Daily Passage Test for CLAT - Nov 7 MCQs & solutions Free

Read the given passage and answer the question that follows.

The prime minister's cabinet met at 6 a.m. on 26 June. None of her senior ministers knew of the proclamation in advance, but the cabinet quickly and dutifully approved the decision. The Emergency Order had already removed protections of rights to freedom under Article 19 of the Constitution. The president signed another proclamation under Article 359 on 27 June, suspending the right to move any court to enforce rights under Articles 14, 21 and 22. The next day, Fali S. Nariman, one of India's top law officers, dispatched a one-line letter of resignation as additional attorney-general in protest.

H. V. Kamath, among others, had warned against this Emergency provision in the Constituent Assembly, citing the cautionary example of Hitler's abuse of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. Agamben [the renowned Italian philosopher] also mentions this example as part of a rising trend since World War I in the United States, France, Britain, Italy and Switzerland to invoke emergency conditions to assume extraordinary powers, which were subsequently normalized as the paradigm of government. Kamath feared something of this kind. He argued that if India had survived the crises in Kashmir and Hyderabad without Emergency provisions, it could outlive future adversities too. But the leading drafters, including Ambedkar, were adamant that the security of the state required them to deal with extraordinary circumstances. They thought a powerful state was necessary to secure the nation's integrity and transform its outmoded and unequal society. Their arguments won the day, and the Constituent Assembly adopted the Emergency provisions.

Twenty-five years later, Kamath's warning came to pass. The Emergency proclamation signed by President Ahmed just before midnight on 25 June was announced within hours by the knocks on the doors of Indira's political opponents. By the dawn of 26 June, Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai and over 600 opposition leaders and activists were behind bars. The government managed to cut off electricity to all but two newspapers in New Delhi on the night of 25 June to prevent them from reporting the predawn swoop. In any case, the arrests had occurred too late for the morning editions to carry the news. The government seized the supplements published by the Hindustan Times and Motherland on 26 June. The newspapers of 27 June reported the declaration of the Emergency, suspending fundamental rights under Article 19, and the arrest of JP and opposition leaders. They also reported on the unscheduled radio broadcast by the prime minister on the morning of 26 June, in which she justified the proclamation on the grounds of the threat to internal stability. She spoke about "the deep and widespread conspiracy" brewing against her progressive reforms and agitations threatening law and order and normal functioning.

Q. According to the passage, why did the Prime Minister's cabinet meet on June 26?

Read the given passage and answer the question that follows.

The prime minister's cabinet met at 6 a.m. on 26 June. None of her senior ministers knew of the proclamation in advance, but the cabinet quickly and dutifully approved the decision. The Emergency Order had already removed protections of rights to freedom under Article 19 of the Constitution. The president signed another proclamation under Article 359 on 27 June, suspending the right to move any court to enforce rights under Articles 14, 21 and 22. The next day, Fali S. Nariman, one of India's top law officers, dispatched a one-line letter of resignation as additional attorney-general in protest.

H. V. Kamath, among others, had warned against this Emergency provision in the Constituent Assembly, citing the cautionary example of Hitler's abuse of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. Agamben [the renowned Italian philosopher] also mentions this example as part of a rising trend since World War I in the United States, France, Britain, Italy and Switzerland to invoke emergency conditions to assume extraordinary powers, which were subsequently normalized as the paradigm of government. Kamath feared something of this kind. He argued that if India had survived the crises in Kashmir and Hyderabad without Emergency provisions, it could outlive future adversities too. But the leading drafters, including Ambedkar, were adamant that the security of the state required them to deal with extraordinary circumstances. They thought a powerful state was necessary to secure the nation's integrity and transform its outmoded and unequal society. Their arguments won the day, and the Constituent Assembly adopted the Emergency provisions.

