Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. It can be inferred from the passage that scientists now generally agree that the

enormous wingspan of the pterosaurs enable them to fly great distances

structure of the skeleton of the pterosaurs suggests a close evolutionary relationship to bats

fossil remains of the pterosaurs reveal how they solved the problem of powered flight

pterosaurs walked on all fours.

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. According to the passage, the skeleton of a pterosaur can be distinguished form that of a birdby the

presence of hollow spaces in its bones

anatomic origin of its wing strut

presence of hooklike projections on its hind feet

location of the shoulder joint joining the wind to its body

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. The ides attributed to T.H. Huxley in the passage suggest that he would most likely agree withwhich of the following statements?

An animal's brain size has little bearing on its ability to master complex behaviors.

An animal's appearance dramatically over a period of time.

Animals within a given family group are unlikely to change their appearance

The origin of flight in vertebrates was an accidental development rather than the outcome

The pterosaurs should be classifieds as birds, not reptiles.

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following is characteristic of thepterosaurs?

They were unable to fold their wings when not in use.

They hung upside down from branches as bats do before flight

They flew in order to capture prey

They were an early stage in the evolution of the birds

The lived primarily in a forest like habitat.

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. Which of the following best describes the organization of the last paragraph of the passage?

New evidence is introduced to support a traditional point of view

Three explanations for a phenomenon are presented, and each is disputed by means ofspecific information.

Three hypotheses are outlined, and evidenced supporting each is given.

Recent discoveries are described, and their implications for future study are projected

A summary of the materials in the preceding paragraphs is presented, and conclusions aredrawn.

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. It can be inferred from the passage that some scientists believe that pterosaurs.

lived near large bodies of water

had sharp teeth for tearing food

were attacked and eaten by larger reptiles

had longer tails than many birds

consumed twice their weight daily to maintain their body temperature

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. Which of the following is the principle topic of the passage?

What causes labor market pathologies that result in suffering

Why income measures are imprecise in measuring degrees of poverty

Which of the currently used statistical procedures are the best for estimating the incidence ofhardship that is due to unemployment

Where the areas of agreement are among poverty, employment, and earnings figures

How social statistics give an unclear picture of the degree of hardship caused by low wagesand insufficient employment opportunities

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9 Paleontologists have been intrigued by the fossil remains of the pterosaurs, the first flying vertebrates, for over two centuries. The challenges of powered flight and the true nature of these creatures, whether they were reptiles or birds, have been subjects of debate among scientists. However, it is generally accepted that pterosaurs were reptiles based on their skull, pelvis, and hind feet anatomy. Their wings, characterized by a greatly elongated fourth finger supporting a wing-like membrane, suggest they did not evolve into birds. Pterosaurs had a combination of bird-like and bat-like features in their overall structure and proportions, which is not surprising considering the aerodynamic constraints of flight in vertebrates. Both pterosaurs and birds have hollow bones, reducing weight, but bird bones are reinforced internally. It is likely that pterosaurs had a coat of hair to insulate against heat loss and streamline their bodies during flight. The recent discovery of a pterosaur specimen covered in hair-like fossil material supports this hypothesis. The question of how pterosaurs became airborne has led to various suggestions, including launching themselves from cliffs, dropping from trees, or using updrafts from high waves. Each hypothesis has its limitations, such as the mismatch between pterosaur feet and bat feet for cliff launching and the potential difficulty of large pterosaurs landing in trees without damaging their wings. Q. The author uses "labor market problems' in lines 1-2 to refer to which of the following ?

Deficiencies in the training of the work force

Trade relationships among producers of goods

Shortages of jobs providing adequate income

Strikes and inadequate supplies of labor

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15 The extent of suffering caused by labor market problems is a critical but contentious social policy question. Social statistics often exaggerate the level of hardship experienced. Unemployment today does not have the same severe consequences as in the 1930s when most jobless individuals were primary breadwinners, income levels were closer to subsistence, and social programs were lacking. Factors such as increased affluence, more dual-earner families, and improved social welfare have mitigated the impact of joblessness. Similarly, earnings and income data overstate hardship. Many individuals with low hourly earnings, including those near the minimum wage, come from relatively affluent families with multiple earners. Poverty statistics also do not accurately reflect labor market issues, as they mainly include the elderly, disabled, or individuals with family responsibilities who are not part of the labor force. However, social statistics also underestimate the hardship related to the labor market. Unemployment counts exclude fully employed workers with low wages, who still live in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment often combine to undermine self-support. Additionally, the number of people experiencing joblessness at some point during the year is higher than the average monthly unemployment, with part-time workers and individuals wanting a job but not in the labor force. Furthermore, income transfers primarily focus on the elderly and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor. The contradictory evidence makes it uncertain whether the number of individuals suffering due to labor market problems is in the hundreds of thousands or tens of millions, and whether high levels of joblessness require job creation and economic stimulus. The existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems. Q. The conclusion stated about the number of people who suffer as a result of forced idlenessdepends primarily on the point that

