LIC Assistant Prelims Mock Test - 3 - Insurance Exams MCQ

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The debate over the moves by the Central and the Jammu and Kashmir governments to resettle Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir is one that will only bring pain to any well-wisher of the State. To understand this, one has to go back in time, when the second half of the 1980s saw Kashmir spiral out of control, gripped by violence, suspicion and dread. What had begun as an ethnic conflict was soon imparted a religious colour by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pandits, a Hindu minority in the Kashmir Valley, were targeted by the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), even though the organisation had sought to build on the original secular foundations of the National Conference, and by the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a secessionist outfit, which sparked their exodus. By 2008, their population, as assessed by the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), was reduced to 651 families from 75,343 families on January 1, 1990. Nearly 70,000 families fled in the turmoil of 1990-92, and even though the violence was brought under control, most of the remaining families left thereafter.

By 1990 — I was Special Commissioner, Anantnag, in South Kashmir then — the public had ceased to visit government offices. But in early March, several hundred people from the Nai Basti neighbourhood went to the Special Commissioner’s office in Khannabal demanding to see me. Because of the disturbed circumstances, I had set up office and residence in the rest house in the district headquarters. Mohammad Syed Shah, generally known as Syed Shah, the brother of the separatist leader, Shabbir Shah, and Muslim United Front (MUF) member of the dissolved State Assembly, demanded to know why Pandits were leaving en masse and in turn why the administration was doing nothing about it. Mr. Shah accused the administration of encouraging the migration so that the Army would be left free to unleash its heavy artillery on all habitations. When I asked the delegation if it believed that I would be party to such a plan, this was their response: ‘I had been kept in the dark, while they were privy to “secret” information’. That the Pandits were apprehensive was hardly surprising, I said. Places of worship, like the one in Anantnag, where the majority went, were being used to issue threats to them over loudspeakers. I learnt later that these inflammatory sermons, and their reverberating public applause, were audio recordings circulated to mosques to be played over loudspeakers at prayer time. Local Muslims needed to reassure the Pandits of their safety, I said. The administration would provide security whenever a threat to the Pandits was anticipated, but how effective it would all be would depend on unstinted public support, given that the residences of the Pandits were scattered. The gathering concurred and dispersed. I requested State Governor Jagmohan that he appeal to the Pandits, in a telecast, that they stay on in Kashmir, and assure them of their safety on the basis of the assurances of the Anantnag residents. Unfortunately, the only announcement to this effect was that “refugee” camps were being set up in every district, and Pandits who felt threatened could move to them rather than leave the Valley. Pandits in service who felt threatened were free to leave their stations; they would continue to be paid their salaries. I relate this story because the present flurry of allegations brings a sense of de-ja-vu. The Pandits — more than 1,20,000 in the early 1980s — numbered about 7,000 in the Kashmir Valley, in 2005.

Q. Which of the following options best describes the meaning of the phrase “privy to secret information”.

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The debate over the moves by the Central and the Jammu and Kashmir governments to resettle Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir is one that will only bring pain to any well-wisher of the State. To understand this, one has to go back in time, when the second half of the 1980s saw Kashmir spiral out of control, gripped by violence, suspicion and dread. What had begun as an ethnic conflict was soon imparted a religious colour by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pandits, a Hindu minority in the Kashmir Valley, were targeted by the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), even though the organisation had sought to build on the original secular foundations of the National Conference, and by the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a secessionist outfit, which sparked their exodus. By 2008, their population, as assessed by the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), was reduced to 651 families from 75,343 families on January 1, 1990. Nearly 70,000 families fled in the turmoil of 1990-92, and even though the violence was brought under control, most of the remaining families left thereafter.

