TISS-NET Mock Test - 4 (New Pattern) - CAT MCQ

Directions: Answer the question after reading the following article.

In 2010, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg joined Microsoft founder Bill Gates and wealthy investor Warren Buffet in signing the Gates-Buffet Giving Pledge, which commits them to donate at least half of their wealth over time. Since then many other less-well-known holders of 10-figure U.S. dollar fortunes have also followed suit. What do those gazillionaires' grand gestures have to do with the rest of us? And are they role models? Yes, but not in the obvious ways. Regardless of the size or type of gift, and whether it is a company or an individual gesture, there are four lessons to be derived about the nature of gifts and how to ensure that they have the intended impact.
Authenticity matters. You can't gift your way out of controversy or into favorable situations. Generosity is not always well received. Just ask companies that offer a strategic business case for getting involved with communities in emerging markets. Sometimes community leaders look suspiciously on the company's motives and refuse generous gestures. Perhaps the gift-giver is using the community or the charity to deceive others as to his or her true nature, as in the recently hatched term "greenwashing," for companies pretending to be greener than they are through a few easy environmental gestures. And generosity is sometimes resented, as a display of conspicuous philanthropy, showing that you have more than someone else to begin with, which is a matter not to be discussed in polite company. Even if you have it, don't flaunt it. Timing is everything. Gifts have the most positive impact when unsolicited, before you're asked, and certainly before it appears that you're shamed into it. For some wealthy executives, and ex-executives, it might be too late. Numerous fired CEOs have been pilloried for walking away with gargantuan severance packages while their companies slid downhill. Had they been known for generous gifts before the exit settlements, perhaps the payment would have been viewed differently. There are numerous Wall Street bankers whose contrition and generosity months or years after the crash would be roundly criticised, not appreciated. A gift is not generous when it is expected, or when it is forced out of the giver. Activism is more important than altruism; advocacy can be as important as cash.
The power and reputation of the Gates Foundation comes from its dedication to a few clear areas of focus in which it can make a big difference, whether the U.S. high schools or malaria and HIV-AIDS in Africa. Bill and Melinda are not passive givers; they are willing to put in their personal time and credibility to advocate for strategic contributions in high places, getting government funds to add to theirs. Their personal commitment encouraged Warren Buffet to make his enormous donations through the Gates Foundation, thus multiplying the potential impact. Some gifts get returned. Others bring returns. Knowing the difference is important to make generosity a strategic skill.

Q. Why does timing matter when giving a gift?

Directions: Answer the question after reading the following article.

In 2010, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg joined Microsoft founder Bill Gates and wealthy investor Warren Buffet in signing the Gates-Buffet Giving Pledge, which commits them to donate at least half of their wealth over time. Since then many other less-well-known holders of 10-figure U.S. dollar fortunes have also followed suit. What do those gazillionaires' grand gestures have to do with the rest of us? And are they role models? Yes, but not in the obvious ways. Regardless of the size or type of gift, and whether it is a company or an individual gesture, there are four lessons to be derived about the nature of gifts and how to ensure that they have the intended impact.
Authenticity matters. You can't gift your way out of controversy or into favorable situations. Generosity is not always well received. Just ask companies that offer a strategic business case for getting involved with communities in emerging markets. Sometimes community leaders look suspiciously on the company's motives and refuse generous gestures. Perhaps the gift-giver is using the community or the charity to deceive others as to his or her true nature, as in the recently hatched term "greenwashing," for companies pretending to be greener than they are through a few easy environmental gestures. And generosity is sometimes resented, as a display of conspicuous philanthropy, showing that you have more than someone else to begin with, which is a matter not to be discussed in polite company. Even if you have it, don't flaunt it. Timing is everything. Gifts have the most positive impact when unsolicited, before you're asked, and certainly before it appears that you're shamed into it. For some wealthy executives, and ex-executives, it might be too late. Numerous fired CEOs have been pilloried for walking away with gargantuan severance packages while their companies slid downhill. Had they been known for generous gifts before the exit settlements, perhaps the payment would have been viewed differently. There are numerous Wall Street bankers whose contrition and generosity months or years after the crash would be roundly criticised, not appreciated. A gift is not generous when it is expected, or when it is forced out of the giver. Activism is more important than altruism; advocacy can be as important as cash.
The power and reputation of the Gates Foundation comes from its dedication to a few clear areas of focus in which it can make a big difference, whether the U.S. high schools or malaria and HIV-AIDS in Africa. Bill and Melinda are not passive givers; they are willing to put in their personal time and credibility to advocate for strategic contributions in high places, getting government funds to add to theirs. Their personal commitment encouraged Warren Buffet to make his enormous donations through the Gates Foundation, thus multiplying the potential impact. Some gifts get returned. Others bring returns. Knowing the difference is important to make generosity a strategic skill.

