Every night my father took the path from the cemetery to our house. I pretended to be asleep while he looked for the stick that he used to hide in my closet. I left the door open for him and played an amusing game with him – he left his eyes in his grave and every time I hid his stick in a different place. I watched him with half an eye until he gave up. Then he curled up on the floor, miserable and tired. I got out of bed, took his hand and walked him back to the cemetery gate before the people of the house woke up. He walked through the gate confidently and with assurance, and I watched him from a short distance as he disappeared among the graves. I’d never thought of getting rid of the stick. On the contrary, I’d taken extra care of it since my father’s night visits began. After each visit I got rid of one of the scars he had given me with it. I had gotten rid of all but one scar that was left at the bottom of the list. I didn’t know where it was, on the skin or beneath it. One last visit from him and it would all be over and I would have eliminated them all. This time I would leave him lying curled up miserably in the corner of the room for longer than usual. I might wait until dawn or until he swallowed his pride and asked me openly to escort him back to his grave before the sun came up. But he didn’t come for three nights. His absence made me very anxious. On the fourth night I decided to look for him. But this would be his last visit to us and then I would leave his stick-on top of his grave and he wouldn’t bother walking around at night dead and blind. At two o’clock in the morning I left my room quietly, taking care not to wake my mother, who leaves the door of her bedroom ajar. I didn’t think about how I was going to persuade my father to visit us for one last time. But what dead person doesn’t hope to be invited out for a walk at night so that they can breathe cool refreshing air? At the cemetery gate I spotted two shadows moving in the distance. It was my mother laying into my father with the stick. My father was trying to avoid her blows but he wasn’t moving from where he was or making any noise. From my hiding place I heard her say, “You bastard, I told you not to hit him on the head. Don’t hit him on the head or you’ll kill him.” I felt my head and found a deep wound covered with dried blood. I went through the cemetery gate and disappeared among the graves sunk in darkness. Q. Which of the following could be inferred from the passage?

The boy did not have a fixed plan to invite his father for a visit.

The boy knew that his father won’t agree to visit them for one last time.

The father was expecting the boy to come with an invite for a walk at night.

The father would have gotten convinced much easily by the sister.

Every night my father took the path from the cemetery to our house. I pretended to be asleep while he looked for the stick that he used to hide in my closet. I left the door open for him and played an amusing game with him – he left his eyes in his grave and every time I hid his stick in a different place. I watched him with half an eye until he gave up. Then he curled up on the floor, miserable and tired. I got out of bed, took his hand and walked him back to the cemetery gate before the people of the house woke up. He walked through the gate confidently and with assurance, and I watched him from a short distance as he disappeared among the graves. I’d never thought of getting rid of the stick. On the contrary, I’d taken extra care of it since my father’s night visits began. After each visit I got rid of one of the scars he had given me with it. I had gotten rid of all but one scar that was left at the bottom of the list. I didn’t know where it was, on the skin or beneath it. One last visit from him and it would all be over and I would have eliminated them all. This time I would leave him lying curled up miserably in the corner of the room for longer than usual. I might wait until dawn or until he swallowed his pride and asked me openly to escort him back to his grave before the sun came up. But he didn’t come for three nights. His absence made me very anxious. On the fourth night I decided to look for him. But this would be his last visit to us and then I would leave his stick-on top of his grave and he wouldn’t bother walking around at night dead and blind. At two o’clock in the morning I left my room quietly, taking care not to wake my mother, who leaves the door of her bedroom ajar. I didn’t think about how I was going to persuade my father to visit us for one last time. But what dead person doesn’t hope to be invited out for a walk at night so that they can breathe cool refreshing air? At the cemetery gate I spotted two shadows moving in the distance. It was my mother laying into my father with the stick. My father was trying to avoid her blows but he wasn’t moving from where he was or making any noise. From my hiding place I heard her say, “You bastard, I told you not to hit him on the head. Don’t hit him on the head or you’ll kill him.” I felt my head and found a deep wound covered with dried blood. I went through the cemetery gate and disappeared among the graves sunk in darkness. Q. Which of the following is the most appropriate usage of the term ‘ajar’?

The bank lockers were kept ajar so that not even a strand of dirt could enter.

The crime scene was taped ajar, so that no one could enter.

The ajar curtain allowed the meagre blow of wind, which was all that was there.

I need ajar to keep my cookies from smudging into batter again.

