibrancy of Indian silk.

India International Silk Fair is the Sourcing Fair for silk and silk blend products organised by the Indian Silk Export Promotion Council under the aegis of Ministry of Textiles and sponsored by Department of Commerce. India has long history of silk production and is the 2nd largest producer of Silk.

India is the only country in the world which produces all the four major varieties of silk i.e. Mulberry, Eri, Tassar, and Muga and has large varieties of products to offer i.e. Garments, fabrics and sarees, made-ups,carpets, hi-fashion silk apparels, gift items, scarves, stoles, home furnishing, curtains etc.

India has around 11 Geographical Indications (GI) such as Pochampally Ikat,Chanderpaul Silk, Mysore Silk, Kanchipuram Silk, Muga Silk, Salem Silk, Arni Silk,Champa Silk, Bhagalpur Silk, Banaras Brocade and Sarees etc.

The challenges posed before the exporters during COVID-19 pandemic have led the Govt. and trade to look for an alternate business module and organising Silk Fair by the Council on Virtual mode is maiden initiative and is expected to revive business contacts with overseas trading partners.

Q. With respect to the Textile Industry in India, which of the following statements in NOT true?

Solution: D is an incorrect statement. The largest producer of cotton is China. India is the second largest producer of cotton.
QUESTION: 63

The Union Minister of Textiles, [X] has inaugurated the 8th India International Silk Fair.

The fair is considered to be India’s biggest silk fair, being held under one roof on Indian Silk Export Promotion Council’s virtual platform from 31stJanuary to 4thFebruary 2021. The event was held virtually due to COVID-19 pandemic.

Inaugurating the Fair, Textile Minister stated that more than 200 overseas buyers have already registered and equal number of their representatives in India shall be interacting on virtual platform with more than 100 renowned and big Indian companies manufacturing and trading silk and silk blended products. The Minister called upon the exhibitors and overseas buyers to take part in this initiative to celebrate the beauty and vibrancy of Indian silk.

India International Silk Fair is the Sourcing Fair for silk and silk blend products organised by the Indian Silk Export Promotion Council under the aegis of Ministry of Textiles and sponsored by Department of Commerce. India has long history of silk production and is the 2nd largest producer of Silk.

India is the only country in the world which produces all the four major varieties of silk i.e. Mulberry, Eri, Tassar, and Muga and has large varieties of products to offer i.e. Garments, fabrics and sarees, made-ups,carpets, hi-fashion silk apparels, gift items, scarves, stoles, home furnishing, curtains etc.

India has around 11 Geographical Indications (GI) such as Pochampally Ikat,Chanderpaul Silk, Mysore Silk, Kanchipuram Silk, Muga Silk, Salem Silk, Arni Silk,Champa Silk, Bhagalpur Silk, Banaras Brocade and Sarees etc.

The challenges posed before the exporters during COVID-19 pandemic have led the Govt. and trade to look for an alternate business module and organising Silk Fair by the Council on Virtual mode is maiden initiative and is expected to revive business contacts with overseas trading partners.

Q. Pochampally Ikkat had received GI tag from which state?

Solution: Pochampally Ikkat got its GI tag from the state of Telangana.
QUESTION: 64

The possibility of life on Mars has excited the imagination. Among the scientific community, the current thinking is that life may have existed on the earth’s ruddy planetary neighbour a long time ago. Understanding this will enrich our studies of evolution and nurture of life outside the earth. The recent NASA mission, Mars 2020, that was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida on July 30, 2020, landed on the Jezero Crater in Mars on February (A), to much celebration. Of special magnificence was the entry, descent and landing of the mission’s Perseverance rover, described as the ‘shortest and most intense part’. Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes. Also, since it takes 11 minutes for a radio signal to reach the earth from Mars, the mission control could not really guide the landing, and the rover had to complete this process by itself. During the complicated landing process, using a camera eye, the rover checked the ground below to avoid hazardous terrain, all in a few breathtaking minutes.

NASA’s exploration of Mars has focused on finding traces and trails of water that may have existed, and relate it to finding evidence of ancient life. Its earlier Mars expedition which carried the Curiosity rover, landed on August 5, 2012. It identified regions that could have hosted life. Expected to last at least the duration of one Mars year, or about (B) earth days, the science goals this time are to look for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples. Perseverance will take the inquiry made by Curiosity to the next level and search for signs of past life by studying the Jezero Crater. The crater was chosen for study as based on an earlier aerial survey, it was found to be home to an ancient delta. Clay minerals and carbonates were seen, making the crater a good place to search for life’s existence. Further, the rover will study the geology here and store samples in a place that can be accessed by a future mission which would return them to the earth. The rover will test out technologies that could help sustain the presence of humans there in the future. This includes an instrument to extract oxygen from the atmospheric carbon dioxide. The rover also carries a helicopter named Ingenuity that is specially designed to fly in Mars’s thin atmosphere; its sole purpose would be to demonstrate flight on Mars. Finally, to the question whether little green microbes did inhabit Mars in the distant past — only time and Perseverance can answer that.

Q. When did the Perseverance rover landed on Mars?

Solution: The recent NASA mission, Mars 2020, that was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida on July 30, 2020, landed on the Jezero Crater in Mars on February 18, to much celebration.
QUESTION: 65

The possibility of life on Mars has excited the imagination. Among the scientific community, the current thinking is that life may have existed on the earth’s ruddy planetary neighbour a long time ago. Understanding this will enrich our studies of evolution and nurture of life outside the earth. The recent NASA mission, Mars 2020, that was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida on July 30, 2020, landed on the Jezero Crater in Mars on February (A), to much celebration. Of special magnificence was the entry, descent and landing of the mission’s Perseverance rover, described as the ‘shortest and most intense part’. Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes. Also, since it takes 11 minutes for a radio signal to reach the earth from Mars, the mission control could not really guide the landing, and the rover had to complete this process by itself. During the complicated landing process, using a camera eye, the rover checked the ground below to avoid hazardous terrain, all in a few breathtaking minutes.

NASA’s exploration of Mars has focused on finding traces and trails of water that may have existed, and relate it to finding evidence of ancient life. Its earlier Mars expedition which carried the Curiosity rover, landed on August 5, 2012. It identified regions that could have hosted life. Expected to last at least the duration of one Mars year, or about (B) earth days, the science goals this time are to look for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples. Perseverance will take the inquiry made by Curiosity to the next level and search for signs of past life by studying the Jezero Crater. The crater was chosen for study as based on an earlier aerial survey, it was found to be home to an ancient delta. Clay minerals and carbonates were seen, making the crater a good place to search for life’s existence. Further, the rover will study the geology here and store samples in a place that can be accessed by a future mission which would return them to the earth. The rover will test out technologies that could help sustain the presence of humans there in the future. This includes an instrument to extract oxygen from the atmospheric carbon dioxide. The rover also carries a helicopter named Ingenuity that is specially designed to fly in Mars’s thin atmosphere; its sole purpose would be to demonstrate flight on Mars. Finally, to the question whether little green microbes did inhabit Mars in the distant past — only time and Perseverance can answer that.

Q. Who was the aerospace engineer and the Guidance and Controls Operations Lead on the NASA Mars 2020 mission?

Solution: Swati Mohan is an Indian-American aerospace engineer and was the Guidance and Controls Operations Lead on the NASA Mars 2020 mission.
QUESTION: 66

The possibility of life on Mars has excited the imagination. Among the scientific community, the current thinking is that life may have existed on the earth’s ruddy planetary neighbour a long time ago. Understanding this will enrich our studies of evolution and nurture of life outside the earth. The recent NASA mission, Mars 2020, that was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida on July 30, 2020, landed on the Jezero Crater in Mars on February (A), to much celebration. Of special magnificence was the entry, descent and landing of the mission’s Perseverance rover, described as the ‘shortest and most intense part’. Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes. Also, since it takes 11 minutes for a radio signal to reach the earth from Mars, the mission control could not really guide the landing, and the rover had to complete this process by itself. During the complicated landing process, using a camera eye, the rover checked the ground below to avoid hazardous terrain, all in a few breathtaking minutes.

NASA’s exploration of Mars has focused on finding traces and trails of water that may have existed, and relate it to finding evidence of ancient life. Its earlier Mars expedition which carried the Curiosity rover, landed on August 5, 2012. It identified regions that could have hosted life. Expected to last at least the duration of one Mars year, or about (B) earth days, the science goals this time are to look for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples. Perseverance will take the inquiry made by Curiosity to the next level and search for signs of past life by studying the Jezero Crater. The crater was chosen for study as based on an earlier aerial survey, it was found to be home to an ancient delta. Clay minerals and carbonates were seen, making the crater a good place to search for life’s existence. Further, the rover will study the geology here and store samples in a place that can be accessed by a future mission which would return them to the earth. The rover will test out technologies that could help sustain the presence of humans there in the future. This includes an instrument to extract oxygen from the atmospheric carbon dioxide. The rover also carries a helicopter named Ingenuity that is specially designed to fly in Mars’s thin atmosphere; its sole purpose would be to demonstrate flight on Mars. Finally, to the question whether little green microbes did inhabit Mars in the distant past — only time and Perseverance can answer that.

Q. One Mars year is about how many Earth Days?

Solution: NASA’s exploration of Mars has focused on finding traces and trails of water that may have existed, and relate it to finding evidence of ancient life. Its earlier Mars expedition which carried the Curiosity rover, landed on August 5, 2012. It identified regions that could have hosted life. Expected to last at least the duration of one Mars year, or about 687 earth days, the science goals this time are to look for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples. Perseverance will take the inquiry made by Curiosity to the next level and search for signs of past life by studying the Jezero Crater.
QUESTION: 67

The possibility of life on Mars has excited the imagination. Among the scientific community, the current thinking is that life may have existed on the earth’s ruddy planetary neighbour a long time ago. Understanding this will enrich our studies of evolution and nurture of life outside the earth. The recent NASA mission, Mars 2020, that was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida on July 30, 2020, landed on the Jezero Crater in Mars on February (A), to much celebration. Of special magnificence was the entry, descent and landing of the mission’s Perseverance rover, described as the ‘shortest and most intense part’. Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes. Also, since it takes 11 minutes for a radio signal to reach the earth from Mars, the mission control could not really guide the landing, and the rover had to complete this process by itself. During the complicated landing process, using a camera eye, the rover checked the ground below to avoid hazardous terrain, all in a few breathtaking minutes.

NASA’s exploration of Mars has focused on finding traces and trails of water that may have existed, and relate it to finding evidence of ancient life. Its earlier Mars expedition which carried the Curiosity rover, landed on August 5, 2012. It identified regions that could have hosted life. Expected to last at least the duration of one Mars year, or about (B) earth days, the science goals this time are to look for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples. Perseverance will take the inquiry made by Curiosity to the next level and search for signs of past life by studying the Jezero Crater. The crater was chosen for study as based on an earlier aerial survey, it was found to be home to an ancient delta. Clay minerals and carbonates were seen, making the crater a good place to search for life’s existence. Further, the rover will study the geology here and store samples in a place that can be accessed by a future mission which would return them to the earth. The rover will test out technologies that could help sustain the presence of humans there in the future. This includes an instrument to extract oxygen from the atmospheric carbon dioxide. The rover also carries a helicopter named Ingenuity that is specially designed to fly in Mars’s thin atmosphere; its sole purpose would be to demonstrate flight on Mars. Finally, to the question whether little green microbes did inhabit Mars in the distant past — only time and Perseverance can answer that.

Q. How much time will Perseverance Rover take a halt on the surface of Mars after entering on the Atmosphere?

Solution: Of special magnificence was the entry, descent and landing of the mission’s Perseverance rover, described as the ‘shortest and most intense part’. Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes.
QUESTION: 68

The possibility of life on Mars has excited the imagination. Among the scientific community, the current thinking is that life may have existed on the earth’s ruddy planetary neighbour a long time ago. Understanding this will enrich our studies of evolution and nurture of life outside the earth. The recent NASA mission, Mars 2020, that was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida on July 30, 2020, landed on the Jezero Crater in Mars on February (A), to much celebration. Of special magnificence was the entry, descent and landing of the mission’s Perseverance rover, described as the ‘shortest and most intense part’. Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes. Also, since it takes 11 minutes for a radio signal to reach the earth from Mars, the mission control could not really guide the landing, and the rover had to complete this process by itself. During the complicated landing process, using a camera eye, the rover checked the ground below to avoid hazardous terrain, all in a few breathtaking minutes.

NASA’s exploration of Mars has focused on finding traces and trails of water that may have existed, and relate it to finding evidence of ancient life. Its earlier Mars expedition which carried the Curiosity rover, landed on August 5, 2012. It identified regions that could have hosted life. Expected to last at least the duration of one Mars year, or about (B) earth days, the science goals this time are to look for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples. Perseverance will take the inquiry made by Curiosity to the next level and search for signs of past life by studying the Jezero Crater. The crater was chosen for study as based on an earlier aerial survey, it was found to be home to an ancient delta. Clay minerals and carbonates were seen, making the crater a good place to search for life’s existence. Further, the rover will study the geology here and store samples in a place that can be accessed by a future mission which would return them to the earth. The rover will test out technologies that could help sustain the presence of humans there in the future. This includes an instrument to extract oxygen from the atmospheric carbon dioxide. The rover also carries a helicopter named Ingenuity that is specially designed to fly in Mars’s thin atmosphere; its sole purpose would be to demonstrate flight on Mars. Finally, to the question whether little green microbes did inhabit Mars in the distant past — only time and Perseverance can answer that.