in times of high unemployment, there are some people who do not remain unemployed forlong

the capacity for self-support depends on receiving moderate-to-high wages

those in forced idleness include, besides the unemployed, both underemployed part-timeworkers and those not actively seeking work

at different times during the year, different people are unemployed

many of those who are affected by unemployment ae dependents of unemployed workers.

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15 The extent of suffering caused by labor market problems is a critical but contentious social policy question. Social statistics often exaggerate the level of hardship experienced. Unemployment today does not have the same severe consequences as in the 1930s when most jobless individuals were primary breadwinners, income levels were closer to subsistence, and social programs were lacking. Factors such as increased affluence, more dual-earner families, and improved social welfare have mitigated the impact of joblessness. Similarly, earnings and income data overstate hardship. Many individuals with low hourly earnings, including those near the minimum wage, come from relatively affluent families with multiple earners. Poverty statistics also do not accurately reflect labor market issues, as they mainly include the elderly, disabled, or individuals with family responsibilities who are not part of the labor force. However, social statistics also underestimate the hardship related to the labor market. Unemployment counts exclude fully employed workers with low wages, who still live in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment often combine to undermine self-support. Additionally, the number of people experiencing joblessness at some point during the year is higher than the average monthly unemployment, with part-time workers and individuals wanting a job but not in the labor force. Furthermore, income transfers primarily focus on the elderly and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor. The contradictory evidence makes it uncertain whether the number of individuals suffering due to labor market problems is in the hundreds of thousands or tens of millions, and whether high levels of joblessness require job creation and economic stimulus. The existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems. Q. According to the passage, one factor that causes unemployment and earnings figures tooverpredict the amount of economic hardship is the

recurrence of periods of unemployment for a group of low-wage workers

possibility that earnings may be received from more than one job per workers.

Fact that unemployment counts do not include those who work for low wages and remainpoor

Establishment of system of record-keeping that makes it possible to compile poverty statistics

Prevalence, among low-wage workers and the unemployed, of members of families in whichother are employed

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15 The extent of suffering caused by labor market problems is a critical but contentious social policy question. Social statistics often exaggerate the level of hardship experienced. Unemployment today does not have the same severe consequences as in the 1930s when most jobless individuals were primary breadwinners, income levels were closer to subsistence, and social programs were lacking. Factors such as increased affluence, more dual-earner families, and improved social welfare have mitigated the impact of joblessness. Similarly, earnings and income data overstate hardship. Many individuals with low hourly earnings, including those near the minimum wage, come from relatively affluent families with multiple earners. Poverty statistics also do not accurately reflect labor market issues, as they mainly include the elderly, disabled, or individuals with family responsibilities who are not part of the labor force. However, social statistics also underestimate the hardship related to the labor market. Unemployment counts exclude fully employed workers with low wages, who still live in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment often combine to undermine self-support. Additionally, the number of people experiencing joblessness at some point during the year is higher than the average monthly unemployment, with part-time workers and individuals wanting a job but not in the labor force. Furthermore, income transfers primarily focus on the elderly and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor. The contradictory evidence makes it uncertain whether the number of individuals suffering due to labor market problems is in the hundreds of thousands or tens of millions, and whether high levels of joblessness require job creation and economic stimulus. The existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems. Q. The author states that the mitigating effect of social programs involving income transfers onthe income level of low-income people is often not felt by