Every night my father took the path from the cemetery to our house. I pretended to be asleep while he looked for the stick that he used to hide in my closet. I left the door open for him and played an amusing game with him – he left his eyes in his grave and every time I hid his stick in a different place. I watched him with half an eye until he gave up. Then he curled up on the floor, miserable and tired. I got out of bed, took his hand and walked him back to the cemetery gate before the people of the house woke up. He walked through the gate confidently and with assurance, and I watched him from a short distance as he disappeared among the graves. I’d never thought of getting rid of the stick. On the contrary, I’d taken extra care of it since my father’s night visits began. After each visit I got rid of one of the scars he had given me with it. I had gotten rid of all but one scar that was left at the bottom of the list. I didn’t know where it was, on the skin or beneath it. One last visit from him and it would all be over and I would have eliminated them all. This time I would leave him lying curled up miserably in the corner of the room for longer than usual. I might wait until dawn or until he swallowed his pride and asked me openly to escort him back to his grave before the sun came up. But he didn’t come for three nights. His absence made me very anxious. On the fourth night I decided to look for him. But this would be his last visit to us and then I would leave his stick-on top of his grave and he wouldn’t bother walking around at night dead and blind. At two o’clock in the morning I left my room quietly, taking care not to wake my mother, who leaves the door of her bedroom ajar. I didn’t think about how I was going to persuade my father to visit us for one last time. But what dead person doesn’t hope to be invited out for a walk at night so that they can breathe cool refreshing air? At the cemetery gate I spotted two shadows moving in the distance. It was my mother laying into my father with the stick. My father was trying to avoid her blows but he wasn’t moving from where he was or making any noise. From my hiding place I heard her say, “You bastard, I told you not to hit him on the head. Don’t hit him on the head or you’ll kill him.” I felt my head and found a deep wound covered with dried blood. I went through the cemetery gate and disappeared among the graves sunk in darkness. Q. The idiom ‘I watched him with half an eye’ means:

Someone or something that acts as a reminder of something negative and thus ruins the enjoyment of something.

To look at or watch something while doing something else, especially in a secret way so that other people do not notice.

Something very small or minor can be indicative of something much more important.

A benefit available now is more valuable than some possibly larger future benefit.

Every night my father took the path from the cemetery to our house. I pretended to be asleep while he looked for the stick that he used to hide in my closet. I left the door open for him and played an amusing game with him – he left his eyes in his grave and every time I hid his stick in a different place. I watched him with half an eye until he gave up. Then he curled up on the floor, miserable and tired. I got out of bed, took his hand and walked him back to the cemetery gate before the people of the house woke up. He walked through the gate confidently and with assurance, and I watched him from a short distance as he disappeared among the graves. I’d never thought of getting rid of the stick. On the contrary, I’d taken extra care of it since my father’s night visits began. After each visit I got rid of one of the scars he had given me with it. I had gotten rid of all but one scar that was left at the bottom of the list. I didn’t know where it was, on the skin or beneath it. One last visit from him and it would all be over and I would have eliminated them all. This time I would leave him lying curled up miserably in the corner of the room for longer than usual. I might wait until dawn or until he swallowed his pride and asked me openly to escort him back to his grave before the sun came up. But he didn’t come for three nights. His absence made me very anxious. On the fourth night I decided to look for him. But this would be his last visit to us and then I would leave his stick-on top of his grave and he wouldn’t bother walking around at night dead and blind. At two o’clock in the morning I left my room quietly, taking care not to wake my mother, who leaves the door of her bedroom ajar. I didn’t think about how I was going to persuade my father to visit us for one last time. But what dead person doesn’t hope to be invited out for a walk at night so that they can breathe cool refreshing air? At the cemetery gate I spotted two shadows moving in the distance. It was my mother laying into my father with the stick. My father was trying to avoid her blows but he wasn’t moving from where he was or making any noise. From my hiding place I heard her say, “You bastard, I told you not to hit him on the head. Don’t hit him on the head or you’ll kill him.” I felt my head and found a deep wound covered with dried blood. I went through the cemetery gate and disappeared among the graves sunk in darkness. Q. What was the boy expecting with the one last visit of his father?

That the father would not show up.

That the mother will catch him and his father.

That all his scar will be gone.