Q. What is the name of the first helicopter that is going to fly on Mars?

Solution: The rover also carries a helicopter named Ingenuity that is specially designed to fly in Mars’s thin atmosphere; its sole purpose would be to demonstrate flight on Mars. Finally, to the question whether little green microbes did inhabit Mars in the distant past — only time and Perseverance can answer that.
QUESTION: 69

The possibility of life on Mars has excited the imagination. Among the scientific community, the current thinking is that life may have existed on the earth’s ruddy planetary neighbour a long time ago. Understanding this will enrich our studies of evolution and nurture of life outside the earth. The recent NASA mission, Mars 2020, that was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida on July 30, 2020, landed on the Jezero Crater in Mars on February (A), to much celebration. Of special magnificence was the entry, descent and landing of the mission’s Perseverance rover, described as the ‘shortest and most intense part’. Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes. Also, since it takes 11 minutes for a radio signal to reach the earth from Mars, the mission control could not really guide the landing, and the rover had to complete this process by itself. During the complicated landing process, using a camera eye, the rover checked the ground below to avoid hazardous terrain, all in a few breathtaking minutes.

NASA’s exploration of Mars has focused on finding traces and trails of water that may have existed, and relate it to finding evidence of ancient life. Its earlier Mars expedition which carried the Curiosity rover, landed on August 5, 2012. It identified regions that could have hosted life. Expected to last at least the duration of one Mars year, or about (B) earth days, the science goals this time are to look for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples. Perseverance will take the inquiry made by Curiosity to the next level and search for signs of past life by studying the Jezero Crater. The crater was chosen for study as based on an earlier aerial survey, it was found to be home to an ancient delta. Clay minerals and carbonates were seen, making the crater a good place to search for life’s existence. Further, the rover will study the geology here and store samples in a place that can be accessed by a future mission which would return them to the earth. The rover will test out technologies that could help sustain the presence of humans there in the future. This includes an instrument to extract oxygen from the atmospheric carbon dioxide. The rover also carries a helicopter named Ingenuity that is specially designed to fly in Mars’s thin atmosphere; its sole purpose would be to demonstrate flight on Mars. Finally, to the question whether little green microbes did inhabit Mars in the distant past — only time and Perseverance can answer that.

Q. How much will it take for a radio signal to reach Earth from Mars?

Solution: Entering the Martian atmosphere at about 20,000 km per hour, the mission had to bring the Perseverance rover to a halt on the surface in just seven minutes. Also, since it takes 11 minutes for a radio signal to reach the earth from Mars, the mission control could not really guide the landing, and the rover had to complete this process by itself. During the complicated landing process, using a camera eye, the rover checked the ground below to avoid hazardous terrain, all in a few breathtaking minutes.
QUESTION: 70

Article 14 of the Constitution guarantees equality before law and equal protection of laws to everyone. Article 15(1) generally prohibits any discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, caste, sex or place of birth.

The Delhi Government rolled out a travel scheme that offers free rides to women in over 5,500 state-run buses in the national capital. Freedom of movement is not only a human right - emphasized in the Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - but is also an economic imperative. It is important to note that restriction on movement of women is not limited to a legal imposition. When we have social and economic norms that make mobility to workplace difficult or fail to protect women from sexual harassment in public places, we are indeed restricting their freedom to move. We are ergo impairing them in terms of economics, freedom and human rights.

India ranks 121 among 131 countries in female labour force participation rate averaging at 23 per cent. At 17 percent of GDP, the economic contribution of Indian women is less than half the global average. Women's workforce participation rate in Delhi is shamefully low at 11 per cent, which is even below the national average. Increasing this participation is paramount not only for gender equality but also for national economic progress. A prominent way to achieve this is through increasing freedom of mobility for women.

In a deeply unequal country like ours, where women still have to take money from their fathers, husbands and sons for every small expense, free bus travel will give women independence to move freely and save monetarily. These in turn increase women's decision-making abilities and empower them. The inclusion of bus marshals to ensure protection of the commuting women further advances their mobility.

While the United Nations Human Rights Committee concurred that ""Liberty of movement is an indispensable condition for the free development of a person,"" the Delhi model has become one of the first 100 cities globally to apply this belief in a literal sense - in the transport sector for women. The rationale for doing so is simple and is printed on the 'pink ticket' in the hands of all women who have used buses in Delhi - ""When women progress, the country progresses.""

Q. The author talks about Article 13 of UDHR, which fundamental right of Indian Constitution is similar to it?

Solution: Right to Life encompasses the broad right of living standard and the right to mobility based on one's wish, thus Article 21. Therefore, option (c) is the most appropriate answer.
QUESTION: 71

Article 14 of the Constitution guarantees equality before law and equal protection of laws to everyone. Article 15(1) generally prohibits any discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, caste, sex or place of birth.

The Delhi Government rolled out a travel scheme that offers free rides to women in over 5,500 state-run buses in the national capital. Freedom of movement is not only a human right - emphasized in the Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - but is also an economic imperative. It is important to note that restriction on movement of women is not limited to a legal imposition. When we have social and economic norms that make mobility to workplace difficult or fail to protect women from sexual harassment in public places, we are indeed restricting their freedom to move. We are ergo impairing them in terms of economics, freedom and human rights.

India ranks 121 among 131 countries in female labour force participation rate averaging at 23 per cent. At 17 percent of GDP, the economic contribution of Indian women is less than half the global average. Women's workforce participation rate in Delhi is shamefully low at 11 per cent, which is even below the national average. Increasing this participation is paramount not only for gender equality but also for national economic progress. A prominent way to achieve this is through increasing freedom of mobility for women.

In a deeply unequal country like ours, where women still have to take money from their fathers, husbands and sons for every small expense, free bus travel will give women independence to move freely and save monetarily. These in turn increase women's decision-making abilities and empower them. The inclusion of bus marshals to ensure protection of the commuting women further advances their mobility.

While the United Nations Human Rights Committee concurred that ""Liberty of movement is an indispensable condition for the free development of a person,"" the Delhi model has become one of the first 100 cities globally to apply this belief in a literal sense - in the transport sector for women. The rationale for doing so is simple and is printed on the 'pink ticket' in the hands of all women who have used buses in Delhi - ""When women progress, the country progresses.""

Q. Kishan is a member of the opposing party in Delhi, seeing that the decision of the govt is widely popular, challenges the measure in SC. Counsel him on the line of argument before the court.

Solution: For argument sake, the law treats women differently than men which is against Article 14, Right to Equality. The challenge itself might not be successful in the court as a valid challenge would require the law to be unjust and unreasonable. Here the law is reasonable as women are vulnerable in comparison to men. Nevertheless, for argument sake, the challenge to the law shall be done under Article 14, i.e. option (c) is correct.
QUESTION: 72

Article 14 of the Constitution guarantees equality before law and equal protection of laws to everyone. Article 15(1) generally prohibits any discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, caste, sex or place of birth.

The Delhi Government rolled out a travel scheme that offers free rides to women in over 5,500 state-run buses in the national capital. Freedom of movement is not only a human right - emphasized in the Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - but is also an economic imperative. It is important to note that restriction on movement of women is not limited to a legal imposition. When we have social and economic norms that make mobility to workplace difficult or fail to protect women from sexual harassment in public places, we are indeed restricting their freedom to move. We are ergo impairing them in terms of economics, freedom and human rights.

India ranks 121 among 131 countries in female labour force participation rate averaging at 23 per cent. At 17 percent of GDP, the economic contribution of Indian women is less than half the global average. Women's workforce participation rate in Delhi is shamefully low at 11 per cent, which is even below the national average. Increasing this participation is paramount not only for gender equality but also for national economic progress. A prominent way to achieve this is through increasing freedom of mobility for women.

In a deeply unequal country like ours, where women still have to take money from their fathers, husbands and sons for every small expense, free bus travel will give women independence to move freely and save monetarily. These in turn increase women's decision-making abilities and empower them. The inclusion of bus marshals to ensure protection of the commuting women further advances their mobility.

While the United Nations Human Rights Committee concurred that ""Liberty of movement is an indispensable condition for the free development of a person,"" the Delhi model has become one of the first 100 cities globally to apply this belief in a literal sense - in the transport sector for women. The rationale for doing so is simple and is printed on the 'pink ticket' in the hands of all women who have used buses in Delhi - ""When women progress, the country progresses.""

Q. Umar is a member of the opposing party in another state. He files a petition in his State’s HC seeking similar direction for women in his own state. Can the application be allowed, Decide.

Solution: Public transport is an executive measure and not judicial dispute, extending services like this is not under the purview of the Judiciary, hence Court cannot direct the state here as doing so will be interference into the executive’s role as defined under the constitution.
QUESTION: 73

Article 14 of the Constitution guarantees equality before law and equal protection of laws to everyone. Article 15(1) generally prohibits any discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, caste, sex or place of birth.

The Delhi Government rolled out a travel scheme that offers free rides to women in over 5,500 state-run buses in the national capital. Freedom of movement is not only a human right - emphasized in the Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - but is also an economic imperative. It is important to note that restriction on movement of women is not limited to a legal imposition. When we have social and economic norms that make mobility to workplace difficult or fail to protect women from sexual harassment in public places, we are indeed restricting their freedom to move. We are ergo impairing them in terms of economics, freedom and human rights.

India ranks 121 among 131 countries in female labour force participation rate averaging at 23 per cent. At 17 percent of GDP, the economic contribution of Indian women is less than half the global average. Women's workforce participation rate in Delhi is shamefully low at 11 per cent, which is even below the national average. Increasing this participation is paramount not only for gender equality but also for national economic progress. A prominent way to achieve this is through increasing freedom of mobility for women.

In a deeply unequal country like ours, where women still have to take money from their fathers, husbands and sons for every small expense, free bus travel will give women independence to move freely and save monetarily. These in turn increase women's decision-making abilities and empower them. The inclusion of bus marshals to ensure protection of the commuting women further advances their mobility.

While the United Nations Human Rights Committee concurred that ""Liberty of movement is an indispensable condition for the free development of a person,"" the Delhi model has become one of the first 100 cities globally to apply this belief in a literal sense - in the transport sector for women. The rationale for doing so is simple and is printed on the 'pink ticket' in the hands of all women who have used buses in Delhi - ""When women progress, the country progresses.""

Q. The author has linked the govt scheme to extension of rights of women, what rights is she referring to?

Solution: Free public transport will help the economic welfare of women as it will save them money and also their social right of mobility, thus both (A) and (B) are correct.
QUESTION: 74

Article 14 of the Constitution guarantees equality before law and equal protection of laws to everyone. Article 15(1) generally prohibits any discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, caste, sex or place of birth.

The Delhi Government rolled out a travel scheme that offers free rides to women in over 5,500 state-run buses in the national capital. Freedom of movement is not only a human right - emphasized in the Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - but is also an economic imperative. It is important to note that restriction on movement of women is not limited to a legal imposition. When we have social and economic norms that make mobility to workplace difficult or fail to protect women from sexual harassment in public places, we are indeed restricting their freedom to move. We are ergo impairing them in terms of economics, freedom and human rights.

India ranks 121 among 131 countries in female labour force participation rate averaging at 23 per cent. At 17 percent of GDP, the economic contribution of Indian women is less than half the global average. Women's workforce participation rate in Delhi is shamefully low at 11 per cent, which is even below the national average. Increasing this participation is paramount not only for gender equality but also for national economic progress. A prominent way to achieve this is through increasing freedom of mobility for women.

In a deeply unequal country like ours, where women still have to take money from their fathers, husbands and sons for every small expense, free bus travel will give women independence to move freely and save monetarily. These in turn increase women's decision-making abilities and empower them. The inclusion of bus marshals to ensure protection of the commuting women further advances their mobility.

While the United Nations Human Rights Committee concurred that ""Liberty of movement is an indispensable condition for the free development of a person,"" the Delhi model has become one of the first 100 cities globally to apply this belief in a literal sense - in the transport sector for women. The rationale for doing so is simple and is printed on the 'pink ticket' in the hands of all women who have used buses in Delhi - ""When women progress, the country progresses.""

Q. The Govt plans to extend the benefit to students and senior citizens, will this measure violate the constitution?

Solution: The Constitution permits the state to take steps to assist the vulnerable sections of the society and is mandated to protect them under fundamental rights, therefore steps to support such sections through administrative decisions and legislations is not a violation of the constitution.
QUESTION: 75

There is no better time than now to revive the campaign for decriminalising defamation.

Former union minister M.J. Akbar, despite resigning from his ministerial post in the wake of multiple allegations of sexual harassment, is brazening it out in court against journalist Priya Ramani through a criminal defamation case against her.

Criminal defamation is nothing more than a tool of intimation buried in our statute books from the colonial times. The law gained more notoriety after the apex court ruled it to be constitutional and elevated the so-called right to reputation to the stature of a fundamental right. When courts (as Justice Dipak Mishra, in the Subramanian Swamy v Union of India, wrote) define reputation as “fundamentally a glorious amalgam and unification of virtues which makes a man feel proud of his ancestry and satisfies him to bequeath it as a part of inheritance on posterity,” do we need the state to protect it? Loss of reputation is not a crime against society. For a private wrong, loss of reputation, the law allows use of state machinery to impose criminal sanctions.