dependent children in single ? earner families

Part time workers who become disabled

full-time workers who become unemployed

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15 The extent of suffering caused by labor market problems is a critical but contentious social policy question. Social statistics often exaggerate the level of hardship experienced. Unemployment today does not have the same severe consequences as in the 1930s when most jobless individuals were primary breadwinners, income levels were closer to subsistence, and social programs were lacking. Factors such as increased affluence, more dual-earner families, and improved social welfare have mitigated the impact of joblessness. Similarly, earnings and income data overstate hardship. Many individuals with low hourly earnings, including those near the minimum wage, come from relatively affluent families with multiple earners. Poverty statistics also do not accurately reflect labor market issues, as they mainly include the elderly, disabled, or individuals with family responsibilities who are not part of the labor force. However, social statistics also underestimate the hardship related to the labor market. Unemployment counts exclude fully employed workers with low wages, who still live in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment often combine to undermine self-support. Additionally, the number of people experiencing joblessness at some point during the year is higher than the average monthly unemployment, with part-time workers and individuals wanting a job but not in the labor force. Furthermore, income transfers primarily focus on the elderly and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor. The contradictory evidence makes it uncertain whether the number of individuals suffering due to labor market problems is in the hundreds of thousands or tens of millions, and whether high levels of joblessness require job creation and economic stimulus. The existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems. Q. The author's purpose in citing those who are repeatedly unemployed during a twelve-monthperiod is most probably to show that

there are several factors that cause the payment of low wags to some members of the laborforce

unemployment statistics can underestimate the hardship resulting from joblessness

recurrent inadequacies in the labor market can exist and can cause hardships for individualworkers.

A majority of those who are jobless at any one time do not suffer severe hardship

There are fewer individuals who are without jobs at some time during a year than would beexpected on the basis of monthly unemployment figures

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15 The extent of suffering caused by labor market problems is a critical but contentious social policy question. Social statistics often exaggerate the level of hardship experienced. Unemployment today does not have the same severe consequences as in the 1930s when most jobless individuals were primary breadwinners, income levels were closer to subsistence, and social programs were lacking. Factors such as increased affluence, more dual-earner families, and improved social welfare have mitigated the impact of joblessness. Similarly, earnings and income data overstate hardship. Many individuals with low hourly earnings, including those near the minimum wage, come from relatively affluent families with multiple earners. Poverty statistics also do not accurately reflect labor market issues, as they mainly include the elderly, disabled, or individuals with family responsibilities who are not part of the labor force. However, social statistics also underestimate the hardship related to the labor market. Unemployment counts exclude fully employed workers with low wages, who still live in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment often combine to undermine self-support. Additionally, the number of people experiencing joblessness at some point during the year is higher than the average monthly unemployment, with part-time workers and individuals wanting a job but not in the labor force. Furthermore, income transfers primarily focus on the elderly and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor. The contradictory evidence makes it uncertain whether the number of individuals suffering due to labor market problems is in the hundreds of thousands or tens of millions, and whether high levels of joblessness require job creation and economic stimulus. The existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems. Q. Which of the following proposals best responds to the issues raised by the author ?

Innovative programs using multiple approaches should be set up to reduce the level ofunemployment.

A compromise should be found between the positions of those who view joblessness as anevil greater than economic control and those who hold the opposite view.

New statistical indices should be developed to measure the degree to which unemploymentand inadequately paid employment cause suffering.

Consideration showed be given to the ways in which statistics can act as partial causes of thephenomena that they purport to measure.

The labor force should be restructured so that it corresponds to the range of job vacancies.

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15 The extent of suffering caused by labor market problems is a critical but contentious social policy question. Social statistics often exaggerate the level of hardship experienced. Unemployment today does not have the same severe consequences as in the 1930s when most jobless individuals were primary breadwinners, income levels were closer to subsistence, and social programs were lacking. Factors such as increased affluence, more dual-earner families, and improved social welfare have mitigated the impact of joblessness. Similarly, earnings and income data overstate hardship. Many individuals with low hourly earnings, including those near the minimum wage, come from relatively affluent families with multiple earners. Poverty statistics also do not accurately reflect labor market issues, as they mainly include the elderly, disabled, or individuals with family responsibilities who are not part of the labor force. However, social statistics also underestimate the hardship related to the labor market. Unemployment counts exclude fully employed workers with low wages, who still live in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment often combine to undermine self-support. Additionally, the number of people experiencing joblessness at some point during the year is higher than the average monthly unemployment, with part-time workers and individuals wanting a job but not in the labor force. Furthermore, income transfers primarily focus on the elderly and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor. The contradictory evidence makes it uncertain whether the number of individuals suffering due to labor market problems is in the hundreds of thousands or tens of millions, and whether high levels of joblessness require job creation and economic stimulus. The existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems. Q. The author contrasts the 1930's with the present in order to show that

more people were unemployed in the 1930's

unemployment now has less severe effects

social programs are more needed now

there now is a greater proportion of elderly and handicapped people among those in poverty

poverty has increased since the 1930's

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