Q. The figure of speech used in the phrase ''gazillionaires' grand gestures'' is a/an

Directions: Read the given statement and answer the question asked.

Statement: Poverty has a bearing on choices and the well-being of individuals in a society. The poor also own fewer assets and spend more on food, fuel and light. This reduces the percentage they have for spending on critical things like education and health, and it makes them prone to a vicious poverty trap. Another important insight is that for poverty levels to go down, the states will have to grow faster. The states which have lagged behind on growth rates are also the ones where there are higher levels of poverty.

Q. Which of the following points can be inferred from the given information?

Directions: Choose the correct pair of words to fill the blanks in the given sentence.

The thought of a nuclear _____ sparked off by a misunderstanding poses an awesome _____.

Directions: The following sentence in this section has a blank space and four words or groups of words given after the sentence. Select the words or group of words you consider most appropriate for the blank space and mark the correct option.

If I __________ you I __________ love to accept the offer.

Directions: The question below consists of a set of labelled sentences. These sentences, when properly sequenced, form a coherent paragraph. Select the most logical order of sentences from among the options.

P. Institutions have now the right to change admission rules, charge more fees to attract more people.
Q. The market creates its own filters and slowly the poor lose entry to a system.
R. The state seems to withdraw from education playing a reluctant Father Christmas.
S. The idea of university as a public space, as a commons where subsidies allowed marginals to participate in education with dignity, is lost.

Directions: Choose the odd one out.

Directions: The given sentence has a blank space and four words or groups of words given after the sentence. Select whichever word or group of words you consider most appropriate for the blank space.

If Mohan _______ at 5 a.m., he would not have missed the train.

Directions: Out of the given alternatives, choose the one which can be substituted for the given set of words.

A name adopted by an author in his writings

Directions: The given sentence has a blank space and four words or groups of words given after the sentence. Select whichever word or group of words you consider most appropriate for the blank space.

The clouds of suspicion will clear _______ soon.

Directions: The given sentence has a blank space and four words or groups of words given after the sentence. Select whichever word or group of words you consider most appropriate for the blank space.

His property was divided ________ his daughters and sons.

Directions: In this question, a sentence has been divided into three parts, labelled as (a), (b) and (c). Read the sentence carefully to find out whether there is an error in any part of it. If you find an error, then the letter representing that part is your answer. If you find no error, then (d) should be indicated as your answer.

(a) If you have thought about the alternatives, /(b) you would not have chosen /(c) such a difficult topic for the term paper. /(d) No error

Directions: The given sentence has a blank space and four words or groups of words given after the sentence. Select whichever word or group of words you consider most appropriate for the blank space.

The teachers said that they were no longer prepared to ________ the ways of the new Headmaster.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following information.

