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Policy Versus Practice and Performance

The Doordarshan has always suffered from the dichotomy between policy pronouncements (which emphasize the use of the mass media for social progress) and the continuous drift and departure from them in actual practice. In a developing and democratic country like India, access to television and the social benefit accruing from it, is a crucial test of the social relevance of such an expensive medium. The reaison d’etre of the Doordarshan in India, according to official statements, is to create a sense of participation in our efforts to usher in a new social order. As early as February 1973, a seminar on software objectives sponsored by the government recommended that, “Television must be used in the development process as an instrument of social change and national cohesion by unhesitatingly upholding progressive values and involving the community in a free dialogue. Indian TV has to shun an elitist approach and consumer value system and evolve a truly national model”.
Officially the task assigned to the electronic media is three-fold. First, “ the AIR and Doordarshan should inform people about happenings in India and the world, objectively, fairly and without any bias, as adequately and quickly as possible” Second , “the electronic media should get across to the people the policies and programmes that the government lias framed for accelerating the process of socioeconomic transformation”. And finally, the broadcast media should pursue “an open policy and a policy that does not shirk issues and the responsibilities connected to these issues in order to develop an informed and participative citizemy; so that people know and think for themselves what is good for them and for the country”. There can be no serious difference of opinion on these objectives. The reach of the electronic media together with the high percentage of the illiterate population make the broadcast media the most appropriate vehicles of national communication.
Mrs. Indira Gandhi, who played a leading role in the growth of TV in India, saw its role primarily as a promoter of development and education in a backward country. She repeatedly affirmed the national importance of utilising TV not just for the idle entertainment of the elite but for the uplift of the poor, especially in the inaccessible rural areas. But in effect and in actual practice, the purchase of a TV set is seen as wholesale investment in entertainment which obviates the bother and expense of going to an auditorium or a stadium. Even a cursory examination of its programmes during any week makes it clear that the order in which Doordarshan fulfils the three functions of the medium is: entertainment first, information second and education third. This is true even after the introduction of the five Metro channels.
Even a casual viewer cannot but notice that the Doordarshan does not practice what it preaches and evidently such guidelines are honoured more in the breach than in the observance. The official media, despite occasional airs of openness, are generally identified as the propaganda wing of the party in power. These media do pot present a balanced and non-partisan view of the events and happenings, which an average citizen so badly requires in order to arrive at an informed judgement. India may demand free and balanced flow of information at the international level. But at home, the distinction between the ruling parly and the government, between the party interest and the national interest often gets blurred. In addition to the lack of objectivity and frankness, the news on Doordarshan also suffers from an overdose of elite and urban values.

Commercialism Vs. Social Good

From inception, broadcasting in India has been looked upon as a public service for the promotion of social objectives. The concept of advertisements for the promotion of consumer goods was also considered incompatible with the prevailing philosophy of the “socialistic pattern of society”. What causes alarm today is the proliferation in the mass media of these very advertisements for consumer goods. ' 

In a developing country like India, radio and TV should be viewed as a national resource for the uplift of the masses. It is only through a strong media network that the right kind of information and education can be imparted to the people. But the media in our country, like elsewhere in the world, have buckled under the pressure of commercial interests. As a result, besides discrimination of information or the ‘haves’ from the 'have-nots’, there is erosion of regional and cultural identities and ethics. 

Mindless entertainment with little or no educative value defeats the very purpose of building up a strong media network. For one, it is definitely not in the interest of the people to provide them with unproductive media fare . For another, it is nothing but unjustifiable use of invaluable resources. The question that inevitably arises is whether we should use TV for promoting a humane social order or to create synthetic needs.

Under the existing system Doordarshan has become a tool for the promotion of crass consumerism. It is a strange paradox that this public investment, which facilitated the rapid expansion of the TV network in a poor country, is now being exploited by the big businesses for building their own corporate images. While it is conceded that ad revenue makes a network viable and independent, the same advertising also dictates the nature, form and content of the media software. Every noble intention to arouse social consciousness through the media gels traded for unhealthy programming. 

Here is an example. Advertisers would always prefer to sponsor those programmes which create the proper mood in the viewers to buy their products. Their choice, invariably, falls on entertainment programmes. On rare occasions when serious programmes on topics like environment preservation, public hygiene or any significant social issues like land reforms or minimum wages are telecast, no sponsor is usually available. This is in stark contrast to the situation when advertisers lined up to spend a total of Rs. 35 crore on the serial ‘Mahabharat’ alone. To play the role of communicalor-cum-educator in developing countries, broadcasting media have to provide software that would enrich the lives of the people. A communication policy would have to specify some guidelines to our communicators regarding balanced programming. Here, 'balanced9 would mean the right mix of entertainment, information and education.

