This passage is adapted from Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France. Originally published in 1790. Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789, the French formed a new governmental body known as the National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of political and social change known as the French Revolution.
To make a government requires no great prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience, and the work is done. To give freedom is still more easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is, to temper together these opposite elements of liberty and restraint in one consistent work, requires much thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and combining mind. This I do not find in those who take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather believe it. It would put them below the common level of human understanding. But when the leaders choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of popularity, their talents, in the construction of the state, will be of no service. They will become flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not the guides, of the people. If any of them should happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly limited and defined with proper qualifications, he will be immediately outbid by his competitors who will produce something more splendidly popular. Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause. Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of cowards, and compromise as the prudence of traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which may enable him to temper and moderate, on some occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become active in propagating doctrines and establishing powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose at which he ultimately might have aimed.
But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all that deserves commendation in the indefatigable labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some good may have been done. They who destroy everything certainly will remove some grievance. They who make everything new have a chance that they may establish something beneficial. To give them credit for what they have done in virtue of the authority they have usurped, or which can excuse them in the crimes by which that authority has been acquired, it must appear that the same things could not have been accomplished without producing such a revolution. Most assuredly they might. . . . Some usages have been abolished on just grounds, but they were such that if they had stood as they were to all eternity, they would little detract from the happiness and prosperity of any state. The improvements of the National Assembly are superficial, their errors fundamental.
Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather to recommend to our neighbors the example of the British constitution than to take models from them for the improvement of our own. In the former, they have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think, without some causes of apprehension and complaint, but these they do not owe to their constitution but to their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to what we have left standing in our several reviews and reformations as well as to what we have altered or superadded. Our people will find employment enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I would not exclude alteration neither, but even when I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I should follow the example of our ancestors. I would make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style of the building. A politic caution, a guarded circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional timidity were among the ruling principles of our forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to admire rather than attempt to follow in their desperate flights the aeronauts of France.
Q.1. It can be reasonably inferred from the passage that Burke is particularly upset with the National Assembly's decision to
(a) limit the king's power
(b) expand the size of the government.
(c) seek the approval of the public.
(d) ignore the advice of former leaders.
Correct Answer is Option (c)
This is the best choice. Burke argues that seeking the approval of the public ruins the talents of the National Assembly. They'll be "of no service" in building a state, he argues.
Q.2. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?
(a) "But to form a free government, that is, to temper together these opposite elements of liberty and restraint in one consistent work, requires much thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and combining mind. This I do not find in those who take the lead in the National Assembly."
(b) "Perhaps they are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather believe it. It would put them below the common level of human understanding."
(c) "But when the leaders choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of popularity, their talents, in the construction of the state, will be of no service. They will become flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not the guides, of the people."
(d) "The improvements of the National Assembly are superficial, their errors fundamental."
Correct Answer is Option (c)
This is the best choice. In these lines, Burke refers to the leaders of the National Assembly as "bidders at an auction of popularity", which supports choice C in the previous question.
Q.3. As used in the first paragraph, “instruments” most nearly means
(a) representatives.
(b) tools.
(c) counselors.
(d) navigators
Correct Answer is Option (b)
This is the best choice. Rather than guiding the people, Burke argues that the National Assembly is being used by the people, as one might use a tool.
Q.4. Based on the passage, Burke believes that French leaders who would advocate moderate positions are
(a) brave, but are likely to be distrusted.
(b) cowardly, but are likely to be praised.
(c) virtuous, but are likely to be ignored.
(d) sensible, but are likely to be undermined.
Correct Answer is Option (d)
This is the best choice. Burke calls moderate leaders "sober" and "defined with proper qualifications"—another way to say "sensible". He also claims that "moderation will be stigmatized" until leaders are forced to "defeat" their own purposes. In other words, moderation will be "undermined" or sabotaged.
Correct Answer is Option (d)
This is the best choice. "Sober", as it is used in the passage, most nearly means "reasonable" or "practical".
Q.6. Burke’s central claim in the last paragraph is that the British have
(a) failed to take effective measures to safeguard their rights.
(b) acted wisely to revise rather than replace their political system.
(c) tried to export their form of government to their neighbors.
(d) left their government essentially unchanged for hundreds of years.
Correct Answer is Option (b)
This is the best choice. Burke praises Britain's forefathers for their work on the British constitution, saying that "our happy situation" is due to "what we have left standing... as well as to what we have altered".
Q.7. Burke refers to the repair of a building in the last paragraph to make the point that
(a) governments need to be changed periodically to remain relevant.
(b) if a government has fundamental errors, it should be replaced.
(c) all governments have flaws that may be corrected with the proper intervention.
(d) changes to a government should maintain that government’s essential properties.
Correct Answer is Option (d)
This is the best choice. Burke says if he were to repair his home, he would make repairs "in the style of the building"—which is to say that he'd blend in the repairs so they didn't stick out. This choice matches that analogy.
Correct Answer is Option (b)
This is the best choice. In the final paragraph, Burke refers to the "decided conduct" of Britain's forefathers, and given how much he respects moderate, slow-moving legislating, "decided conduct" is definitely something Burke appreciates.
Q.9. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?
(a) Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather to recommend to our neighbors the example of the British constitution than to take models from them for the improvement of our own. In the former, they have got an invaluable treasure."
(b) "They are not, I think, without some causes of apprehension and complaint, but these they do not owe to their constitution but to their own conduct."
(c) "Our people will find employment enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I would not exclude alteration neither"
(d) "Let us imitate their caution if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve what they have left"
Correct Answer is Option (d)
This is the best choice. It expresses respect for the British leaders of past generations, which matches choice B in the previous question.
Q.10. Burke’s attitude toward the “gentlemen of France” in the last paragraph would best be described as
(a) scornful.
(b) sympathetic.
(c) envious.
(d) apprehensive.
Correct Answer is Option (a)
This choice best describes Burke's attitude. When he says the British are not "illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of France tell us they have got so abundant a share," he is being sarcastic. Throughout the passage, he thinks the French are behaving foolishly and thoughtlessly, so it seems unlikely that he actually believes them to be "illuminated".
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