Unfortunately, in our country civil defamation to compensate for loss of reputation is just an add-on to a criminal case that drags on for years. Here’s proof: Jay Amit Shah filed a criminal defamation case in an Ahmedabad court before filing a civil defamation suit seeking compensation. Libel and slander, both forms of defamation, are creatures of English common law, but they are not treated as distinct from each other in Indian jurisprudence. India offers the defamed a remedy both in civil law for damages and in criminal law for punishment. This is highly unusual since defamation as a crime is almost nonexistent anywhere in the world. While civil law for defamation is not codified as legislation and depends on judge-made law, criminal law is in the Indian Penal Code (section 499 creates a criminal offence of defamation.

In defamation, the claimant needs to prove that the statements injured the person’s reputation and were published. The onus then shifts to the defendant to prove that the imputations or statements were either true, or amounted to fair comment, or were uttered or stated in circumstances offering absolute or qualified privilege like Parliamentary or judicial proceedings.

The essentials of defamation can be summed up as follows. The Statement must be published i.e. for defamation to occur, the statement should be communicated by the maker of the statement, to a third party either in a direct or implied manner. Implied publishing is when a person communicates material in such a way that a third party is bound to get access to the statement. The Statement must refer to the plaintiff. It is not necessary that the plaintiff has to be mentioned by name, if he can still be individually recognised. The intention of the wrongdoer is also relevant i.e the person making the defamatory statement must know that there are high chances of other people believing the statement to be true and it will result in causing injury to the reputation of the person defamed.

Q. Yash sent a letter to Yashi accusing him of several nasty things. The letter contained several statements that claimed Yashi was a corrupt and immoral woman. The letter was written in Urdu although Yash knows that Yashi can read only Hindi and English. Yashi asked her servant to read the letter and then sued Yash for defamation. Yash claims that he never published the letter as it was sent personally to Yashi. Decide.

Solution: Yash knew that Yashi can’t read Urdu but still wrote the letter in Urdu. By doing this, he knew the letter would be read by someone else. Hence, the letter would lose its privacy. Since, the allegations are known by a third party too, Yashi has been defamed. Thus, option (d) is the correct answer.
QUESTION: 76

There is no better time than now to revive the campaign for decriminalising defamation.

Former union minister M.J. Akbar, despite resigning from his ministerial post in the wake of multiple allegations of sexual harassment, is brazening it out in court against journalist Priya Ramani through a criminal defamation case against her.

Criminal defamation is nothing more than a tool of intimation buried in our statute books from the colonial times. The law gained more notoriety after the apex court ruled it to be constitutional and elevated the so-called right to reputation to the stature of a fundamental right. When courts (as Justice Dipak Mishra, in the Subramanian Swamy v Union of India, wrote) define reputation as “fundamentally a glorious amalgam and unification of virtues which makes a man feel proud of his ancestry and satisfies him to bequeath it as a part of inheritance on posterity,” do we need the state to protect it? Loss of reputation is not a crime against society. For a private wrong, loss of reputation, the law allows use of state machinery to impose criminal sanctions.

Unfortunately, in our country civil defamation to compensate for loss of reputation is just an add-on to a criminal case that drags on for years. Here’s proof: Jay Amit Shah filed a criminal defamation case in an Ahmedabad court before filing a civil defamation suit seeking compensation. Libel and slander, both forms of defamation, are creatures of English common law, but they are not treated as distinct from each other in Indian jurisprudence. India offers the defamed a remedy both in civil law for damages and in criminal law for punishment. This is highly unusual since defamation as a crime is almost nonexistent anywhere in the world. While civil law for defamation is not codified as legislation and depends on judge-made law, criminal law is in the Indian Penal Code (section 499 creates a criminal offence of defamation.

In defamation, the claimant needs to prove that the statements injured the person’s reputation and were published. The onus then shifts to the defendant to prove that the imputations or statements were either true, or amounted to fair comment, or were uttered or stated in circumstances offering absolute or qualified privilege like Parliamentary or judicial proceedings.

The essentials of defamation can be summed up as follows. The Statement must be published i.e. for defamation to occur, the statement should be communicated by the maker of the statement, to a third party either in a direct or implied manner. Implied publishing is when a person communicates material in such a way that a third party is bound to get access to the statement. The Statement must refer to the plaintiff. It is not necessary that the plaintiff has to be mentioned by name, if he can still be individually recognised. The intention of the wrongdoer is also relevant i.e the person making the defamatory statement must know that there are high chances of other people believing the statement to be true and it will result in causing injury to the reputation of the person defamed.

Q. A lower court convicts Virat, a minister, on charges of corruption. The Times, a newspaper reports the story in detail. Virat then sues the newspaper for defamation. Decide.

Solution: Option (a) is correct because Virat has been convicted for the offence. Since, it has been established as a fact, it has gained the characteristic of being a truth. Thus, option (a) is the right answer.
QUESTION: 77

There is no better time than now to revive the campaign for decriminalising defamation.

Former union minister M.J. Akbar, despite resigning from his ministerial post in the wake of multiple allegations of sexual harassment, is brazening it out in court against journalist Priya Ramani through a criminal defamation case against her.

Criminal defamation is nothing more than a tool of intimation buried in our statute books from the colonial times. The law gained more notoriety after the apex court ruled it to be constitutional and elevated the so-called right to reputation to the stature of a fundamental right. When courts (as Justice Dipak Mishra, in the Subramanian Swamy v Union of India, wrote) define reputation as “fundamentally a glorious amalgam and unification of virtues which makes a man feel proud of his ancestry and satisfies him to bequeath it as a part of inheritance on posterity,” do we need the state to protect it? Loss of reputation is not a crime against society. For a private wrong, loss of reputation, the law allows use of state machinery to impose criminal sanctions.

Unfortunately, in our country civil defamation to compensate for loss of reputation is just an add-on to a criminal case that drags on for years. Here’s proof: Jay Amit Shah filed a criminal defamation case in an Ahmedabad court before filing a civil defamation suit seeking compensation. Libel and slander, both forms of defamation, are creatures of English common law, but they are not treated as distinct from each other in Indian jurisprudence. India offers the defamed a remedy both in civil law for damages and in criminal law for punishment. This is highly unusual since defamation as a crime is almost nonexistent anywhere in the world. While civil law for defamation is not codified as legislation and depends on judge-made law, criminal law is in the Indian Penal Code (section 499 creates a criminal offence of defamation.

In defamation, the claimant needs to prove that the statements injured the person’s reputation and were published. The onus then shifts to the defendant to prove that the imputations or statements were either true, or amounted to fair comment, or were uttered or stated in circumstances offering absolute or qualified privilege like Parliamentary or judicial proceedings.

The essentials of defamation can be summed up as follows. The Statement must be published i.e. for defamation to occur, the statement should be communicated by the maker of the statement, to a third party either in a direct or implied manner. Implied publishing is when a person communicates material in such a way that a third party is bound to get access to the statement. The Statement must refer to the plaintiff. It is not necessary that the plaintiff has to be mentioned by name, if he can still be individually recognised. The intention of the wrongdoer is also relevant i.e the person making the defamatory statement must know that there are high chances of other people believing the statement to be true and it will result in causing injury to the reputation of the person defamed.

Q. A certain minister made a statement that most doctors these days don’t take their profession seriously. Haathi, a doctor at AIIMS New Delhi sues the minister for defamation. Decide.

Solution: The minister made a statement in general. He neither pointed out a single individual nor someone particular could be inferred out of his statements. Therefore, option (b) is the most appropriate answer.
QUESTION: 78

There is no better time than now to revive the campaign for decriminalising defamation.

Former union minister M.J. Akbar, despite resigning from his ministerial post in the wake of multiple allegations of sexual harassment, is brazening it out in court against journalist Priya Ramani through a criminal defamation case against her.

Criminal defamation is nothing more than a tool of intimation buried in our statute books from the colonial times. The law gained more notoriety after the apex court ruled it to be constitutional and elevated the so-called right to reputation to the stature of a fundamental right. When courts (as Justice Dipak Mishra, in the Subramanian Swamy v Union of India, wrote) define reputation as “fundamentally a glorious amalgam and unification of virtues which makes a man feel proud of his ancestry and satisfies him to bequeath it as a part of inheritance on posterity,” do we need the state to protect it? Loss of reputation is not a crime against society. For a private wrong, loss of reputation, the law allows use of state machinery to impose criminal sanctions.

Unfortunately, in our country civil defamation to compensate for loss of reputation is just an add-on to a criminal case that drags on for years. Here’s proof: Jay Amit Shah filed a criminal defamation case in an Ahmedabad court before filing a civil defamation suit seeking compensation. Libel and slander, both forms of defamation, are creatures of English common law, but they are not treated as distinct from each other in Indian jurisprudence. India offers the defamed a remedy both in civil law for damages and in criminal law for punishment. This is highly unusual since defamation as a crime is almost nonexistent anywhere in the world. While civil law for defamation is not codified as legislation and depends on judge-made law, criminal law is in the Indian Penal Code (section 499 creates a criminal offence of defamation.

In defamation, the claimant needs to prove that the statements injured the person’s reputation and were published. The onus then shifts to the defendant to prove that the imputations or statements were either true, or amounted to fair comment, or were uttered or stated in circumstances offering absolute or qualified privilege like Parliamentary or judicial proceedings.

The essentials of defamation can be summed up as follows. The Statement must be published i.e. for defamation to occur, the statement should be communicated by the maker of the statement, to a third party either in a direct or implied manner. Implied publishing is when a person communicates material in such a way that a third party is bound to get access to the statement. The Statement must refer to the plaintiff. It is not necessary that the plaintiff has to be mentioned by name, if he can still be individually recognised. The intention of the wrongdoer is also relevant i.e the person making the defamatory statement must know that there are high chances of other people believing the statement to be true and it will result in causing injury to the reputation of the person defamed.

Q. Harish wrote a letter containing defamatory content to Harshita. The letter was written in English, a language Harshita was comfortable with. However, when the letter was in the post box, Harshita’s servant opened it and read the contents. Harshita has sued Harish for defamation. Decide.

Solution: The passage states that for defamation to occur, it should be communicated to a third party in a direct or implied manner. Here, Harish wrote it in a language in which Harshita was comfortable. Moreover, he didn’t intend for the servant to read it and cannot be held guilty for the same. Hence, the correct answer is option (c).
QUESTION: 79

There is no better time than now to revive the campaign for decriminalising defamation.

Former union minister M.J. Akbar, despite resigning from his ministerial post in the wake of multiple allegations of sexual harassment, is brazening it out in court against journalist Priya Ramani through a criminal defamation case against her.

Criminal defamation is nothing more than a tool of intimation buried in our statute books from the colonial times. The law gained more notoriety after the apex court ruled it to be constitutional and elevated the so-called right to reputation to the stature of a fundamental right. When courts (as Justice Dipak Mishra, in the Subramanian Swamy v Union of India, wrote) define reputation as “fundamentally a glorious amalgam and unification of virtues which makes a man feel proud of his ancestry and satisfies him to bequeath it as a part of inheritance on posterity,” do we need the state to protect it? Loss of reputation is not a crime against society. For a private wrong, loss of reputation, the law allows use of state machinery to impose criminal sanctions.

Unfortunately, in our country civil defamation to compensate for loss of reputation is just an add-on to a criminal case that drags on for years. Here’s proof: Jay Amit Shah filed a criminal defamation case in an Ahmedabad court before filing a civil defamation suit seeking compensation. Libel and slander, both forms of defamation, are creatures of English common law, but they are not treated as distinct from each other in Indian jurisprudence. India offers the defamed a remedy both in civil law for damages and in criminal law for punishment. This is highly unusual since defamation as a crime is almost nonexistent anywhere in the world. While civil law for defamation is not codified as legislation and depends on judge-made law, criminal law is in the Indian Penal Code (section 499 creates a criminal offence of defamation.

In defamation, the claimant needs to prove that the statements injured the person’s reputation and were published. The onus then shifts to the defendant to prove that the imputations or statements were either true, or amounted to fair comment, or were uttered or stated in circumstances offering absolute or qualified privilege like Parliamentary or judicial proceedings.

The essentials of defamation can be summed up as follows. The Statement must be published i.e. for defamation to occur, the statement should be communicated by the maker of the statement, to a third party either in a direct or implied manner. Implied publishing is when a person communicates material in such a way that a third party is bound to get access to the statement. The Statement must refer to the plaintiff. It is not necessary that the plaintiff has to be mentioned by name, if he can still be individually recognised. The intention of the wrongdoer is also relevant i.e the person making the defamatory statement must know that there are high chances of other people believing the statement to be true and it will result in causing injury to the reputation of the person defamed.

Q. Which of the following is false?

Solution: Option (a) is nowhere mentioned in the passage and hence cannot be assumed. Option (b) and (c) are explicitly stated. Therefore, option (d) is the most appropriate answer.
QUESTION: 80

The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill, 2017 allows for a person to be declared as a fugitive economic offender (FEO) if: (i) an arrest warrant has been issued against him for any specified offences where the value involved is over Rs 100 crore, and (ii) he has left the country and refuses to return to face prosecution.

To declare a person an FEO, an application will be filed in a Special Court (designated under the Prevention of Money-Laundering Act, 2002) containing details of the properties to be confiscated, and any information about the person’s whereabouts. The Special Court will require the person to appear at a specified place at least six weeks from issue of notice. Proceedings will be terminated if the person appears. The Bill allows authorities to provisionally attach properties of an accused, while the application is pending before the Special Court. Upon declaration as an FEO, properties of a person may be confiscated and vested in the central government, free of encumbrances (rights and claims in the property). The Bill does not specify how the central government will use the sale proceeds. That is, would the government be obliged to share the sale proceeds with persons who may have a claim against the FEO.