By 1990 — I was Special Commissioner, Anantnag, in South Kashmir then — the public had ceased to visit government offices. But in early March, several hundred people from the Nai Basti neighbourhood went to the Special Commissioner’s office in Khannabal demanding to see me. Because of the disturbed circumstances, I had set up office and residence in the rest house in the district headquarters. Mohammad Syed Shah, generally known as Syed Shah, the brother of the separatist leader, Shabbir Shah, and Muslim United Front (MUF) member of the dissolved State Assembly, demanded to know why Pandits were leaving en masse and in turn why the administration was doing nothing about it. Mr. Shah accused the administration of encouraging the migration so that the Army would be left free to unleash its heavy artillery on all habitations. When I asked the delegation if it believed that I would be party to such a plan, this was their response: ‘I had been kept in the dark, while they were privy to “secret” information’. That the Pandits were apprehensive was hardly surprising, I said. Places of worship, like the one in Anantnag, where the majority went, were being used to issue threats to them over loudspeakers. I learnt later that these inflammatory sermons, and their reverberating public applause, were audio recordings circulated to mosques to be played over loudspeakers at prayer time. Local Muslims needed to reassure the Pandits of their safety, I said. The administration would provide security whenever a threat to the Pandits was anticipated, but how effective it would all be would depend on unstinted public support, given that the residences of the Pandits were scattered. The gathering concurred and dispersed. I requested State Governor Jagmohan that he appeal to the Pandits, in a telecast, that they stay on in Kashmir, and assure them of their safety on the basis of the assurances of the Anantnag residents. Unfortunately, the only announcement to this effect was that “refugee” camps were being set up in every district, and Pandits who felt threatened could move to them rather than leave the Valley. Pandits in service who felt threatened were free to leave their stations; they would continue to be paid their salaries. I relate this story because the present flurry of allegations brings a sense of de-ja-vu. The Pandits — more than 1,20,000 in the early 1980s — numbered about 7,000 in the Kashmir Valley, in 2005.

Q. Which of the following is not true according to the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The debate over the moves by the Central and the Jammu and Kashmir governments to resettle Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir is one that will only bring pain to any well-wisher of the State. To understand this, one has to go back in time, when the second half of the 1980s saw Kashmir spiral out of control, gripped by violence, suspicion and dread. What had begun as an ethnic conflict was soon imparted a religious colour by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pandits, a Hindu minority in the Kashmir Valley, were targeted by the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), even though the organisation had sought to build on the original secular foundations of the National Conference, and by the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a secessionist outfit, which sparked their exodus. By 2008, their population, as assessed by the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), was reduced to 651 families from 75,343 families on January 1, 1990. Nearly 70,000 families fled in the turmoil of 1990-92, and even though the violence was brought under control, most of the remaining families left thereafter.

By 1990 — I was Special Commissioner, Anantnag, in South Kashmir then — the public had ceased to visit government offices. But in early March, several hundred people from the Nai Basti neighbourhood went to the Special Commissioner’s office in Khannabal demanding to see me. Because of the disturbed circumstances, I had set up office and residence in the rest house in the district headquarters. Mohammad Syed Shah, generally known as Syed Shah, the brother of the separatist leader, Shabbir Shah, and Muslim United Front (MUF) member of the dissolved State Assembly, demanded to know why Pandits were leaving en masse and in turn why the administration was doing nothing about it. Mr. Shah accused the administration of encouraging the migration so that the Army would be left free to unleash its heavy artillery on all habitations. When I asked the delegation if it believed that I would be party to such a plan, this was their response: ‘I had been kept in the dark, while they were privy to “secret” information’. That the Pandits were apprehensive was hardly surprising, I said. Places of worship, like the one in Anantnag, where the majority went, were being used to issue threats to them over loudspeakers. I learnt later that these inflammatory sermons, and their reverberating public applause, were audio recordings circulated to mosques to be played over loudspeakers at prayer time. Local Muslims needed to reassure the Pandits of their safety, I said. The administration would provide security whenever a threat to the Pandits was anticipated, but how effective it would all be would depend on unstinted public support, given that the residences of the Pandits were scattered. The gathering concurred and dispersed. I requested State Governor Jagmohan that he appeal to the Pandits, in a telecast, that they stay on in Kashmir, and assure them of their safety on the basis of the assurances of the Anantnag residents. Unfortunately, the only announcement to this effect was that “refugee” camps were being set up in every district, and Pandits who felt threatened could move to them rather than leave the Valley. Pandits in service who felt threatened were free to leave their stations; they would continue to be paid their salaries. I relate this story because the present flurry of allegations brings a sense of de-ja-vu. The Pandits — more than 1,20,000 in the early 1980s — numbered about 7,000 in the Kashmir Valley, in 2005.