An important variable affecting communication across cultures is fate and personal responsibility. This refers to the degree to which we feel ourselves the masters of our lives, versus the degree to which we see ourselves as subject to things outside our control. Another way to look at this is to ask how much we see ourselves able to change and maneuver, to choose the course of our lives and relationships. Some have drawn a parallel between the emphasis on personal responsibility in North American settings and the landscape itself. The North American landscape is vast, with large spaces of unpopulated territory. The frontier mentality of "conquering" the wilderness, and the expansiveness of the land stretching huge distances, may relate to generally high levels of confidence in the ability to shape and choose our destinies. In this expansive landscape, many children grow up with an epic sense of life, where ideas are big, and hope is eternal. When they experience setbacks, they are encouraged to redouble their efforts, to "try, try again." Action, efficacy, and achievement are emphasized and expected.

Free will is enshrined in laws and enforced by courts. Now consider places in the world with much smaller territory, whose history reflects repeated conquests and harsh struggles: Northern Ireland, Mexico, Israel, Palestine. In these places, there is more emphasis on destiny's role in human life. In Mexico, there is a legacy of poverty, invasion, and territorial mutilation. Mexicans are more likely to see struggles as inevitable or unavoidable. Their fatalistic attitude is expressed in their way of responding to failure or accident by saying "ni modo" ("no way" or "tough luck"), meaning that the setback was destined.

This variable is important to understand cultural conflict. If someone invested in free will crosses paths with someone more fatalistic in orientation, miscommunication is likely. The first person may expect action and accountability. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the second is lazy, obstructionist, or dishonest. The second person will expect respect for the natural order of things. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the first is coercive or irreverent, inflated in his ideas of what can be accomplished or changed.

Q. Which statement mirrors the attitude of a fatalist?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following information.

An important variable affecting communication across cultures is fate and personal responsibility. This refers to the degree to which we feel ourselves the masters of our lives, versus the degree to which we see ourselves as subject to things outside our control. Another way to look at this is to ask how much we see ourselves able to change and maneuver, to choose the course of our lives and relationships. Some have drawn a parallel between the emphasis on personal responsibility in North American settings and the landscape itself. The North American landscape is vast, with large spaces of unpopulated territory. The frontier mentality of "conquering" the wilderness, and the expansiveness of the land stretching huge distances, may relate to generally high levels of confidence in the ability to shape and choose our destinies. In this expansive landscape, many children grow up with an epic sense of life, where ideas are big, and hope is eternal. When they experience setbacks, they are encouraged to redouble their efforts, to "try, try again." Action, efficacy, and achievement are emphasized and expected.

Free will is enshrined in laws and enforced by courts. Now consider places in the world with much smaller territory, whose history reflects repeated conquests and harsh struggles: Northern Ireland, Mexico, Israel, Palestine. In these places, there is more emphasis on destiny's role in human life. In Mexico, there is a legacy of poverty, invasion, and territorial mutilation. Mexicans are more likely to see struggles as inevitable or unavoidable. Their fatalistic attitude is expressed in their way of responding to failure or accident by saying "ni modo" ("no way" or "tough luck"), meaning that the setback was destined.

This variable is important to understand cultural conflict. If someone invested in free will crosses paths with someone more fatalistic in orientation, miscommunication is likely. The first person may expect action and accountability. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the second is lazy, obstructionist, or dishonest. The second person will expect respect for the natural order of things. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the first is coercive or irreverent, inflated in his ideas of what can be accomplished or changed.

Q. The "conquering" referred to in 1^st paragraph is best understood as:

Directions: Answer the question based on the following information.

An important variable affecting communication across cultures is fate and personal responsibility. This refers to the degree to which we feel ourselves the masters of our lives, versus the degree to which we see ourselves as subject to things outside our control. Another way to look at this is to ask how much we see ourselves able to change and maneuver, to choose the course of our lives and relationships. Some have drawn a parallel between the emphasis on personal responsibility in North American settings and the landscape itself. The North American landscape is vast, with large spaces of unpopulated territory. The frontier mentality of "conquering" the wilderness, and the expansiveness of the land stretching huge distances, may relate to generally high levels of confidence in the ability to shape and choose our destinies. In this expansive landscape, many children grow up with an epic sense of life, where ideas are big, and hope is eternal. When they experience setbacks, they are encouraged to redouble their efforts, to "try, try again." Action, efficacy, and achievement are emphasized and expected.