Further, the FEO or any company associated with him may be barred from filing or defending civil claims. Under Clause 14, any court or tribunal may bar a FEO from filing or defending any civil claim before it. Further, the Bill allows courts to bar a company from filing or defending any civil claim before it if the promoter, key managerial personnel (such as manager or CEO), or majority shareholder is an FEO. It may be argued that such a bar could violate Article 21 of the Constitution. Article 21 states that no person (or company) can be deprived of their right to life or personal liberty, except by law. Courts have interpreted this to include the right to access justice, which cannot be taken away. This right includes the availability of a forum which aggrieved persons may approach to seek legal remedy. The question is whether a bar on filing and defending claims would violate this right. For instance, an individual who is declared an FEO may be involved in a marriage suit or inheritance dispute. Under Clause 14, courts are allowed to bar the individual from exercising his right to file or defend such a claim. Further, there may be cases where an FEO is the majority shareholder of a company. In such cases, even though the company is a separate legal entity, it may be barred from filing or defending cases.

Q. Vijay Mallya, chief of erstwhile Kingfisher Airlines who owes over Rs 9,000 crore to various Indian banks, had fled India to escape legal proceedings regarding the loans. Such cases have severe consequences as it hampers investigation in criminal cases, wastes precious time of courts of law and most noticeably undermines the rule of law of the country. Does Vijay Mallya qualify to be considered as an FEO as per the above passage?

Solution: Both (A) and (B). An FEO is considered to be qualified on these two points as per the above passage. A statement from PMLA is required for declaration and not qualification.
QUESTION: 81

The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill, 2017 allows for a person to be declared as a fugitive economic offender (FEO) if: (i) an arrest warrant has been issued against him for any specified offences where the value involved is over Rs 100 crore, and (ii) he has left the country and refuses to return to face prosecution.

To declare a person an FEO, an application will be filed in a Special Court (designated under the Prevention of Money-Laundering Act, 2002) containing details of the properties to be confiscated, and any information about the person’s whereabouts. The Special Court will require the person to appear at a specified place at least six weeks from issue of notice. Proceedings will be terminated if the person appears. The Bill allows authorities to provisionally attach properties of an accused, while the application is pending before the Special Court. Upon declaration as an FEO, properties of a person may be confiscated and vested in the central government, free of encumbrances (rights and claims in the property). The Bill does not specify how the central government will use the sale proceeds. That is, would the government be obliged to share the sale proceeds with persons who may have a claim against the FEO.

Further, the FEO or any company associated with him may be barred from filing or defending civil claims. Under Clause 14, any court or tribunal may bar a FEO from filing or defending any civil claim before it. Further, the Bill allows courts to bar a company from filing or defending any civil claim before it if the promoter, key managerial personnel (such as manager or CEO), or majority shareholder is an FEO. It may be argued that such a bar could violate Article 21 of the Constitution. Article 21 states that no person (or company) can be deprived of their right to life or personal liberty, except by law. Courts have interpreted this to include the right to access justice, which cannot be taken away. This right includes the availability of a forum which aggrieved persons may approach to seek legal remedy. The question is whether a bar on filing and defending claims would violate this right. For instance, an individual who is declared an FEO may be involved in a marriage suit or inheritance dispute. Under Clause 14, courts are allowed to bar the individual from exercising his right to file or defend such a claim. Further, there may be cases where an FEO is the majority shareholder of a company. In such cases, even though the company is a separate legal entity, it may be barred from filing or defending cases.

Q. Nirav Modi, who is wanted in the Rs13,570 crore-fraud caused to the Punjab National Bank (PNB), left the country to avoid criminal prosecution. Will he be considered as an FEO as per the paragraph above?

Solution: Both (A) and (B). An FEO is considered to be qualified on these two points as per the above passage. A statement from PMLA is required for declaration and not qualification.
QUESTION: 82

The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill, 2017 allows for a person to be declared as a fugitive economic offender (FEO) if: (i) an arrest warrant has been issued against him for any specified offences where the value involved is over Rs 100 crore, and (ii) he has left the country and refuses to return to face prosecution.

To declare a person an FEO, an application will be filed in a Special Court (designated under the Prevention of Money-Laundering Act, 2002) containing details of the properties to be confiscated, and any information about the person’s whereabouts. The Special Court will require the person to appear at a specified place at least six weeks from issue of notice. Proceedings will be terminated if the person appears. The Bill allows authorities to provisionally attach properties of an accused, while the application is pending before the Special Court. Upon declaration as an FEO, properties of a person may be confiscated and vested in the central government, free of encumbrances (rights and claims in the property). The Bill does not specify how the central government will use the sale proceeds. That is, would the government be obliged to share the sale proceeds with persons who may have a claim against the FEO.

Further, the FEO or any company associated with him may be barred from filing or defending civil claims. Under Clause 14, any court or tribunal may bar a FEO from filing or defending any civil claim before it. Further, the Bill allows courts to bar a company from filing or defending any civil claim before it if the promoter, key managerial personnel (such as manager or CEO), or majority shareholder is an FEO. It may be argued that such a bar could violate Article 21 of the Constitution. Article 21 states that no person (or company) can be deprived of their right to life or personal liberty, except by law. Courts have interpreted this to include the right to access justice, which cannot be taken away. This right includes the availability of a forum which aggrieved persons may approach to seek legal remedy. The question is whether a bar on filing and defending claims would violate this right. For instance, an individual who is declared an FEO may be involved in a marriage suit or inheritance dispute. Under Clause 14, courts are allowed to bar the individual from exercising his right to file or defend such a claim. Further, there may be cases where an FEO is the majority shareholder of a company. In such cases, even though the company is a separate legal entity, it may be barred from filing or defending cases.

Q. A company may be barred from filing a suit against a supplier of goods or from defending a case where tax dues are imposed on it. There may also be instances where creditors obtain court orders for repayment of loans against the company, without the company having an opportunity to present its defence. In all such cases, the interests of the remaining shareholders will not be protected owing to such a bar on companies. A company can be barred from all of the above in which of the following cases?

Solution: Under Clause 14 of the PMLA. The author contests whether it can violate Article 21 but it is only an opinion. The law in such a scenario is what is laid down under Clause 14 of PMLA and it does suggest that the company will be barred from filing or defending claims in case it is declared an FEO.
QUESTION: 83

The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill, 2017 allows for a person to be declared as a fugitive economic offender (FEO) if: (i) an arrest warrant has been issued against him for any specified offences where the value involved is over Rs 100 crore, and (ii) he has left the country and refuses to return to face prosecution.

To declare a person an FEO, an application will be filed in a Special Court (designated under the Prevention of Money-Laundering Act, 2002) containing details of the properties to be confiscated, and any information about the person’s whereabouts. The Special Court will require the person to appear at a specified place at least six weeks from issue of notice. Proceedings will be terminated if the person appears. The Bill allows authorities to provisionally attach properties of an accused, while the application is pending before the Special Court. Upon declaration as an FEO, properties of a person may be confiscated and vested in the central government, free of encumbrances (rights and claims in the property). The Bill does not specify how the central government will use the sale proceeds. That is, would the government be obliged to share the sale proceeds with persons who may have a claim against the FEO.

Further, the FEO or any company associated with him may be barred from filing or defending civil claims. Under Clause 14, any court or tribunal may bar a FEO from filing or defending any civil claim before it. Further, the Bill allows courts to bar a company from filing or defending any civil claim before it if the promoter, key managerial personnel (such as manager or CEO), or majority shareholder is an FEO. It may be argued that such a bar could violate Article 21 of the Constitution. Article 21 states that no person (or company) can be deprived of their right to life or personal liberty, except by law. Courts have interpreted this to include the right to access justice, which cannot be taken away. This right includes the availability of a forum which aggrieved persons may approach to seek legal remedy. The question is whether a bar on filing and defending claims would violate this right. For instance, an individual who is declared an FEO may be involved in a marriage suit or inheritance dispute. Under Clause 14, courts are allowed to bar the individual from exercising his right to file or defend such a claim. Further, there may be cases where an FEO is the majority shareholder of a company. In such cases, even though the company is a separate legal entity, it may be barred from filing or defending cases.

Q. The authorities under the PMLA, 2002 will exercise powers given to them under the Bill. These powers will be similar to those of a civil court. Which of the below is not a power they can exercise?

Solution: Once the offender appears, proceedings will be terminated as per the para above which means investigation under PMLA has to stop.
QUESTION: 84

The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill, 2017 allows for a person to be declared as a fugitive economic offender (FEO) if: (i) an arrest warrant has been issued against him for any specified offences where the value involved is over Rs 100 crore, and (ii) he has left the country and refuses to return to face prosecution.

To declare a person an FEO, an application will be filed in a Special Court (designated under the Prevention of Money-Laundering Act, 2002) containing details of the properties to be confiscated, and any information about the person’s whereabouts. The Special Court will require the person to appear at a specified place at least six weeks from issue of notice. Proceedings will be terminated if the person appears. The Bill allows authorities to provisionally attach properties of an accused, while the application is pending before the Special Court. Upon declaration as an FEO, properties of a person may be confiscated and vested in the central government, free of encumbrances (rights and claims in the property). The Bill does not specify how the central government will use the sale proceeds. That is, would the government be obliged to share the sale proceeds with persons who may have a claim against the FEO.

Further, the FEO or any company associated with him may be barred from filing or defending civil claims. Under Clause 14, any court or tribunal may bar a FEO from filing or defending any civil claim before it. Further, the Bill allows courts to bar a company from filing or defending any civil claim before it if the promoter, key managerial personnel (such as manager or CEO), or majority shareholder is an FEO. It may be argued that such a bar could violate Article 21 of the Constitution. Article 21 states that no person (or company) can be deprived of their right to life or personal liberty, except by law. Courts have interpreted this to include the right to access justice, which cannot be taken away. This right includes the availability of a forum which aggrieved persons may approach to seek legal remedy. The question is whether a bar on filing and defending claims would violate this right. For instance, an individual who is declared an FEO may be involved in a marriage suit or inheritance dispute. Under Clause 14, courts are allowed to bar the individual from exercising his right to file or defend such a claim. Further, there may be cases where an FEO is the majority shareholder of a company. In such cases, even though the company is a separate legal entity, it may be barred from filing or defending cases.

Q. Which of the following is mentioned as a criticism by the author in the above passage?

Solution: The author of the passage is critical of the current laws on both aspects.
QUESTION: 85

Since the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (LAAR) came into force in 2013, Section 24(2) of the Act has been mired in controversy. Section 24(2) states that in case of land acquisition proceedings, if a developer fails to take possession of land acquired under the old laws for five years, or if compensation is not paid to the owner, the land acquisition process would lapse. The process would then have to be re-initiated under LAAR, which would allow the owner to get better compensation.

In 2014, a three-judge bench of the apex court held that acquisition proceedings initiated under the 1894 Act, which were initiated five years before the 2013 law was enacted, would lapse if the land in question was not taken control of, or if compensation was not paid to the land-owners. However, in 2018, another three-judge bench declared the previous judgment per incuriam. This happens when a judgment does not follow a statutory provision or a binding precedent that may have been relevant. In such scenarios, a judgment can be declared to be without any legal force and hence not treated as a valid precedent. The fresh judgment held that if a landowner refuses to accept the compensation offered by the developer, they cannot take advantage of their own wrongdoing and have the acquisition proceedings lapse under the old law. This came as a relief for developers.

Days after the 2018 judgment, another three-judge bench stayed the operation of the 2018 judgment and directed the high courts across the country to not decide any case on the basis of the new ruling, and requested apex court judges to defer hearing and not pass any orders in other cases pending before the Supreme Court. This bench essentially took objection to the 2018 three-judge bench overruling a precedent laid down by a coordinate bench, because in common law, judgments by larger benches or those with equal number of judges are binding on other benches. Hence, a three-judge bench cannot override the judgment of another three-judge bench. It can only record its difference of opinion and request for the case to be considered by a larger bench, to set a binding precedent.

The controversy now revolves around Justice Arun Mishra heading the five-judge Constitution bench that would settle the precedent, since he was part of the 2018 bench that overruled the 2014 judgment. Since the announcement, two farmer associations have already written to the CJI, objecting to Justice Mishra hearing the matter, despite him having already expressed his opinion in the 2018 judgment. In their letters, the All India Farmer Association and the Delhi Gramin Samaj have highlighted the fact that Justice Mishra would have a conflict of interest in deciding the case.

Q. "Prestige Developers wish to develop a residential colony named “Song of the South”. In order to materialize this objective, the entity purchased land from the farmers in the area in 2009. The farmers were duly and adequately compensated in accordance with the market price. However, the possession of the land was taken by the Developers in 2015, when they simultaneously commenced the construction activity. In context of the passage, and the relevant provision of law, which among the following holds true?

1. Land acquisition process would lapse

2. The developers would not be able to get the paid compensation back

3. The process of land acquisition has to be reinitiated"

Solution: The law states that if the possession of the land is not taken for five years from the date of purchase, then the land acquisition process would be deemed to be lapsed and the process will have to be reinitiated.
QUESTION: 86

Since the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (LAAR) came into force in 2013, Section 24(2) of the Act has been mired in controversy. Section 24(2) states that in case of land acquisition proceedings, if a developer fails to take possession of land acquired under the old laws for five years, or if compensation is not paid to the owner, the land acquisition process would lapse. The process would then have to be re-initiated under LAAR, which would allow the owner to get better compensation.