Q. Which of the following is not the synonym of the word “turmoil”?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The debate over the moves by the Central and the Jammu and Kashmir governments to resettle Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir is one that will only bring pain to any well-wisher of the State. To understand this, one has to go back in time, when the second half of the 1980s saw Kashmir spiral out of control, gripped by violence, suspicion and dread. What had begun as an ethnic conflict was soon imparted a religious colour by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pandits, a Hindu minority in the Kashmir Valley, were targeted by the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), even though the organisation had sought to build on the original secular foundations of the National Conference, and by the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a secessionist outfit, which sparked their exodus. By 2008, their population, as assessed by the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), was reduced to 651 families from 75,343 families on January 1, 1990. Nearly 70,000 families fled in the turmoil of 1990-92, and even though the violence was brought under control, most of the remaining families left thereafter.

By 1990 — I was Special Commissioner, Anantnag, in South Kashmir then — the public had ceased to visit government offices. But in early March, several hundred people from the Nai Basti neighbourhood went to the Special Commissioner’s office in Khannabal demanding to see me. Because of the disturbed circumstances, I had set up office and residence in the rest house in the district headquarters. Mohammad Syed Shah, generally known as Syed Shah, the brother of the separatist leader, Shabbir Shah, and Muslim United Front (MUF) member of the dissolved State Assembly, demanded to know why Pandits were leaving en masse and in turn why the administration was doing nothing about it. Mr. Shah accused the administration of encouraging the migration so that the Army would be left free to unleash its heavy artillery on all habitations. When I asked the delegation if it believed that I would be party to such a plan, this was their response: ‘I had been kept in the dark, while they were privy to “secret” information’. That the Pandits were apprehensive was hardly surprising, I said. Places of worship, like the one in Anantnag, where the majority went, were being used to issue threats to them over loudspeakers. I learnt later that these inflammatory sermons, and their reverberating public applause, were audio recordings circulated to mosques to be played over loudspeakers at prayer time. Local Muslims needed to reassure the Pandits of their safety, I said. The administration would provide security whenever a threat to the Pandits was anticipated, but how effective it would all be would depend on unstinted public support, given that the residences of the Pandits were scattered. The gathering concurred and dispersed. I requested State Governor Jagmohan that he appeal to the Pandits, in a telecast, that they stay on in Kashmir, and assure them of their safety on the basis of the assurances of the Anantnag residents. Unfortunately, the only announcement to this effect was that “refugee” camps were being set up in every district, and Pandits who felt threatened could move to them rather than leave the Valley. Pandits in service who felt threatened were free to leave their stations; they would continue to be paid their salaries. I relate this story because the present flurry of allegations brings a sense of de-ja-vu. The Pandits — more than 1,20,000 in the early 1980s — numbered about 7,000 in the Kashmir Valley, in 2005.

Q. What is the synonym of the word “apprehensive”?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The debate over the moves by the Central and the Jammu and Kashmir governments to resettle Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir is one that will only bring pain to any well-wisher of the State. To understand this, one has to go back in time, when the second half of the 1980s saw Kashmir spiral out of control, gripped by violence, suspicion and dread. What had begun as an ethnic conflict was soon imparted a religious colour by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pandits, a Hindu minority in the Kashmir Valley, were targeted by the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), even though the organisation had sought to build on the original secular foundations of the National Conference, and by the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a secessionist outfit, which sparked their exodus. By 2008, their population, as assessed by the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), was reduced to 651 families from 75,343 families on January 1, 1990. Nearly 70,000 families fled in the turmoil of 1990-92, and even though the violence was brought under control, most of the remaining families left thereafter.

By 1990 — I was Special Commissioner, Anantnag, in South Kashmir then — the public had ceased to visit government offices. But in early March, several hundred people from the Nai Basti neighbourhood went to the Special Commissioner’s office in Khannabal demanding to see me. Because of the disturbed circumstances, I had set up office and residence in the rest house in the district headquarters. Mohammad Syed Shah, generally known as Syed Shah, the brother of the separatist leader, Shabbir Shah, and Muslim United Front (MUF) member of the dissolved State Assembly, demanded to know why Pandits were leaving en masse and in turn why the administration was doing nothing about it. Mr. Shah accused the administration of encouraging the migration so that the Army would be left free to unleash its heavy artillery on all habitations. When I asked the delegation if it believed that I would be party to such a plan, this was their response: ‘I had been kept in the dark, while they were privy to “secret” information’. That the Pandits were apprehensive was hardly surprising, I said. Places of worship, like the one in Anantnag, where the majority went, were being used to issue threats to them over loudspeakers. I learnt later that these inflammatory sermons, and their reverberating public applause, were audio recordings circulated to mosques to be played over loudspeakers at prayer time. Local Muslims needed to reassure the Pandits of their safety, I said. The administration would provide security whenever a threat to the Pandits was anticipated, but how effective it would all be would depend on unstinted public support, given that the residences of the Pandits were scattered. The gathering concurred and dispersed. I requested State Governor Jagmohan that he appeal to the Pandits, in a telecast, that they stay on in Kashmir, and assure them of their safety on the basis of the assurances of the Anantnag residents. Unfortunately, the only announcement to this effect was that “refugee” camps were being set up in every district, and Pandits who felt threatened could move to them rather than leave the Valley. Pandits in service who felt threatened were free to leave their stations; they would continue to be paid their salaries. I relate this story because the present flurry of allegations brings a sense of de-ja-vu. The Pandits — more than 1,20,000 in the early 1980s — numbered about 7,000 in the Kashmir Valley, in 2005.