Free will is enshrined in laws and enforced by courts. Now consider places in the world with much smaller territory, whose history reflects repeated conquests and harsh struggles: Northern Ireland, Mexico, Israel, Palestine. In these places, there is more emphasis on destiny's role in human life. In Mexico, there is a legacy of poverty, invasion, and territorial mutilation. Mexicans are more likely to see struggles as inevitable or unavoidable. Their fatalistic attitude is expressed in their way of responding to failure or accident by saying "ni modo" ("no way" or "tough luck"), meaning that the setback was destined.

This variable is important to understand cultural conflict. If someone invested in free will crosses paths with someone more fatalistic in orientation, miscommunication is likely. The first person may expect action and accountability. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the second is lazy, obstructionist, or dishonest. The second person will expect respect for the natural order of things. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the first is coercive or irreverent, inflated in his ideas of what can be accomplished or changed.

Q. Which statement best portrays the attitude of the one who vanquishes?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following information.

An important variable affecting communication across cultures is fate and personal responsibility. This refers to the degree to which we feel ourselves the masters of our lives, versus the degree to which we see ourselves as subject to things outside our control. Another way to look at this is to ask how much we see ourselves able to change and maneuver, to choose the course of our lives and relationships. Some have drawn a parallel between the emphasis on personal responsibility in North American settings and the landscape itself. The North American landscape is vast, with large spaces of unpopulated territory. The frontier mentality of "conquering" the wilderness, and the expansiveness of the land stretching huge distances, may relate to generally high levels of confidence in the ability to shape and choose our destinies. In this expansive landscape, many children grow up with an epic sense of life, where ideas are big, and hope is eternal. When they experience setbacks, they are encouraged to redouble their efforts, to "try, try again." Action, efficacy, and achievement are emphasized and expected.

Free will is enshrined in laws and enforced by courts. Now consider places in the world with much smaller territory, whose history reflects repeated conquests and harsh struggles: Northern Ireland, Mexico, Israel, Palestine. In these places, there is more emphasis on destiny's role in human life. In Mexico, there is a legacy of poverty, invasion, and territorial mutilation. Mexicans are more likely to see struggles as inevitable or unavoidable. Their fatalistic attitude is expressed in their way of responding to failure or accident by saying "ni modo" ("no way" or "tough luck"), meaning that the setback was destined.

This variable is important to understand cultural conflict. If someone invested in free will crosses paths with someone more fatalistic in orientation, miscommunication is likely. The first person may expect action and accountability. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the second is lazy, obstructionist, or dishonest. The second person will expect respect for the natural order of things. Failing to see it, they may conclude that the first is coercive or irreverent, inflated in his ideas of what can be accomplished or changed.

Q. What is the basis of all `cultural conflict`?

The following sentences when properly sequences form a coherent paragraph. Select the option that places the sentences in the correct order.

A. That complete, praise worthy sincerity which, while it delivers one into the hands of one's enemies, is as likely as not to embroil one with one's friends.
B. They are more fit for a moralist than for an artist.
C. Truth of a modest sort I can promise you, and also sincerity.
D. However humiliating for my self esteem, I must confess that the counsels of Marcus Aurelius are not for me.
E. Nobody will expect to find between the covers of this little book words of extraordinary potency or accents of irresistible heroism.

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions which follow.

The most incisive comment on politics to-day is indifference. When men and women begin to feel that elections and legislatures do not matter very much, that politics is a rather distant and unimportant exercise, the reformer might as well put to himself a few searching doubts. Indifference is a criticism that cuts beneath oppositions and wranglings by calling the political method itself into question. Eager to believe that all the world is as interested as they are, there comes a time when even the reformer is compelled to face the fairly widespread suspicion of the average man that politics is an exhibition in which there is much ado about nothing. But such moments of illumination are rare. They appear in writers who realize how large is the public that doesn't read their books. Whoever has been granted such a moment of insight knows how exquisitely painful it is. To conquer it men turn generally to their ancient comforter, self-deception: they complain about the stolid, inert masses and the apathy of the people.