In 2014, a three-judge bench of the apex court held that acquisition proceedings initiated under the 1894 Act, which were initiated five years before the 2013 law was enacted, would lapse if the land in question was not taken control of, or if compensation was not paid to the land-owners. However, in 2018, another three-judge bench declared the previous judgment per incuriam. This happens when a judgment does not follow a statutory provision or a binding precedent that may have been relevant. In such scenarios, a judgment can be declared to be without any legal force and hence not treated as a valid precedent. The fresh judgment held that if a landowner refuses to accept the compensation offered by the developer, they cannot take advantage of their own wrongdoing and have the acquisition proceedings lapse under the old law. This came as a relief for developers.

Days after the 2018 judgment, another three-judge bench stayed the operation of the 2018 judgment and directed the high courts across the country to not decide any case on the basis of the new ruling, and requested apex court judges to defer hearing and not pass any orders in other cases pending before the Supreme Court. This bench essentially took objection to the 2018 three-judge bench overruling a precedent laid down by a coordinate bench, because in common law, judgments by larger benches or those with equal number of judges are binding on other benches. Hence, a three-judge bench cannot override the judgment of another three-judge bench. It can only record its difference of opinion and request for the case to be considered by a larger bench, to set a binding precedent.

The controversy now revolves around Justice Arun Mishra heading the five-judge Constitution bench that would settle the precedent, since he was part of the 2018 bench that overruled the 2014 judgment. Since the announcement, two farmer associations have already written to the CJI, objecting to Justice Mishra hearing the matter, despite him having already expressed his opinion in the 2018 judgment. In their letters, the All India Farmer Association and the Delhi Gramin Samaj have highlighted the fact that Justice Mishra would have a conflict of interest in deciding the case.

Q. Prabhavati Developers wishes to develop a residential complex named “Prabhavati Lotus 2”. In order to materialize this objective, the entity purchased land from the farmers in the area in 2008. The farmers were duly and adequately compensated in accordance with the market price. The possession of the land was acquired by the Developers in the year 2013 and the construction activity was initiated in the year 2015. However, the farmers raised the issue of unfair compensation for their land, and wish to file a petition regarding this. Which among the following would strengthen the case of the farmers?

Solution: The law in place aids the owners of land to get a fair compensation. In order to raise the issue of unfair compensation after the enforcement of the contract, the land owners have two resources. Firstly, the claim could be made that the possession of the land was not acquired for five years; secondly, if the owner was not compensated at all. One of the two could bolster the stance of the land owners.
QUESTION: 87

Since the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (LAAR) came into force in 2013, Section 24(2) of the Act has been mired in controversy. Section 24(2) states that in case of land acquisition proceedings, if a developer fails to take possession of land acquired under the old laws for five years, or if compensation is not paid to the owner, the land acquisition process would lapse. The process would then have to be re-initiated under LAAR, which would allow the owner to get better compensation.

In 2014, a three-judge bench of the apex court held that acquisition proceedings initiated under the 1894 Act, which were initiated five years before the 2013 law was enacted, would lapse if the land in question was not taken control of, or if compensation was not paid to the land-owners. However, in 2018, another three-judge bench declared the previous judgment per incuriam. This happens when a judgment does not follow a statutory provision or a binding precedent that may have been relevant. In such scenarios, a judgment can be declared to be without any legal force and hence not treated as a valid precedent. The fresh judgment held that if a landowner refuses to accept the compensation offered by the developer, they cannot take advantage of their own wrongdoing and have the acquisition proceedings lapse under the old law. This came as a relief for developers.

Days after the 2018 judgment, another three-judge bench stayed the operation of the 2018 judgment and directed the high courts across the country to not decide any case on the basis of the new ruling, and requested apex court judges to defer hearing and not pass any orders in other cases pending before the Supreme Court. This bench essentially took objection to the 2018 three-judge bench overruling a precedent laid down by a coordinate bench, because in common law, judgments by larger benches or those with equal number of judges are binding on other benches. Hence, a three-judge bench cannot override the judgment of another three-judge bench. It can only record its difference of opinion and request for the case to be considered by a larger bench, to set a binding precedent.

The controversy now revolves around Justice Arun Mishra heading the five-judge Constitution bench that would settle the precedent, since he was part of the 2018 bench that overruled the 2014 judgment. Since the announcement, two farmer associations have already written to the CJI, objecting to Justice Mishra hearing the matter, despite him having already expressed his opinion in the 2018 judgment. In their letters, the All India Farmer Association and the Delhi Gramin Samaj have highlighted the fact that Justice Mishra would have a conflict of interest in deciding the case.

Q. Which among the following was the part of ruling of the Supreme Court judgment in the year 2014?

Solution: In 2014, a three-judge bench of the apex court, held that acquisition proceedings initiated under the 1894 Act, which were initiated five years before the 2013 law was enacted, would lapse if the land in question was not taken control of, or if compensation was not paid to displaced farmers.
QUESTION: 88

Since the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (LAAR) came into force in 2013, Section 24(2) of the Act has been mired in controversy. Section 24(2) states that in case of land acquisition proceedings, if a developer fails to take possession of land acquired under the old laws for five years, or if compensation is not paid to the owner, the land acquisition process would lapse. The process would then have to be re-initiated under LAAR, which would allow the owner to get better compensation.

In 2014, a three-judge bench of the apex court held that acquisition proceedings initiated under the 1894 Act, which were initiated five years before the 2013 law was enacted, would lapse if the land in question was not taken control of, or if compensation was not paid to the land-owners. However, in 2018, another three-judge bench declared the previous judgment per incuriam. This happens when a judgment does not follow a statutory provision or a binding precedent that may have been relevant. In such scenarios, a judgment can be declared to be without any legal force and hence not treated as a valid precedent. The fresh judgment held that if a landowner refuses to accept the compensation offered by the developer, they cannot take advantage of their own wrongdoing and have the acquisition proceedings lapse under the old law. This came as a relief for developers.

Days after the 2018 judgment, another three-judge bench stayed the operation of the 2018 judgment and directed the high courts across the country to not decide any case on the basis of the new ruling, and requested apex court judges to defer hearing and not pass any orders in other cases pending before the Supreme Court. This bench essentially took objection to the 2018 three-judge bench overruling a precedent laid down by a coordinate bench, because in common law, judgments by larger benches or those with equal number of judges are binding on other benches. Hence, a three-judge bench cannot override the judgment of another three-judge bench. It can only record its difference of opinion and request for the case to be considered by a larger bench, to set a binding precedent.

The controversy now revolves around Justice Arun Mishra heading the five-judge Constitution bench that would settle the precedent, since he was part of the 2018 bench that overruled the 2014 judgment. Since the announcement, two farmer associations have already written to the CJI, objecting to Justice Mishra hearing the matter, despite him having already expressed his opinion in the 2018 judgment. In their letters, the All India Farmer Association and the Delhi Gramin Samaj have highlighted the fact that Justice Mishra would have a conflict of interest in deciding the case.

Q. Prestige Developers wish to develop a residential colony named “Song of the East”. In order to materialize this objective, the entity purchased land from the farmers in the area in 2009. The farmers were duly and adequately compensated in accordance with the market price. However, the possession of the land was taken in the year 2012 by the Developers and in 2015, they commenced the construction activity. In context of the 2014 judgment of the apex court which of the following would be true?

Solution: The applicable principle in this scenario is that acquisition proceedings initiated under the 1894 Act, which were initiated five years before the 2013 law was enacted, would lapse if the land in question was not taken control of, or if compensation was not paid to displaced farmers. In light of this, considering the fact that the land has been acquired in 2009 and was taken control of in the year 2012 which was before the enactment of the 2013 act, the acquisition process of the land would be held valid.
QUESTION: 89

Since the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (LAAR) came into force in 2013, Section 24(2) of the Act has been mired in controversy. Section 24(2) states that in case of land acquisition proceedings, if a developer fails to take possession of land acquired under the old laws for five years, or if compensation is not paid to the owner, the land acquisition process would lapse. The process would then have to be re-initiated under LAAR, which would allow the owner to get better compensation.

In 2014, a three-judge bench of the apex court held that acquisition proceedings initiated under the 1894 Act, which were initiated five years before the 2013 law was enacted, would lapse if the land in question was not taken control of, or if compensation was not paid to the land-owners. However, in 2018, another three-judge bench declared the previous judgment per incuriam. This happens when a judgment does not follow a statutory provision or a binding precedent that may have been relevant. In such scenarios, a judgment can be declared to be without any legal force and hence not treated as a valid precedent. The fresh judgment held that if a landowner refuses to accept the compensation offered by the developer, they cannot take advantage of their own wrongdoing and have the acquisition proceedings lapse under the old law. This came as a relief for developers.

Days after the 2018 judgment, another three-judge bench stayed the operation of the 2018 judgment and directed the high courts across the country to not decide any case on the basis of the new ruling, and requested apex court judges to defer hearing and not pass any orders in other cases pending before the Supreme Court. This bench essentially took objection to the 2018 three-judge bench overruling a precedent laid down by a coordinate bench, because in common law, judgments by larger benches or those with equal number of judges are binding on other benches. Hence, a three-judge bench cannot override the judgment of another three-judge bench. It can only record its difference of opinion and request for the case to be considered by a larger bench, to set a binding precedent.

The controversy now revolves around Justice Arun Mishra heading the five-judge Constitution bench that would settle the precedent, since he was part of the 2018 bench that overruled the 2014 judgment. Since the announcement, two farmer associations have already written to the CJI, objecting to Justice Mishra hearing the matter, despite him having already expressed his opinion in the 2018 judgment. In their letters, the All India Farmer Association and the Delhi Gramin Samaj have highlighted the fact that Justice Mishra would have a conflict of interest in deciding the case.

Q. Prabhavati Developers wishes to develop a residential complex named “Prabhavati Lotus 3”. In order to materialize this objective, the entity purchased land from the farmers in the area in 2008. The clauses in the agreement offered a fair and adequate compensation to the farmers, but it was refused by the farmers on pretext of the sum being insubstantial. The land was taken in possession by the developers in the year 2012. In light of the 2018 judgment of the apex court, determine which of the following would be an appropriate stance?

Solution: The applicable principle in this context is, if a landowner refuses to accept the compensation offered by the developer, they cannot take advantage of their own wrongdoing and have the acquisition proceedings lapse under the old law.
QUESTION: 90

Section 306 of the IPC states that where the accused by his acts or by a continued course of conduct creates such circumstances that the deceased was left with no other option except to commit suicide, an “instigation” may be inferred. The offence of abetment to suicide under Section 306 of IPC is endowed with twin essential ingredients:

  • A person commits suicide; and,

  • Such suicide was abetted by the accused.

The offence of abetment to suicide involves a mental process of instigating a person or intentionally aiding a person to commit suicide. To hold a person liable for abetting suicide active role of that person (abettor) is required to be established.

Suicide has not been declared as a crime by the IPC obviously because once a person successfully commits suicide, that person is no longer alive to be prosecuted and the crime abates with him. However, an attempt to commit suicide is punishable under Section 309 of the IPC. To make a case of “abetment”, there must be instigation by the accused, that is, provoking, inciting and/or encouraging a person to do an act. The offence of “abetment” must conform to the definition of the term given in Section 107 of the IPC, that is to say that, there must be instigation, co-operation and/or intentional assistance given to a person to do an act.

More often than not, proving the offence of “abetment to commit suicide” is a difficult task much because according to law, it should be proved beyond reasonable doubt that the abettor intended that the victim should end his life by committing suicide. That, ordinarily, to prove the intention coupled with positive acts on the part of the accused/ abettors vis-à-vis the causation of suicide by the victim is an uphill task.

In the case of Ude Singh & Ors V/s State of Haryana it was held that mere allegation of harassment of the deceased by another person would not suffice unless there be such action on the part of the accused which compels the person to commit suicide; and such an offending action ought to be proximate to the time of occurrence. The question of mens rea on the part of the accused in such cases have to be examined with reference to the actual acts and deeds of the accused and if the acts and deeds are only of such nature where the accused intended nothing more than harassment or snap-show of anger, a particular case may fall short of the offence of abetment of suicide. However, if the accused kept on irritating or annoying the deceased by words or deeds until the deceased reacted or was provoked, a particular case may be that of abetment of suicide.

Q. What are the key elements that have to be complied with to be prosecuted under abetment to suicide?

Solution: Intention (mens rea) coupled with positive act (actus reus) are compulsory for abetment to suicide.
QUESTION: 91

Section 306 of the IPC states that where the accused by his acts or by a continued course of conduct creates such circumstances that the deceased was left with no other option except to commit suicide, an “instigation” may be inferred. The offence of abetment to suicide under Section 306 of IPC is endowed with twin essential ingredients:

  • A person commits suicide; and,

  • Such suicide was abetted by the accused.

The offence of abetment to suicide involves a mental process of instigating a person or intentionally aiding a person to commit suicide. To hold a person liable for abetting suicide active role of that person (abettor) is required to be established.

Suicide has not been declared as a crime by the IPC obviously because once a person successfully commits suicide, that person is no longer alive to be prosecuted and the crime abates with him. However, an attempt to commit suicide is punishable under Section 309 of the IPC. To make a case of “abetment”, there must be instigation by the accused, that is, provoking, inciting and/or encouraging a person to do an act. The offence of “abetment” must conform to the definition of the term given in Section 107 of the IPC, that is to say that, there must be instigation, co-operation and/or intentional assistance given to a person to do an act.

More often than not, proving the offence of “abetment to commit suicide” is a difficult task much because according to law, it should be proved beyond reasonable doubt that the abettor intended that the victim should end his life by committing suicide. That, ordinarily, to prove the intention coupled with positive acts on the part of the accused/ abettors vis-à-vis the causation of suicide by the victim is an uphill task.