Q. In the passage, Mr Shah accused the administration for………….. .

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The debate over the moves by the Central and the Jammu and Kashmir governments to resettle Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir is one that will only bring pain to any well-wisher of the State. To understand this, one has to go back in time, when the second half of the 1980s saw Kashmir spiral out of control, gripped by violence, suspicion and dread. What had begun as an ethnic conflict was soon imparted a religious colour by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pandits, a Hindu minority in the Kashmir Valley, were targeted by the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), even though the organisation had sought to build on the original secular foundations of the National Conference, and by the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a secessionist outfit, which sparked their exodus. By 2008, their population, as assessed by the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), was reduced to 651 families from 75,343 families on January 1, 1990. Nearly 70,000 families fled in the turmoil of 1990-92, and even though the violence was brought under control, most of the remaining families left thereafter.

By 1990 — I was Special Commissioner, Anantnag, in South Kashmir then — the public had ceased to visit government offices. But in early March, several hundred people from the Nai Basti neighbourhood went to the Special Commissioner’s office in Khannabal demanding to see me. Because of the disturbed circumstances, I had set up office and residence in the rest house in the district headquarters. Mohammad Syed Shah, generally known as Syed Shah, the brother of the separatist leader, Shabbir Shah, and Muslim United Front (MUF) member of the dissolved State Assembly, demanded to know why Pandits were leaving en masse and in turn why the administration was doing nothing about it. Mr. Shah accused the administration of encouraging the migration so that the Army would be left free to unleash its heavy artillery on all habitations. When I asked the delegation if it believed that I would be party to such a plan, this was their response: ‘I had been kept in the dark, while they were privy to “secret” information’. That the Pandits were apprehensive was hardly surprising, I said. Places of worship, like the one in Anantnag, where the majority went, were being used to issue threats to them over loudspeakers. I learnt later that these inflammatory sermons, and their reverberating public applause, were audio recordings circulated to mosques to be played over loudspeakers at prayer time. Local Muslims needed to reassure the Pandits of their safety, I said. The administration would provide security whenever a threat to the Pandits was anticipated, but how effective it would all be would depend on unstinted public support, given that the residences of the Pandits were scattered. The gathering concurred and dispersed. I requested State Governor Jagmohan that he appeal to the Pandits, in a telecast, that they stay on in Kashmir, and assure them of their safety on the basis of the assurances of the Anantnag residents. Unfortunately, the only announcement to this effect was that “refugee” camps were being set up in every district, and Pandits who felt threatened could move to them rather than leave the Valley. Pandits in service who felt threatened were free to leave their stations; they would continue to be paid their salaries. I relate this story because the present flurry of allegations brings a sense of de-ja-vu. The Pandits — more than 1,20,000 in the early 1980s — numbered about 7,000 in the Kashmir Valley, in 2005.

Q. What is not the synonym of word “unstinted”?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

The debate over the moves by the Central and the Jammu and Kashmir governments to resettle Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir is one that will only bring pain to any well-wisher of the State. To understand this, one has to go back in time, when the second half of the 1980s saw Kashmir spiral out of control, gripped by violence, suspicion and dread. What had begun as an ethnic conflict was soon imparted a religious colour by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pandits, a Hindu minority in the Kashmir Valley, were targeted by the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), even though the organisation had sought to build on the original secular foundations of the National Conference, and by the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a secessionist outfit, which sparked their exodus. By 2008, their population, as assessed by the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), was reduced to 651 families from 75,343 families on January 1, 1990. Nearly 70,000 families fled in the turmoil of 1990-92, and even though the violence was brought under control, most of the remaining families left thereafter.