The reformer is himself not lacking in stolidity if he can believe such a fiction of a people that crowds about tickers and demands the news of the day before it happens. But after a while self-deception ceases to be a comfort. This is when the reformer notices how indifference to politics is settling upon some of the most alert minds of our generation, entering into the attitude of men as capable as any reformer of large and imaginative interests. For among the keenest minds, among artists, scientists and philosophers, there is a remarkable inclination to make a virtue of political indifference.

That reaction may not be as deplorable as it seems. Pick up your newspaper, read the Congressional Record, run over in your mind the "issues" of a campaign, and then ask yourself, whether the average man is entirely to blame. If men find statecraft uninteresting, may it not be that statecraft is uninteresting? At first it was a hard confession to make, but the more I saw of politics at first-hand, the more I respected the indifference of the public. There was something monotonously trivial and irrelevant about our reformist enthusiasm, and an appalling justice in that half-conscious criticism which refuses to place politics among the genuine, creative activities of men. Science was valid, art was valid, the poorest grubber in a laboratory was engaged in a real labor, anyone who had found expression in some beautiful object was truly centered. But politics was a personal drama without meaning or a vague abstraction without substance.

Yet there was the fact, just as indisputable as ever, that public affairs do have an enormous and intimate effect upon our lives. City and countryside, factories and play, schools and the family are powerful influences in every life, and politics is directly concerned with them. If politics is irrelevant, it is certainly not because its subject matter is unimportant. Public affairs govern our thinking and doing with subtlety and persistence.

Q. What is the main point of the paragraph?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions which follow.

The most incisive comment on politics to-day is indifference. When men and women begin to feel that elections and legislatures do not matter very much, that politics is a rather distant and unimportant exercise, the reformer might as well put to himself a few searching doubts. Indifference is a criticism that cuts beneath oppositions and wranglings by calling the political method itself into question. Eager to believe that all the world is as interested as they are, there comes a time when even the reformer is compelled to face the fairly widespread suspicion of the average man that politics is an exhibition in which there is much ado about nothing. But such moments of illumination are rare. They appear in writers who realize how large is the public that doesn't read their books. Whoever has been granted such a moment of insight knows how exquisitely painful it is. To conquer it men turn generally to their ancient comforter, self-deception: they complain about the stolid, inert masses and the apathy of the people.

The reformer is himself not lacking in stolidity if he can believe such a fiction of a people that crowds about tickers and demands the news of the day before it happens. But after a while self-deception ceases to be a comfort. This is when the reformer notices how indifference to politics is settling upon some of the most alert minds of our generation, entering into the attitude of men as capable as any reformer of large and imaginative interests. For among the keenest minds, among artists, scientists and philosophers, there is a remarkable inclination to make a virtue of political indifference.

That reaction may not be as deplorable as it seems. Pick up your newspaper, read the Congressional Record, run over in your mind the "issues" of a campaign, and then ask yourself, whether the average man is entirely to blame. If men find statecraft uninteresting, may it not be that statecraft is uninteresting? At first it was a hard confession to make, but the more I saw of politics at first-hand, the more I respected the indifference of the public. There was something monotonously trivial and irrelevant about our reformist enthusiasm, and an appalling justice in that half-conscious criticism which refuses to place politics among the genuine, creative activities of men. Science was valid, art was valid, the poorest grubber in a laboratory was engaged in a real labor, anyone who had found expression in some beautiful object was truly centered. But politics was a personal drama without meaning or a vague abstraction without substance.