In the case of Ude Singh & Ors V/s State of Haryana it was held that mere allegation of harassment of the deceased by another person would not suffice unless there be such action on the part of the accused which compels the person to commit suicide; and such an offending action ought to be proximate to the time of occurrence. The question of mens rea on the part of the accused in such cases have to be examined with reference to the actual acts and deeds of the accused and if the acts and deeds are only of such nature where the accused intended nothing more than harassment or snap-show of anger, a particular case may fall short of the offence of abetment of suicide. However, if the accused kept on irritating or annoying the deceased by words or deeds until the deceased reacted or was provoked, a particular case may be that of abetment of suicide.

Q. Samir hates Karan and they have a long standing feud. Samir tells all the people to stop working with Karan and soon Karan is out of business. He has a loan to pay off which he cannot. Samir starts mentally torturing Karan. He does all of this with the intention that Karan will try to commit suicide. The mental torture got to Karan and one day Karan adds poison to his milk and was going to drink the milk, but his dog knocked down the glass of milk. A case of abetment to suicide has been filed against Samir. Can he be held liable for abetment to suicide?

Solution: No Samir cannot be held liable as a pre requisite for abetment to suicide is that the suicide should have actually taken place and not mere attempt to suicide.
QUESTION: 92

Section 306 of the IPC states that where the accused by his acts or by a continued course of conduct creates such circumstances that the deceased was left with no other option except to commit suicide, an “instigation” may be inferred. The offence of abetment to suicide under Section 306 of IPC is endowed with twin essential ingredients:

  • A person commits suicide; and,

  • Such suicide was abetted by the accused.

The offence of abetment to suicide involves a mental process of instigating a person or intentionally aiding a person to commit suicide. To hold a person liable for abetting suicide active role of that person (abettor) is required to be established.

Suicide has not been declared as a crime by the IPC obviously because once a person successfully commits suicide, that person is no longer alive to be prosecuted and the crime abates with him. However, an attempt to commit suicide is punishable under Section 309 of the IPC. To make a case of “abetment”, there must be instigation by the accused, that is, provoking, inciting and/or encouraging a person to do an act. The offence of “abetment” must conform to the definition of the term given in Section 107 of the IPC, that is to say that, there must be instigation, co-operation and/or intentional assistance given to a person to do an act.

More often than not, proving the offence of “abetment to commit suicide” is a difficult task much because according to law, it should be proved beyond reasonable doubt that the abettor intended that the victim should end his life by committing suicide. That, ordinarily, to prove the intention coupled with positive acts on the part of the accused/ abettors vis-à-vis the causation of suicide by the victim is an uphill task.

In the case of Ude Singh & Ors V/s State of Haryana it was held that mere allegation of harassment of the deceased by another person would not suffice unless there be such action on the part of the accused which compels the person to commit suicide; and such an offending action ought to be proximate to the time of occurrence. The question of mens rea on the part of the accused in such cases have to be examined with reference to the actual acts and deeds of the accused and if the acts and deeds are only of such nature where the accused intended nothing more than harassment or snap-show of anger, a particular case may fall short of the offence of abetment of suicide. However, if the accused kept on irritating or annoying the deceased by words or deeds until the deceased reacted or was provoked, a particular case may be that of abetment of suicide.

Q. Garv was under a huge debt as he had taken a loan from the NSB Bank. His business was not doing great so he could not pay back the loan. He used to get regular messages from the bank regarding the repayment of loans. He committed suicide. Can the bank be held liable for abetment to suicide?

Solution: Mere reminder cannot amount to abetment as there was no instigation on the part of the bank and also the bank did not have the intention that Garv should commit suicide.
QUESTION: 93

Section 306 of the IPC states that where the accused by his acts or by a continued course of conduct creates such circumstances that the deceased was left with no other option except to commit suicide, an “instigation” may be inferred. The offence of abetment to suicide under Section 306 of IPC is endowed with twin essential ingredients:

  • A person commits suicide; and,

  • Such suicide was abetted by the accused.

The offence of abetment to suicide involves a mental process of instigating a person or intentionally aiding a person to commit suicide. To hold a person liable for abetting suicide active role of that person (abettor) is required to be established.

Suicide has not been declared as a crime by the IPC obviously because once a person successfully commits suicide, that person is no longer alive to be prosecuted and the crime abates with him. However, an attempt to commit suicide is punishable under Section 309 of the IPC. To make a case of “abetment”, there must be instigation by the accused, that is, provoking, inciting and/or encouraging a person to do an act. The offence of “abetment” must conform to the definition of the term given in Section 107 of the IPC, that is to say that, there must be instigation, co-operation and/or intentional assistance given to a person to do an act.

More often than not, proving the offence of “abetment to commit suicide” is a difficult task much because according to law, it should be proved beyond reasonable doubt that the abettor intended that the victim should end his life by committing suicide. That, ordinarily, to prove the intention coupled with positive acts on the part of the accused/ abettors vis-à-vis the causation of suicide by the victim is an uphill task.

In the case of Ude Singh & Ors V/s State of Haryana it was held that mere allegation of harassment of the deceased by another person would not suffice unless there be such action on the part of the accused which compels the person to commit suicide; and such an offending action ought to be proximate to the time of occurrence. The question of mens rea on the part of the accused in such cases have to be examined with reference to the actual acts and deeds of the accused and if the acts and deeds are only of such nature where the accused intended nothing more than harassment or snap-show of anger, a particular case may fall short of the offence of abetment of suicide. However, if the accused kept on irritating or annoying the deceased by words or deeds until the deceased reacted or was provoked, a particular case may be that of abetment of suicide.

Q. Hitul was tortured as a kid by his maternal uncle with the intention to put him into clinical depression where he could kill himself. The torture had affected him and threw him into depression. A few years after the incident his friend reminded him of the torture. Hitul could not mentally take this and committed suicide. Can his maternal uncle be held liable for abetment to suicide?

Solution: No the uncle cannot be held liable for abetment as even though he had the intention and had carried out the positive act, however the instigation was not proximate to the event of committing suicide.
QUESTION: 94

Section 306 of the IPC states that where the accused by his acts or by a continued course of conduct creates such circumstances that the deceased was left with no other option except to commit suicide, an “instigation” may be inferred. The offence of abetment to suicide under Section 306 of IPC is endowed with twin essential ingredients:

  • A person commits suicide; and,

  • Such suicide was abetted by the accused.

The offence of abetment to suicide involves a mental process of instigating a person or intentionally aiding a person to commit suicide. To hold a person liable for abetting suicide active role of that person (abettor) is required to be established.

Suicide has not been declared as a crime by the IPC obviously because once a person successfully commits suicide, that person is no longer alive to be prosecuted and the crime abates with him. However, an attempt to commit suicide is punishable under Section 309 of the IPC. To make a case of “abetment”, there must be instigation by the accused, that is, provoking, inciting and/or encouraging a person to do an act. The offence of “abetment” must conform to the definition of the term given in Section 107 of the IPC, that is to say that, there must be instigation, co-operation and/or intentional assistance given to a person to do an act.

More often than not, proving the offence of “abetment to commit suicide” is a difficult task much because according to law, it should be proved beyond reasonable doubt that the abettor intended that the victim should end his life by committing suicide. That, ordinarily, to prove the intention coupled with positive acts on the part of the accused/ abettors vis-à-vis the causation of suicide by the victim is an uphill task.

In the case of Ude Singh & Ors V/s State of Haryana it was held that mere allegation of harassment of the deceased by another person would not suffice unless there be such action on the part of the accused which compels the person to commit suicide; and such an offending action ought to be proximate to the time of occurrence. The question of mens rea on the part of the accused in such cases have to be examined with reference to the actual acts and deeds of the accused and if the acts and deeds are only of such nature where the accused intended nothing more than harassment or snap-show of anger, a particular case may fall short of the offence of abetment of suicide. However, if the accused kept on irritating or annoying the deceased by words or deeds until the deceased reacted or was provoked, a particular case may be that of abetment of suicide.

Q. In the facts scenario of the earlier question, can the friend be liable for abetment of suicide?

Solution: Even though the act was proximate to the suicide, the friend did not have the intention.
QUESTION: 95

Judicial separation is an instrument devised under law to afford some time for introspection to both the parties to a troubled marriage. Law allows an opportunity to both the husband and the wife to think about the continuance of their relationship while at the same time directing them to live separately, thus allowing them the much-needed space and independence to choose their path.

Judicial separation is a sort of a last resort before the actual legal break up of marriage i.e. divorce. The reason for the presence of such a provision under Hindu Marriage Act is the anxiety of the legislature that the tensions and wear and tear of everyday life and the strain of living together do not result in an abrupt break – up of a marital relationship. There is no effect of a decree for judicial separation on the subsistence and continuance of the legal relationship of marriage as such between the parties. The effect however is on their cohabitation. Once a decree for judicial separation is passed, a husband or a wife, whosoever has approached the court, is under no obligation to live with his / her spouse.

The provision for judicial separation is contained in section 10 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955. The section reads as under: A decree for judicial separation can be sought on all those grounds on which decree for dissolution of marriage, i.e. divorce can be sought.

Hence, judicial separation can be had on any of the following grounds: - adultery, cruelty, leaving the company of spouse, apostasy (Conversion of religion), insanity, virulent and incurable form of leprosy, venereal disease in a communicable form, renunciation of world by entering any religious order, has not been heard of as being alive for seven years.

If the person applying for judicial separation is the wife, then the following additional grounds are available to her: Remarriage or earlier marriage of the husband but solemnised before the commencement of Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, provided the other wife is alive at the time of presentation of petition; Rape by the husband committed after the solemnization of his marriage with the petitioner; Non-resumption of co-habitation between the parties till at least one year after an award of maintenance was made by any court; Solemnization of the petitioner wife’s marriage with the respondent husband before she had attained the age of 15 years.

If the parties agree to resume cohabitation any time after the passing of the decree for judicial separation, they can get the decree rescinded by applying to the court. Section 10(2) empowers the Court to rescind the decree for judicial separation if it considers it just and reasonable to do so.

Q. In the context of the above passage which of the following statements is correct?

Solution: Clearly mentioned in para 1.
QUESTION: 96

Judicial separation is an instrument devised under law to afford some time for introspection to both the parties to a troubled marriage. Law allows an opportunity to both the husband and the wife to think about the continuance of their relationship while at the same time directing them to live separately, thus allowing them the much-needed space and independence to choose their path.

Judicial separation is a sort of a last resort before the actual legal break up of marriage i.e. divorce. The reason for the presence of such a provision under Hindu Marriage Act is the anxiety of the legislature that the tensions and wear and tear of everyday life and the strain of living together do not result in an abrupt break – up of a marital relationship. There is no effect of a decree for judicial separation on the subsistence and continuance of the legal relationship of marriage as such between the parties. The effect however is on their cohabitation. Once a decree for judicial separation is passed, a husband or a wife, whosoever has approached the court, is under no obligation to live with his / her spouse.

The provision for judicial separation is contained in section 10 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955. The section reads as under: A decree for judicial separation can be sought on all those grounds on which decree for dissolution of marriage, i.e. divorce can be sought.

Hence, judicial separation can be had on any of the following grounds: - adultery, cruelty, leaving the company of spouse, apostasy (Conversion of religion), insanity, virulent and incurable form of leprosy, venereal disease in a communicable form, renunciation of world by entering any religious order, has not been heard of as being alive for seven years.

If the person applying for judicial separation is the wife, then the following additional grounds are available to her: Remarriage or earlier marriage of the husband but solemnised before the commencement of Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, provided the other wife is alive at the time of presentation of petition; Rape by the husband committed after the solemnization of his marriage with the petitioner; Non-resumption of co-habitation between the parties till at least one year after an award of maintenance was made by any court; Solemnization of the petitioner wife’s marriage with the respondent husband before she had attained the age of 15 years.

If the parties agree to resume cohabitation any time after the passing of the decree for judicial separation, they can get the decree rescinded by applying to the court. Section 10(2) empowers the Court to rescind the decree for judicial separation if it considers it just and reasonable to do so.

Q. “A” and “B” who are husband and wife, got a decree for judicial separation. The husband “B”, approached the court to rescind the decree passed for judicial separation. Can “B” succeed?

Solution: Section 10(2) empowers the Court to rescind the decree for judicial separation if it considers it just and reasonable to do so.
QUESTION: 97

Judicial separation is an instrument devised under law to afford some time for introspection to both the parties to a troubled marriage. Law allows an opportunity to both the husband and the wife to think about the continuance of their relationship while at the same time directing them to live separately, thus allowing them the much-needed space and independence to choose their path.

Judicial separation is a sort of a last resort before the actual legal break up of marriage i.e. divorce. The reason for the presence of such a provision under Hindu Marriage Act is the anxiety of the legislature that the tensions and wear and tear of everyday life and the strain of living together do not result in an abrupt break – up of a marital relationship. There is no effect of a decree for judicial separation on the subsistence and continuance of the legal relationship of marriage as such between the parties. The effect however is on their cohabitation. Once a decree for judicial separation is passed, a husband or a wife, whosoever has approached the court, is under no obligation to live with his / her spouse.

The provision for judicial separation is contained in section 10 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955. The section reads as under: A decree for judicial separation can be sought on all those grounds on which decree for dissolution of marriage, i.e. divorce can be sought.