Twenty-five years later, Kamath's warning came to pass. The Emergency proclamation signed by President Ahmed just before midnight on 25 June was announced within hours by the knocks on the doors of Indira's political opponents. By the dawn of 26 June, Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai and over 600 opposition leaders and activists were behind bars. The government managed to cut off electricity to all but two newspapers in New Delhi on the night of 25 June to prevent them from reporting the predawn swoop. In any case, the arrests had occurred too late for the morning editions to carry the news. The government seized the supplements published by the Hindustan Times and Motherland on 26 June. The newspapers of 27 June reported the declaration of the Emergency, suspending fundamental rights under Article 19, and the arrest of JP and opposition leaders. They also reported on the unscheduled radio broadcast by the prime minister on the morning of 26 June, in which she justified the proclamation on the grounds of the threat to internal stability. She spoke about "the deep and widespread conspiracy" brewing against her progressive reforms and agitations threatening law and order and normal functioning.

Q. According to the author, what was H.V. Kamath afraid of in respect to the Emergency provision?

Read the given passage and answer the question that follows.

The prime minister's cabinet met at 6 a.m. on 26 June. None of her senior ministers knew of the proclamation in advance, but the cabinet quickly and dutifully approved the decision. The Emergency Order had already removed protections of rights to freedom under Article 19 of the Constitution. The president signed another proclamation under Article 359 on 27 June, suspending the right to move any court to enforce rights under Articles 14, 21 and 22. The next day, Fali S. Nariman, one of India's top law officers, dispatched a one-line letter of resignation as additional attorney-general in protest.

H. V. Kamath, among others, had warned against this Emergency provision in the Constituent Assembly, citing the cautionary example of Hitler's abuse of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. Agamben [the renowned Italian philosopher] also mentions this example as part of a rising trend since World War I in the United States, France, Britain, Italy and Switzerland to invoke emergency conditions to assume extraordinary powers, which were subsequently normalized as the paradigm of government. Kamath feared something of this kind. He argued that if India had survived the crises in Kashmir and Hyderabad without Emergency provisions, it could outlive future adversities too. But the leading drafters, including Ambedkar, were adamant that the security of the state required them to deal with extraordinary circumstances. They thought a powerful state was necessary to secure the nation's integrity and transform its outmoded and unequal society. Their arguments won the day, and the Constituent Assembly adopted the Emergency provisions.

Twenty-five years later, Kamath's warning came to pass. The Emergency proclamation signed by President Ahmed just before midnight on 25 June was announced within hours by the knocks on the doors of Indira's political opponents. By the dawn of 26 June, Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai and over 600 opposition leaders and activists were behind bars. The government managed to cut off electricity to all but two newspapers in New Delhi on the night of 25 June to prevent them from reporting the predawn swoop. In any case, the arrests had occurred too late for the morning editions to carry the news. The government seized the supplements published by the Hindustan Times and Motherland on 26 June. The newspapers of 27 June reported the declaration of the Emergency, suspending fundamental rights under Article 19, and the arrest of JP and opposition leaders. They also reported on the unscheduled radio broadcast by the prime minister on the morning of 26 June, in which she justified the proclamation on the grounds of the threat to internal stability. She spoke about "the deep and widespread conspiracy" brewing against her progressive reforms and agitations threatening law and order and normal functioning.

Q. What does the word 'adamant' as used in the passage mean?

Read the given passage and answer the question that follows.

The prime minister's cabinet met at 6 a.m. on 26 June. None of her senior ministers knew of the proclamation in advance, but the cabinet quickly and dutifully approved the decision. The Emergency Order had already removed protections of rights to freedom under Article 19 of the Constitution. The president signed another proclamation under Article 359 on 27 June, suspending the right to move any court to enforce rights under Articles 14, 21 and 22. The next day, Fali S. Nariman, one of India's top law officers, dispatched a one-line letter of resignation as additional attorney-general in protest.