Yet there was the fact, just as indisputable as ever, that public affairs do have an enormous and intimate effect upon our lives. City and countryside, factories and play, schools and the family are powerful influences in every life, and politics is directly concerned with them. If politics is irrelevant, it is certainly not because its subject matter is unimportant. Public affairs govern our thinking and doing with subtlety and persistence.

Q. Which of the following statements is the author most likely to agree with?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions which follow.

The most incisive comment on politics to-day is indifference. When men and women begin to feel that elections and legislatures do not matter very much, that politics is a rather distant and unimportant exercise, the reformer might as well put to himself a few searching doubts. Indifference is a criticism that cuts beneath oppositions and wranglings by calling the political method itself into question. Eager to believe that all the world is as interested as they are, there comes a time when even the reformer is compelled to face the fairly widespread suspicion of the average man that politics is an exhibition in which there is much ado about nothing. But such moments of illumination are rare. They appear in writers who realize how large is the public that doesn't read their books. Whoever has been granted such a moment of insight knows how exquisitely painful it is. To conquer it men turn generally to their ancient comforter, self-deception: they complain about the stolid, inert masses and the apathy of the people.

The reformer is himself not lacking in stolidity if he can believe such a fiction of a people that crowds about tickers and demands the news of the day before it happens. But after a while self-deception ceases to be a comfort. This is when the reformer notices how indifference to politics is settling upon some of the most alert minds of our generation, entering into the attitude of men as capable as any reformer of large and imaginative interests. For among the keenest minds, among artists, scientists and philosophers, there is a remarkable inclination to make a virtue of political indifference.

That reaction may not be as deplorable as it seems. Pick up your newspaper, read the Congressional Record, run over in your mind the "issues" of a campaign, and then ask yourself, whether the average man is entirely to blame. If men find statecraft uninteresting, may it not be that statecraft is uninteresting? At first it was a hard confession to make, but the more I saw of politics at first-hand, the more I respected the indifference of the public. There was something monotonously trivial and irrelevant about our reformist enthusiasm, and an appalling justice in that half-conscious criticism which refuses to place politics among the genuine, creative activities of men. Science was valid, art was valid, the poorest grubber in a laboratory was engaged in a real labor, anyone who had found expression in some beautiful object was truly centered. But politics was a personal drama without meaning or a vague abstraction without substance.

Yet there was the fact, just as indisputable as ever, that public affairs do have an enormous and intimate effect upon our lives. City and countryside, factories and play, schools and the family are powerful influences in every life, and politics is directly concerned with them. If politics is irrelevant, it is certainly not because its subject matter is unimportant. Public affairs govern our thinking and doing with subtlety and persistence.

Q. Which of the following is an appropriate title for the paragraph?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions which follow.

The most incisive comment on politics to-day is indifference. When men and women begin to feel that elections and legislatures do not matter very much, that politics is a rather distant and unimportant exercise, the reformer might as well put to himself a few searching doubts. Indifference is a criticism that cuts beneath oppositions and wranglings by calling the political method itself into question. Eager to believe that all the world is as interested as they are, there comes a time when even the reformer is compelled to face the fairly widespread suspicion of the average man that politics is an exhibition in which there is much ado about nothing. But such moments of illumination are rare. They appear in writers who realize how large is the public that doesn't read their books. Whoever has been granted such a moment of insight knows how exquisitely painful it is. To conquer it men turn generally to their ancient comforter, self-deception: they complain about the stolid, inert masses and the apathy of the people.

The reformer is himself not lacking in stolidity if he can believe such a fiction of a people that crowds about tickers and demands the news of the day before it happens. But after a while self-deception ceases to be a comfort. This is when the reformer notices how indifference to politics is settling upon some of the most alert minds of our generation, entering into the attitude of men as capable as any reformer of large and imaginative interests. For among the keenest minds, among artists, scientists and philosophers, there is a remarkable inclination to make a virtue of political indifference.