Hence, judicial separation can be had on any of the following grounds: - adultery, cruelty, leaving the company of spouse, apostasy (Conversion of religion), insanity, virulent and incurable form of leprosy, venereal disease in a communicable form, renunciation of world by entering any religious order, has not been heard of as being alive for seven years.

If the person applying for judicial separation is the wife, then the following additional grounds are available to her: Remarriage or earlier marriage of the husband but solemnised before the commencement of Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, provided the other wife is alive at the time of presentation of petition; Rape by the husband committed after the solemnization of his marriage with the petitioner; Non-resumption of co-habitation between the parties till at least one year after an award of maintenance was made by any court; Solemnization of the petitioner wife’s marriage with the respondent husband before she had attained the age of 15 years.

If the parties agree to resume cohabitation any time after the passing of the decree for judicial separation, they can get the decree rescinded by applying to the court. Section 10(2) empowers the Court to rescind the decree for judicial separation if it considers it just and reasonable to do so.

Q. Which of the following is not a valid ground for the judicial separation, as suggested in the passage?

Solution: Situations mentioned in options A, B and C have been specified as valid grounds for judicial separation or divorce. But being unhappy with a husband is not mentioned as a valid ground.
QUESTION: 98

Judicial separation is an instrument devised under law to afford some time for introspection to both the parties to a troubled marriage. Law allows an opportunity to both the husband and the wife to think about the continuance of their relationship while at the same time directing them to live separately, thus allowing them the much-needed space and independence to choose their path.

Judicial separation is a sort of a last resort before the actual legal break up of marriage i.e. divorce. The reason for the presence of such a provision under Hindu Marriage Act is the anxiety of the legislature that the tensions and wear and tear of everyday life and the strain of living together do not result in an abrupt break – up of a marital relationship. There is no effect of a decree for judicial separation on the subsistence and continuance of the legal relationship of marriage as such between the parties. The effect however is on their cohabitation. Once a decree for judicial separation is passed, a husband or a wife, whosoever has approached the court, is under no obligation to live with his / her spouse.

The provision for judicial separation is contained in section 10 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955. The section reads as under: A decree for judicial separation can be sought on all those grounds on which decree for dissolution of marriage, i.e. divorce can be sought.

Hence, judicial separation can be had on any of the following grounds: - adultery, cruelty, leaving the company of spouse, apostasy (Conversion of religion), insanity, virulent and incurable form of leprosy, venereal disease in a communicable form, renunciation of world by entering any religious order, has not been heard of as being alive for seven years.

If the person applying for judicial separation is the wife, then the following additional grounds are available to her: Remarriage or earlier marriage of the husband but solemnised before the commencement of Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, provided the other wife is alive at the time of presentation of petition; Rape by the husband committed after the solemnization of his marriage with the petitioner; Non-resumption of co-habitation between the parties till at least one year after an award of maintenance was made by any court; Solemnization of the petitioner wife’s marriage with the respondent husband before she had attained the age of 15 years.

If the parties agree to resume cohabitation any time after the passing of the decree for judicial separation, they can get the decree rescinded by applying to the court. Section 10(2) empowers the Court to rescind the decree for judicial separation if it considers it just and reasonable to do so.

Q. Kunal and Simran have been happily married for 10 years and have two kids. Kunal has recently met Shahnaz and wants to marry her. Since he does not want to relinquish control of his kids, he converts from Hinduism to Islam as Muslim men are legally allowed to have 4 wives. Simran wants to apply for a divorce.

Solution: Apostasy or conversion of religion is mentioned as a valid ground for judicial separation and divorce.
QUESTION: 99

Judicial separation is an instrument devised under law to afford some time for introspection to both the parties to a troubled marriage. Law allows an opportunity to both the husband and the wife to think about the continuance of their relationship while at the same time directing them to live separately, thus allowing them the much-needed space and independence to choose their path.

Judicial separation is a sort of a last resort before the actual legal break up of marriage i.e. divorce. The reason for the presence of such a provision under Hindu Marriage Act is the anxiety of the legislature that the tensions and wear and tear of everyday life and the strain of living together do not result in an abrupt break – up of a marital relationship. There is no effect of a decree for judicial separation on the subsistence and continuance of the legal relationship of marriage as such between the parties. The effect however is on their cohabitation. Once a decree for judicial separation is passed, a husband or a wife, whosoever has approached the court, is under no obligation to live with his / her spouse.

The provision for judicial separation is contained in section 10 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955. The section reads as under: A decree for judicial separation can be sought on all those grounds on which decree for dissolution of marriage, i.e. divorce can be sought.

Hence, judicial separation can be had on any of the following grounds: - adultery, cruelty, leaving the company of spouse, apostasy (Conversion of religion), insanity, virulent and incurable form of leprosy, venereal disease in a communicable form, renunciation of world by entering any religious order, has not been heard of as being alive for seven years.

If the person applying for judicial separation is the wife, then the following additional grounds are available to her: Remarriage or earlier marriage of the husband but solemnised before the commencement of Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, provided the other wife is alive at the time of presentation of petition; Rape by the husband committed after the solemnization of his marriage with the petitioner; Non-resumption of co-habitation between the parties till at least one year after an award of maintenance was made by any court; Solemnization of the petitioner wife’s marriage with the respondent husband before she had attained the age of 15 years.

If the parties agree to resume cohabitation any time after the passing of the decree for judicial separation, they can get the decree rescinded by applying to the court. Section 10(2) empowers the Court to rescind the decree for judicial separation if it considers it just and reasonable to do so.

Q. Prabhat and his wife Praveena have been happily married. After 15 years of marriage, Prabhat has been convicted of rape of his colleague. Praveena wants to file for judicial separation as she cannot stand the thought of living under the same roof as Prabhat after he serves the sentence. Is it a valid ground for judicial separation?

Solution: The grounds of Rape is only available for the wife to file for judicial separation.
QUESTION: 100

In Kamil Sieczynski v Union of India, a single-judge bench of the Calcutta High Court set aside a “Leave India Notice” [“LIN”] issued by the government to the Petitioner, who was a Polish student studying in India. The ostensible basis of the Notice – issued under Section 3(2)(c) of the Foreigners Act – was that the petitioner, not being a citizen of India, could not have participated in “political rallies'' while in the country. The petitioner impugned the LIN on both procedural and substantive grounds: namely, that he had not been heard, that the LIN was not supported by any reasons, and that it violated his rights under Article 21 of the Constitution. The State, on the other hand, raised a set of familiar arguments: it relied on its prerogative powers in matters of entry or expulsion into India since a foreigner can’t claim the right to reside in India, submitted materials in a sealed cover, denied any obligation to accord a hearing, and argued that foreigners could not agitate constitutional rights that flowed from Article 19.

Justice J found for the Petitioner on all counts. He began by noting that the Petitioner was lawfully in India on a valid student visa. Consequently, the right of the Petitioner to reside in India – flowing from his visa – could not be revoked without a hearing. J then observed that the material in the “sealed cover” was essentially two sheets of paper that referred to the Petitioner’s attendance at an anti-CAA rally, and a decision taken by “higher formations” to expel him from the country. This led him to consider the substantive question at issue.

J held that though Article 19 (right free speech and expression) was not available to the Petitioner (as a non-citizen), Article 21 – available to “all persons” – covered his right to participate in protests and rallies. Additionally, J pointed out that the powers under Section 3 of the Foreigners Act were not “unfettered”, but had to be exercised within the constitutional framework and only on acts committed in India. Interestingly, he also held that some of the earlier Supreme Court judgments – that seemed to indicate that no hearing was necessary as a Section 3 order was a “purely executive order” – were not only distinguishable, but had also been overtaken by the progress of Article 14 and 21 jurisprudence, which now required a more “liberal” approach. At all times, J. insisted, the State had to comply with its constitutional obligations: both in terms of respecting individual rights, and in terms of providing reasons for coercive action. Here – as often happens – the slightest scrutiny of the State’s putative “reasons” (even though they were submitted in a sealed cover) resulted in a clear realisation that they were, in essence, no reasons at all because the state failed to enclose evidence that proved potential threat to the public order.

Q. Louis de Raedtt, who came to India on a Belgian passport, engaged himself in some Christian missionary work and he had been residing continuously in India since 2003. The government, by an order dated 5-7-2003, rejected his application requesting his further stay in the country. If Raedtt challenged this position in the court, which of the following would strengthen the case of the state?

Solution: Residing in India comes under the fundamental right under Article 19, which is granted only to the citizens of India.
QUESTION: 101

In Kamil Sieczynski v Union of India, a single-judge bench of the Calcutta High Court set aside a “Leave India Notice” [“LIN”] issued by the government to the Petitioner, who was a Polish student studying in India. The ostensible basis of the Notice – issued under Section 3(2)(c) of the Foreigners Act – was that the petitioner, not being a citizen of India, could not have participated in “political rallies'' while in the country. The petitioner impugned the LIN on both procedural and substantive grounds: namely, that he had not been heard, that the LIN was not supported by any reasons, and that it violated his rights under Article 21 of the Constitution. The State, on the other hand, raised a set of familiar arguments: it relied on its prerogative powers in matters of entry or expulsion into India since a foreigner can’t claim the right to reside in India, submitted materials in a sealed cover, denied any obligation to accord a hearing, and argued that foreigners could not agitate constitutional rights that flowed from Article 19.

Justice J found for the Petitioner on all counts. He began by noting that the Petitioner was lawfully in India on a valid student visa. Consequently, the right of the Petitioner to reside in India – flowing from his visa – could not be revoked without a hearing. J then observed that the material in the “sealed cover” was essentially two sheets of paper that referred to the Petitioner’s attendance at an anti-CAA rally, and a decision taken by “higher formations” to expel him from the country. This led him to consider the substantive question at issue.

J held that though Article 19 (right free speech and expression) was not available to the Petitioner (as a non-citizen), Article 21 – available to “all persons” – covered his right to participate in protests and rallies. Additionally, J pointed out that the powers under Section 3 of the Foreigners Act were not “unfettered”, but had to be exercised within the constitutional framework and only on acts committed in India. Interestingly, he also held that some of the earlier Supreme Court judgments – that seemed to indicate that no hearing was necessary as a Section 3 order was a “purely executive order” – were not only distinguishable, but had also been overtaken by the progress of Article 14 and 21 jurisprudence, which now required a more “liberal” approach. At all times, J. insisted, the State had to comply with its constitutional obligations: both in terms of respecting individual rights, and in terms of providing reasons for coercive action. Here – as often happens – the slightest scrutiny of the State’s putative “reasons” (even though they were submitted in a sealed cover) resulted in a clear realisation that they were, in essence, no reasons at all because the state failed to enclose evidence that proved potential threat to the public order.

Q. The government finds out from confidential sources that a foreigner, who is currently residing in India, praised GISIS, a terrorist organisation and made 3 statements on online platforms that disparaged India while residing in Czechoslovakia. On receiving the news, the government issued her an LIN notice on the grounds of a potential threat of letting her mingle with the Indian citizens and after receiving the notice, she moved to the concerned court challenging the order. Strictly from the legal principles laid down in the paragraph, which of the following would be the likely result of the petition?

Solution: The second sentence of the last paragraph mentions that the state can only take actions against foreigners when they commit any unlawful acts while in India.
QUESTION: 102

In Kamil Sieczynski v Union of India, a single-judge bench of the Calcutta High Court set aside a “Leave India Notice” [“LIN”] issued by the government to the Petitioner, who was a Polish student studying in India. The ostensible basis of the Notice – issued under Section 3(2)(c) of the Foreigners Act – was that the petitioner, not being a citizen of India, could not have participated in “political rallies'' while in the country. The petitioner impugned the LIN on both procedural and substantive grounds: namely, that he had not been heard, that the LIN was not supported by any reasons, and that it violated his rights under Article 21 of the Constitution. The State, on the other hand, raised a set of familiar arguments: it relied on its prerogative powers in matters of entry or expulsion into India since a foreigner can’t claim the right to reside in India, submitted materials in a sealed cover, denied any obligation to accord a hearing, and argued that foreigners could not agitate constitutional rights that flowed from Article 19.

Justice J found for the Petitioner on all counts. He began by noting that the Petitioner was lawfully in India on a valid student visa. Consequently, the right of the Petitioner to reside in India – flowing from his visa – could not be revoked without a hearing. J then observed that the material in the “sealed cover” was essentially two sheets of paper that referred to the Petitioner’s attendance at an anti-CAA rally, and a decision taken by “higher formations” to expel him from the country. This led him to consider the substantive question at issue.

J held that though Article 19 (right free speech and expression) was not available to the Petitioner (as a non-citizen), Article 21 – available to “all persons” – covered his right to participate in protests and rallies. Additionally, J pointed out that the powers under Section 3 of the Foreigners Act were not “unfettered”, but had to be exercised within the constitutional framework and only on acts committed in India. Interestingly, he also held that some of the earlier Supreme Court judgments – that seemed to indicate that no hearing was necessary as a Section 3 order was a “purely executive order” – were not only distinguishable, but had also been overtaken by the progress of Article 14 and 21 jurisprudence, which now required a more “liberal” approach. At all times, J. insisted, the State had to comply with its constitutional obligations: both in terms of respecting individual rights, and in terms of providing reasons for coercive action. Here – as often happens – the slightest scrutiny of the State’s putative “reasons” (even though they were submitted in a sealed cover) resulted in a clear realisation that they were, in essence, no reasons at all because the state failed to enclose evidence that proved potential threat to the public order.