H. V. Kamath, among others, had warned against this Emergency provision in the Constituent Assembly, citing the cautionary example of Hitler's abuse of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. Agamben [the renowned Italian philosopher] also mentions this example as part of a rising trend since World War I in the United States, France, Britain, Italy and Switzerland to invoke emergency conditions to assume extraordinary powers, which were subsequently normalized as the paradigm of government. Kamath feared something of this kind. He argued that if India had survived the crises in Kashmir and Hyderabad without Emergency provisions, it could outlive future adversities too. But the leading drafters, including Ambedkar, were adamant that the security of the state required them to deal with extraordinary circumstances. They thought a powerful state was necessary to secure the nation's integrity and transform its outmoded and unequal society. Their arguments won the day, and the Constituent Assembly adopted the Emergency provisions.

Twenty-five years later, Kamath's warning came to pass. The Emergency proclamation signed by President Ahmed just before midnight on 25 June was announced within hours by the knocks on the doors of Indira's political opponents. By the dawn of 26 June, Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai and over 600 opposition leaders and activists were behind bars. The government managed to cut off electricity to all but two newspapers in New Delhi on the night of 25 June to prevent them from reporting the predawn swoop. In any case, the arrests had occurred too late for the morning editions to carry the news. The government seized the supplements published by the Hindustan Times and Motherland on 26 June. The newspapers of 27 June reported the declaration of the Emergency, suspending fundamental rights under Article 19, and the arrest of JP and opposition leaders. They also reported on the unscheduled radio broadcast by the prime minister on the morning of 26 June, in which she justified the proclamation on the grounds of the threat to internal stability. She spoke about "the deep and widespread conspiracy" brewing against her progressive reforms and agitations threatening law and order and normal functioning.

Q. According to the author, which of the following happened after the enactment was signed?

Read the given passage and answer the question that follows.

The prime minister's cabinet met at 6 a.m. on 26 June. None of her senior ministers knew of the proclamation in advance, but the cabinet quickly and dutifully approved the decision. The Emergency Order had already removed protections of rights to freedom under Article 19 of the Constitution. The president signed another proclamation under Article 359 on 27 June, suspending the right to move any court to enforce rights under Articles 14, 21 and 22. The next day, Fali S. Nariman, one of India's top law officers, dispatched a one-line letter of resignation as additional attorney-general in protest.

H. V. Kamath, among others, had warned against this Emergency provision in the Constituent Assembly, citing the cautionary example of Hitler's abuse of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. Agamben [the renowned Italian philosopher] also mentions this example as part of a rising trend since World War I in the United States, France, Britain, Italy and Switzerland to invoke emergency conditions to assume extraordinary powers, which were subsequently normalized as the paradigm of government. Kamath feared something of this kind. He argued that if India had survived the crises in Kashmir and Hyderabad without Emergency provisions, it could outlive future adversities too. But the leading drafters, including Ambedkar, were adamant that the security of the state required them to deal with extraordinary circumstances. They thought a powerful state was necessary to secure the nation's integrity and transform its outmoded and unequal society. Their arguments won the day, and the Constituent Assembly adopted the Emergency provisions.

Twenty-five years later, Kamath's warning came to pass. The Emergency proclamation signed by President Ahmed just before midnight on 25 June was announced within hours by the knocks on the doors of Indira's political opponents. By the dawn of 26 June, Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai and over 600 opposition leaders and activists were behind bars. The government managed to cut off electricity to all but two newspapers in New Delhi on the night of 25 June to prevent them from reporting the predawn swoop. In any case, the arrests had occurred too late for the morning editions to carry the news. The government seized the supplements published by the Hindustan Times and Motherland on 26 June. The newspapers of 27 June reported the declaration of the Emergency, suspending fundamental rights under Article 19, and the arrest of JP and opposition leaders. They also reported on the unscheduled radio broadcast by the prime minister on the morning of 26 June, in which she justified the proclamation on the grounds of the threat to internal stability. She spoke about "the deep and widespread conspiracy" brewing against her progressive reforms and agitations threatening law and order and normal functioning.

Q. What reason did Indira Gandhi provide for imposing the Emergency proclamation?