That reaction may not be as deplorable as it seems. Pick up your newspaper, read the Congressional Record, run over in your mind the "issues" of a campaign, and then ask yourself, whether the average man is entirely to blame. If men find statecraft uninteresting, may it not be that statecraft is uninteresting? At first it was a hard confession to make, but the more I saw of politics at first-hand, the more I respected the indifference of the public. There was something monotonously trivial and irrelevant about our reformist enthusiasm, and an appalling justice in that half-conscious criticism which refuses to place politics among the genuine, creative activities of men. Science was valid, art was valid, the poorest grubber in a laboratory was engaged in a real labor, anyone who had found expression in some beautiful object was truly centered. But politics was a personal drama without meaning or a vague abstraction without substance.

Yet there was the fact, just as indisputable as ever, that public affairs do have an enormous and intimate effect upon our lives. City and countryside, factories and play, schools and the family are powerful influences in every life, and politics is directly concerned with them. If politics is irrelevant, it is certainly not because its subject matter is unimportant. Public affairs govern our thinking and doing with subtlety and persistence.

Q. Which of the following statements would strengthen the main point of the paragraph?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions which follow.

The most incisive comment on politics to-day is indifference. When men and women begin to feel that elections and legislatures do not matter very much, that politics is a rather distant and unimportant exercise, the reformer might as well put to himself a few searching doubts. Indifference is a criticism that cuts beneath oppositions and wranglings by calling the political method itself into question. Eager to believe that all the world is as interested as they are, there comes a time when even the reformer is compelled to face the fairly widespread suspicion of the average man that politics is an exhibition in which there is much ado about nothing. But such moments of illumination are rare. They appear in writers who realize how large is the public that doesn't read their books. Whoever has been granted such a moment of insight knows how exquisitely painful it is. To conquer it men turn generally to their ancient comforter, self-deception: they complain about the stolid, inert masses and the apathy of the people.

The reformer is himself not lacking in stolidity if he can believe such a fiction of a people that crowds about tickers and demands the news of the day before it happens. But after a while self-deception ceases to be a comfort. This is when the reformer notices how indifference to politics is settling upon some of the most alert minds of our generation, entering into the attitude of men as capable as any reformer of large and imaginative interests. For among the keenest minds, among artists, scientists and philosophers, there is a remarkable inclination to make a virtue of political indifference.

That reaction may not be as deplorable as it seems. Pick up your newspaper, read the Congressional Record, run over in your mind the "issues" of a campaign, and then ask yourself, whether the average man is entirely to blame. If men find statecraft uninteresting, may it not be that statecraft is uninteresting? At first it was a hard confession to make, but the more I saw of politics at first-hand, the more I respected the indifference of the public. There was something monotonously trivial and irrelevant about our reformist enthusiasm, and an appalling justice in that half-conscious criticism which refuses to place politics among the genuine, creative activities of men. Science was valid, art was valid, the poorest grubber in a laboratory was engaged in a real labor, anyone who had found expression in some beautiful object was truly centered. But politics was a personal drama without meaning or a vague abstraction without substance.

Yet there was the fact, just as indisputable as ever, that public affairs do have an enormous and intimate effect upon our lives. City and countryside, factories and play, schools and the family are powerful influences in every life, and politics is directly concerned with them. If politics is irrelevant, it is certainly not because its subject matter is unimportant. Public affairs govern our thinking and doing with subtlety and persistence.

Q. Which of the following statements is the author LEAST likely to agree with?

Find the most appropriate word to be fit in the blank.
It has been eight months ________ the Centre revoked the special constitutional status of Jammu and Kashmir and downgraded and divided it into two Union Territories in August 2019.

In the following question, out of the four alternatives, select the one which best expresses the meaning of the given word.

alleviate

Out of the four alternatives, choose the one which best expresses the meaning of the given word.
CUT AND THRUST

The following questions have three blanks which are to be filled with the correct form of words. Choose the words that fit the blanks to make it grammatically and contextually correct. (Note: Options are given in the respective orders)

More people _________passports to travel internationally will increase understanding and ________reduce touchpoints that could _______to war.