By 1990 — I was Special Commissioner, Anantnag, in South Kashmir then — the public had ceased to visit government offices. But in early March, several hundred people from the Nai Basti neighbourhood went to the Special Commissioner’s office in Khannabal demanding to see me. Because of the disturbed circumstances, I had set up office and residence in the rest house in the district headquarters. Mohammad Syed Shah, generally known as Syed Shah, the brother of the separatist leader, Shabbir Shah, and Muslim United Front (MUF) member of the dissolved State Assembly, demanded to know why Pandits were leaving en masse and in turn why the administration was doing nothing about it. Mr. Shah accused the administration of encouraging the migration so that the Army would be left free to unleash its heavy artillery on all habitations. When I asked the delegation if it believed that I would be party to such a plan, this was their response: ‘I had been kept in the dark, while they were privy to “secret” information’. That the Pandits were apprehensive was hardly surprising, I said. Places of worship, like the one in Anantnag, where the majority went, were being used to issue threats to them over loudspeakers. I learnt later that these inflammatory sermons, and their reverberating public applause, were audio recordings circulated to mosques to be played over loudspeakers at prayer time. Local Muslims needed to reassure the Pandits of their safety, I said. The administration would provide security whenever a threat to the Pandits was anticipated, but how effective it would all be would depend on unstinted public support, given that the residences of the Pandits were scattered. The gathering concurred and dispersed. I requested State Governor Jagmohan that he appeal to the Pandits, in a telecast, that they stay on in Kashmir, and assure them of their safety on the basis of the assurances of the Anantnag residents. Unfortunately, the only announcement to this effect was that “refugee” camps were being set up in every district, and Pandits who felt threatened could move to them rather than leave the Valley. Pandits in service who felt threatened were free to leave their stations; they would continue to be paid their salaries. I relate this story because the present flurry of allegations brings a sense of de-ja-vu. The Pandits — more than 1,20,000 in the early 1980s — numbered about 7,000 in the Kashmir Valley, in 2005.

Q. Which of the following organizations is not mentioned in the passage?

Find the Error in the following .If No error found select (E) as the answer. 

They had to (A)/ face much troubles (B) during their (C)/ journey to West (D)/ Bengal. No error (E)

Find the Error in the following .If No error found select (E) as the answer.

Most of (A)/ the five-years (B)/plans of India (C)/ have been (D)/ successful. No error (E)

Find the Error in the following .If No error found select (E) as the answer.

One of (A)/ my student (B)/ tells me (C)/ that she has failed (D)/in English. No error (E)

Find the Error in the following .If No error found select (E) as the answer.

She is (A)/ more cleverer (B)/ than any (C)/ other girl of (D)/ her age. No error (E)

Find the Error in the following .If No error found select (E) as the answer.

Harder (A)/ you work (B)/, the better (C)/ division you (D)/ get. No error (E)

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

Directions : In the following passage, some of the words have been left out, each of which is indicated by a number. Find the suitable word from the options given against each number and fill up the blanks with appropriate words to make the paragraph meaningful.

(16) stringent anti-pollution laws, mass awareness levels in India about the need to (17) the environment are low. Which is (18) many people insist that mere laws won’t do; what we (19) need are “environment conscious” citizens. It is in this context that the University’s (20) to introduce environment studies as a compulsory paper at the undergraduate level (21) significance. There was some (22) initially about who would teach the paper because financial (23) make it impossible for colleges to (24) approval for new teaching posts. In fact, in August 1999, the University Grants commission (UGC) imposed a ban on the creation of new teaching posts in colleges. (25) with the problem, authorities at the university have decided that serving teachers belonging to various disciplines will teach the paper. 

DIRECTIONS: Which of the phrases (a), (b), (c) and (d) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (e) as the answer.

If sense permits, it is safe to use short sentences than long ones.  

DIRECTIONS: Which of the phrases (a), (b), (c) and (d) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (e) as the answer.

He was absolute ruining by that unlucky business.

DIRECTIONS: Which of the phrases (a), (b), (c) and (d) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (e) as the answer.

He told the police that he had been robbed of all his money by a stranger.

DIRECTIONS: Which of the phrases (a), (b), (c) and (d) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (e) as the answer.

If the accused was guilty for the crime, he should be punished. 

DIRECTIONS: Which of the phrases (a), (b), (c) and (d) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (e) as the answer.

Nothing will do him so much good as a change of air.