The Performance of the Indian Press

The press in a democratic country plays a vital role in creating, moulding, and reflecting public opinion. It is a fundamental institution of our society. Though the press in India is free, it suffers from many ills. It has yet to identify its true post-independence role so as to ensure against haphazard growth and directionless expansion. There are a few in-built handicaps such as vast geographical area, illiteracy, poverty, multiplicity of languages, and absence of adequate communication facilities.
Some other bottlenecks exist, like:

  • the linking of ownership of newspapers with other industrial or commercial enterprises, 
  • limited newspaper ownership with closely held 'share interest’, 
  • urban-oriented expansion of newspapers leaving the vast country side population untouched, 
  • inadequate and expensive newsprint, and 
  • the lack of local advertisement support.

Eminent journalists have pointed out several drawbacks which stand in the way of making the press in India an independent and impartial instrument of communication of news and views. Some of these drawbacks are :

  • the present system of accreditation of journalists, 
  • the government’s allocation of newsprint, 
  • fixation of advertisement rates, 
  • favours to journalists in the form of perquisites such as subsidized housing, medical facilities, etc.,
  • heavy dependence of the press on official releases.

Second Press commission

  • For a comprehensive andLan in-dcpth examination of the state of the Indian press and the steps that need to be taken for its development on sound and healthy lines, the Government of India appointed the second Press Commission on 18 May, 1978, headed by Justice K.M. Mathew. The appointment of the Second Press Commission had become necessary as the Indian Press had undergone several changes, had taken new strides, and acquired an added significance with an ever-expanding readership. One of the recommendations of the Second Press Commission was to include both , positive and negative aspects of an event in development reports. This implied that these reports should investigate the reasons for success as well as failure at different places and under different conditions—of various development programmes affecting the lives of the common people. 
  • But most of our newspapers merely carry official handouts giving statistics of mandays of employment provided, persons made literate or area brought under irrigation. The reporting of non-official initiatives in rural development, education reform, struggle against superstitious beliefs, evil practices like dowry and Sati or other areas of social campaign, is even less extensive than indepth reporting of the implementation of official development programmes. The Commission says : “our newspapers usually become aware of such non-official activities only after they have been honoured by a Jamnalal Bajaj Foundation award or Magsaysay award!” Another long standing criticism of the press is that it carries too much bad news at the expense of the good.
  • To gain maximum readership, the press emphasizes the exceptional rather than the representative; the sensational rather than the significant. Many activities of the utmost social consequence are not considered reportable incidents. But, as Indira Gandhi never tired of pointing out, “the meek may one day ; inherit the earth, but never the headlines”. This brings us inevitably to the question of social responsibility. Certainly, the press has travelled a long way from the arrogant attitude of the newspaper owners who said, “ A newspaper is a private enterprise owing nothing whatsoever to the public, which grants it no franchise. After all, responsible journalism is journalism with a conscience”. Nikhil Chakravarity, an « eminent journalist, feels that, “Even if you don’t like someone or disagree with him ideologically, you must be fair.” 
  • A journalist is confronted with ethical decisions almost daily. Should a news source go unnamed? Should a “leak” possibly affecting national security be used? Does the public interest override individual privacy? Should a rape victim’s identity be disclosed? Should communities be identified in a communal clash or gory details of violence reported? General professional codes call for truth, accuracy, impartiality and fair play. Unlike most countries where a free press exists, there is no universally accepted code of conduct in enforcement in India. Even the professional bodies have not been unanimous in developing any. Nor has any serious effort been made by the press to find out what the society thinks of it let alone identify the possible areas of disagreement. The Indian press had always been known for its sanity over sensitive issues like communal disturbances. 
  • But on the threshold of the nineties, it appeared that a large section of the press lost its sense of balance and fairness while reporting such highly . explosive issues and events. Barring a few glorious exceptions, most of the newspapers betrayed a distinct and dangerous slant in reporting the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid controversy. For all this, the absence of a code of professional conduct in our country is more or less made up for by lire adherence of the press to the social responsibility theory. And the performance of the press can be evaluated on the basis of this single criterion. Siich accountability to the public serves as a self regulatory mechanism in place of an explicit policy.
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