Q. The government finds out from confidential sources that a foreigner, who is currently residing in India, praised GISIS, a terrorist organisation and made 3 statements on online platforms that disparaged India while residing in Czechoslovakia. On receiving the news, the government issued her an LIN notice on the grounds of a potential threat of letting her mingle with the Indian citizens and after receiving the notice, she moved to the concerned court challenging the order. Strictly from the legal principles laid down in the paragraph, which of the following would be the likely result of the petition?

Q. Which of the following is the author of the given passage most likely to agree with?

Solution: The last part of the last paragraph alludes through the expression “as it often happens” that the state has a track record of using this provision of the act to achieve its ends.
QUESTION: 103

In Kamil Sieczynski v Union of India, a single-judge bench of the Calcutta High Court set aside a “Leave India Notice” [“LIN”] issued by the government to the Petitioner, who was a Polish student studying in India. The ostensible basis of the Notice – issued under Section 3(2)(c) of the Foreigners Act – was that the petitioner, not being a citizen of India, could not have participated in “political rallies'' while in the country. The petitioner impugned the LIN on both procedural and substantive grounds: namely, that he had not been heard, that the LIN was not supported by any reasons, and that it violated his rights under Article 21 of the Constitution. The State, on the other hand, raised a set of familiar arguments: it relied on its prerogative powers in matters of entry or expulsion into India since a foreigner can’t claim the right to reside in India, submitted materials in a sealed cover, denied any obligation to accord a hearing, and argued that foreigners could not agitate constitutional rights that flowed from Article 19.

Justice J found for the Petitioner on all counts. He began by noting that the Petitioner was lawfully in India on a valid student visa. Consequently, the right of the Petitioner to reside in India – flowing from his visa – could not be revoked without a hearing. J then observed that the material in the “sealed cover” was essentially two sheets of paper that referred to the Petitioner’s attendance at an anti-CAA rally, and a decision taken by “higher formations” to expel him from the country. This led him to consider the substantive question at issue.

J held that though Article 19 (right free speech and expression) was not available to the Petitioner (as a non-citizen), Article 21 – available to “all persons” – covered his right to participate in protests and rallies. Additionally, J pointed out that the powers under Section 3 of the Foreigners Act were not “unfettered”, but had to be exercised within the constitutional framework and only on acts committed in India. Interestingly, he also held that some of the earlier Supreme Court judgments – that seemed to indicate that no hearing was necessary as a Section 3 order was a “purely executive order” – were not only distinguishable, but had also been overtaken by the progress of Article 14 and 21 jurisprudence, which now required a more “liberal” approach. At all times, J. insisted, the State had to comply with its constitutional obligations: both in terms of respecting individual rights, and in terms of providing reasons for coercive action. Here – as often happens – the slightest scrutiny of the State’s putative “reasons” (even though they were submitted in a sealed cover) resulted in a clear realisation that they were, in essence, no reasons at all because the state failed to enclose evidence that proved potential threat to the public order.

Q. After years of protests, the Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2014, an Act of Indian Parliament that bifurcated the state of Andhra Pradesh into Telangana and the residuary Andhra Pradesh state was passed. A 68 year old Russian citizen who witnessed the fall of Soviet Union thought that this act might push both the states into a disastrous future and staged a protest against the Act. Taking cognisance of the protest, the government of India issued him the LIN notice and he moved to the concerned court challenging this order. Which of the following if true strengthen the case of the state in the above scenario?

Solution: In the last part of the last paragraph, the author stated that evidence of potential threat to the public order is a valid ground for issuing an LIN.
QUESTION: 104

In Kamil Sieczynski v Union of India, a single-judge bench of the Calcutta High Court set aside a “Leave India Notice” [“LIN”] issued by the government to the Petitioner, who was a Polish student studying in India. The ostensible basis of the Notice – issued under Section 3(2)(c) of the Foreigners Act – was that the petitioner, not being a citizen of India, could not have participated in “political rallies'' while in the country. The petitioner impugned the LIN on both procedural and substantive grounds: namely, that he had not been heard, that the LIN was not supported by any reasons, and that it violated his rights under Article 21 of the Constitution. The State, on the other hand, raised a set of familiar arguments: it relied on its prerogative powers in matters of entry or expulsion into India since a foreigner can’t claim the right to reside in India, submitted materials in a sealed cover, denied any obligation to accord a hearing, and argued that foreigners could not agitate constitutional rights that flowed from Article 19.

Justice J found for the Petitioner on all counts. He began by noting that the Petitioner was lawfully in India on a valid student visa. Consequently, the right of the Petitioner to reside in India – flowing from his visa – could not be revoked without a hearing. J then observed that the material in the “sealed cover” was essentially two sheets of paper that referred to the Petitioner’s attendance at an anti-CAA rally, and a decision taken by “higher formations” to expel him from the country. This led him to consider the substantive question at issue.

J held that though Article 19 (right free speech and expression) was not available to the Petitioner (as a non-citizen), Article 21 – available to “all persons” – covered his right to participate in protests and rallies. Additionally, J pointed out that the powers under Section 3 of the Foreigners Act were not “unfettered”, but had to be exercised within the constitutional framework and only on acts committed in India. Interestingly, he also held that some of the earlier Supreme Court judgments – that seemed to indicate that no hearing was necessary as a Section 3 order was a “purely executive order” – were not only distinguishable, but had also been overtaken by the progress of Article 14 and 21 jurisprudence, which now required a more “liberal” approach. At all times, J. insisted, the State had to comply with its constitutional obligations: both in terms of respecting individual rights, and in terms of providing reasons for coercive action. Here – as often happens – the slightest scrutiny of the State’s putative “reasons” (even though they were submitted in a sealed cover) resulted in a clear realisation that they were, in essence, no reasons at all because the state failed to enclose evidence that proved potential threat to the public order.

Q. In the situation provided in the previous question, which of the following would likely be the result of the judgment by applying the principles laid down in the paragraph?

Solution: The first part of the last paragraph makes it clear that right to participate in rallies is available to everyone under Article 21 so, the court will repeal the LIN.
QUESTION: 105

Remoteness of damage is an interesting principle. Once the damage is caused by a wrong, there have to be liabilities. The question is how much liability can be fixed, and what factor determines it. The principle of Remoteness of Damages is relevant to such cases. An event constituting a wrong can constitute a single consequence or may constitute a set of consequences i.e. series of acts/wrongs. The damage may be proximate or might be remote, or too remote. A few elaborations of cases would perhaps make it more clear.

In Haynes v. Harwood - the defendant’s servants negligently left a horse van unattended in a crowded street. The throwing of stones at the horses by a child, made them bolt and a policeman was injured in an attempt to stop them with a view to rescuing the woman and children on the road. One of the defences pleaded by the defendant was remoteness of consequences i.e. the mischief of the child was the proximate cause and the negligence of the servants was a remote cause. The rules on the remoteness of damage in the contract are found in the Court of Exchequer’s judgment in Hadley v Baxendale, as interpreted in later cases. In Hadley v Baxendale, the plaintiff’s mill had come to a standstill due to their crankshaft breakage. The defendant carrier failed to deliver the broken crankshaft to the manufacturer within the specified time. There had been a delay in restarting the mill. The plaintiff sued to recover the profits they would have made if the mill had been started without delay. The court rejected the claim on the ground that the mill’s profits must be stopped by an unreasonable delay in the carrier’s delivery of the broken shaft to the third person.

Certainly, the question of where to draw the line on recoverability of consequential losses cannot be answered by a mathematically precise formula. Judges have used their discretion from time to time, and in that process, two formulas have been highlighted:

1. The test of reasonable foresight

2. The test of directness

The Test of Reasonable Foresight - If the consequences of a wrongful act could be foreseen by a reasonable man, then they are not too remote. If on the other hand, a reasonable man could not have foreseen the consequences, then they are too remote. And, an individual shall be liable only for the consequences which are not too remote i.e. which could be foreseen.

The Test of Directness- according to the test of directness, a person is liable for all the direct consequences of his wrongful act, whether he could foresee them or not; because consequences which directly follow a wrongful act are not too remote.

Q. ‘Scott’ threw a lighted squib into a crowd and it fell upon ‘Jack’. In order to prevent injury to himself, Jack did the same thing and it fell upon Jill. Jill in his turn did the same thing and it then fell on Shepherd, as a result of which Shepherd lost one of his eyes. Decide the liability of Scott?

Solution: Scott's act was the proximate cause of damage even though his act was farthest from the damage in so far as the acts of Jack and Jill had intervened in between.
QUESTION: 106

Remoteness of damage is an interesting principle. Once the damage is caused by a wrong, there have to be liabilities. The question is how much liability can be fixed, and what factor determines it. The principle of Remoteness of Damages is relevant to such cases. An event constituting a wrong can constitute a single consequence or may constitute a set of consequences i.e. series of acts/wrongs. The damage may be proximate or might be remote, or too remote. A few elaborations of cases would perhaps make it more clear.

In Haynes v. Harwood - the defendant’s servants negligently left a horse van unattended in a crowded street. The throwing of stones at the horses by a child, made them bolt and a policeman was injured in an attempt to stop them with a view to rescuing the woman and children on the road. One of the defences pleaded by the defendant was remoteness of consequences i.e. the mischief of the child was the proximate cause and the negligence of the servants was a remote cause. The rules on the remoteness of damage in the contract are found in the Court of Exchequer’s judgment in Hadley v Baxendale, as interpreted in later cases. In Hadley v Baxendale, the plaintiff’s mill had come to a standstill due to their crankshaft breakage. The defendant carrier failed to deliver the broken crankshaft to the manufacturer within the specified time. There had been a delay in restarting the mill. The plaintiff sued to recover the profits they would have made if the mill had been started without delay. The court rejected the claim on the ground that the mill’s profits must be stopped by an unreasonable delay in the carrier’s delivery of the broken shaft to the third person.

Certainly, the question of where to draw the line on recoverability of consequential losses cannot be answered by a mathematically precise formula. Judges have used their discretion from time to time, and in that process, two formulas have been highlighted:

1. The test of reasonable foresight

2. The test of directness

The Test of Reasonable Foresight - If the consequences of a wrongful act could be foreseen by a reasonable man, then they are not too remote. If on the other hand, a reasonable man could not have foreseen the consequences, then they are too remote. And, an individual shall be liable only for the consequences which are not too remote i.e. which could be foreseen.

The Test of Directness- according to the test of directness, a person is liable for all the direct consequences of his wrongful act, whether he could foresee them or not; because consequences which directly follow a wrongful act are not too remote.

Q. A person while driving on a road, hits a girl on the footpath. The girl tumbles over a bicycle and breaks her finger, the bicycle man loses his balance and gets in front of a petrol tanker, the tanker to save the man on the bicycle steers left but unfortunately hits the railing to a river bridge and falls into it, the lock of the petrol tanker breaks resulting in the blast of petrol tanker in which the driver died. Decide the damage caused to the girl and the petrol tanker?

Solution: The damage may be proximate or might be remote based upon the nature and result of the act. In this case, the damage caused to the girl is direct and the one caused to the petrol tanker is remote.
QUESTION: 107

Dear friend,

We have no doubt about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness.

But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end without a certain degree of cooperation, willing or compulsory, of the victim.

The movement of independence has never been so strong as it is now. We have attained a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence in the world which the British power represents. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain to an international tribunal of your joint choice.

Q. Following the flow of the passage, which of the following Mahatma Gandhi is most likely to agree with?

Solution: Mahatma Gandhi has emphasised much on the indomitable spirit of non-violence. Hence, he is likely to agree that Britishers might take land, but the will and determination of the Indians is invincible.
QUESTION: 108

Dear friend,

We have no doubt about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness.

But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end without a certain degree of cooperation, willing or compulsory, of the victim.

The movement of independence has never been so strong as it is now. We have attained a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence in the world which the British power represents. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain to an international tribunal of your joint choice.

Q. What inference does Mahatma Gandhi expect Hitler to draw from his statement “It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly”?

Solution: Mahatma Gandhi wanted to convey to Hitler that someday another country can bring greater armament and defeat Germany. The fight of violence is in no one’s favour, in the long run.
QUESTION: 109

Dear friend,

We have no doubt about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness.

But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end without a certain degree of cooperation, willing or compulsory, of the victim.

The movement of independence has never been so strong as it is now. We have attained a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence in the world which the British power represents. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain to an international tribunal of your joint choice.

Q. Which of the following statements can be safely inferred about Hitler’s action in Germany, if the passage is kept as a limited source of information?

Solution: The passage is limited to the violent actions of Hitler against the Britishers and does not talk about the other acts of Hitler. However, the statement about Hitler’s gruesome acts against Jews is factually true, it cannot be inferred from the limited information mentioned in the paragraph.
QUESTION: 110

Dear friend,

We have no doubt about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness.

But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end without a certain degree of cooperation, willing or compulsory, of the victim.

The movement of independence has never been so strong as it is now. We have attained a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence in the world which the British power represents. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain to an international tribunal of your joint choice.

Q. Which of the following, if true, strengthens the statement “But ours is a unique position” in the sense in which Mahatma Gandhi has made it?

Solution: The uniqueness which Mahatma Gandhi is trying to highlight is that of the non-violence that prevails in the mode of operation of India’s struggle against Britishers, even after being such a large population.
QUESTION: 111

Dear friend,

We have no doubt about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness.

But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end without a certain degree of cooperation, willing or compulsory, of the victim.

The movement of independence has never been so strong as it is now. We have attained a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence in the world which the British power represents. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain to an international tribunal of your joint choice.

Q. What role does the statement “It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monopoly” plays for the statement “If not the British, some other power will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon”?