Every night my father took the path from the cemetery to our house. I pretended to be asleep while he looked for the stick that he used to hide in my closet. I left the door open for him and played an amusing game with him – he left his eyes in his grave and every time I hid his stick in a different place. I watched him with half an eye until he gave up. Then he curled up on the floor, miserable and tired. I got out of bed, took his hand and walked him back to the cemetery gate before the people of the house woke up. He walked through the gate confidently and with assurance, and I watched him from a short distance as he disappeared among the graves. I’d never thought of getting rid of the stick. On the contrary, I’d taken extra care of it since my father’s night visits began. After each visit I got rid of one of the scars he had given me with it. I had gotten rid of all but one scar that was left at the bottom of the list. I didn’t know where it was, on the skin or beneath it. One last visit from him and it would all be over and I would have eliminated them all. This time I would leave him lying curled up miserably in the corner of the room for longer than usual. I might wait until dawn or until he swallowed his pride and asked me openly to escort him back to his grave before the sun came up. But he didn’t come for three nights. His absence made me very anxious. On the fourth night I decided to look for him. But this would be his last visit to us and then I would leave his stick-on top of his grave and he wouldn’t bother walking around at night dead and blind. At two o’clock in the morning I left my room quietly, taking care not to wake my mother, who leaves the door of her bedroom ajar. I didn’t think about how I was going to persuade my father to visit us for one last time. But what dead person doesn’t hope to be invited out for a walk at night so that they can breathe cool refreshing air? At the cemetery gate I spotted two shadows moving in the distance. It was my mother laying into my father with the stick. My father was trying to avoid her blows but he wasn’t moving from where he was or making any noise. From my hiding place I heard her say, “You bastard, I told you not to hit him on the head. Don’t hit him on the head or you’ll kill him.” I felt my head and found a deep wound covered with dried blood. I went through the cemetery gate and disappeared among the graves sunk in darkness. Q. What did the boy see at the cemetery gate?

The father was beating the mother.

The mother was beating the father.

The mother was lying in the arms of father.

The father was lying in the arms of the mother.

Every night my father took the path from the cemetery to our house. I pretended to be asleep while he looked for the stick that he used to hide in my closet. I left the door open for him and played an amusing game with him – he left his eyes in his grave and every time I hid his stick in a different place. I watched him with half an eye until he gave up. Then he curled up on the floor, miserable and tired. I got out of bed, took his hand and walked him back to the cemetery gate before the people of the house woke up. He walked through the gate confidently and with assurance, and I watched him from a short distance as he disappeared among the graves. I’d never thought of getting rid of the stick. On the contrary, I’d taken extra care of it since my father’s night visits began. After each visit I got rid of one of the scars he had given me with it. I had gotten rid of all but one scar that was left at the bottom of the list. I didn’t know where it was, on the skin or beneath it. One last visit from him and it would all be over and I would have eliminated them all. This time I would leave him lying curled up miserably in the corner of the room for longer than usual. I might wait until dawn or until he swallowed his pride and asked me openly to escort him back to his grave before the sun came up. But he didn’t come for three nights. His absence made me very anxious. On the fourth night I decided to look for him. But this would be his last visit to us and then I would leave his stick-on top of his grave and he wouldn’t bother walking around at night dead and blind. At two o’clock in the morning I left my room quietly, taking care not to wake my mother, who leaves the door of her bedroom ajar. I didn’t think about how I was going to persuade my father to visit us for one last time. But what dead person doesn’t hope to be invited out for a walk at night so that they can breathe cool refreshing air? At the cemetery gate I spotted two shadows moving in the distance. It was my mother laying into my father with the stick. My father was trying to avoid her blows but he wasn’t moving from where he was or making any noise. From my hiding place I heard her say, “You bastard, I told you not to hit him on the head. Don’t hit him on the head or you’ll kill him.” I felt my head and found a deep wound covered with dried blood. I went through the cemetery gate and disappeared among the graves sunk in darkness. Q. Which of the following cannot be true, based on the above passage?

The father was not actually blind, but was only pretending to be blind.

The father did come for the three days, but could not muster courage to enter the house

A myth is sometimes put out that development can cure this sickness. While the frequency of violence against women varies across countries, our conviction rate of 26% is above that of France at less than 10%. 11% of our parliamentarians are women, in England that figure is 23%. In the US Congress it is only 18%. In this country, though, the people have risen and are looking to this government to act as never before. Luckily we have an action plan for governance. Economists, lawyers, academics and grassroots women’s organisations have brought together research, data and field experience in the National Womanifesto that I helped draft. It’s simple, it’s also sufficient to prevent a lot of this violence and bring better justice and equality. This could be the starting point. There are encouraging signs that the government will tackle this. The new PM used his first speech in the Lok Sabha to call for women to be respected and protected, and pledged that the government would act. The language used is of safety and protection, while the Constitution speaks of freedoms and liberties for all. But there is an important overlap. They will mean nothing though, without concrete steps to tackle the problem. We need to enforce laws that inevitably deter violence. Against the rapists in Badaun, Jaipur and Muzaffarnagar, in media houses and government quarters. Police reforms need to happen, but service rules for police prosecutors and trial judges also need to change — so recruitment, promotion and penalties include gender metrics. And each ministry needs to sit down and list exactly what it will take to make sure women are safe — more police, more judges, more training, chair and tables, protocols — and lay this out before the finance ministry. We need to prevent violence before it happens through pilot studies, also hearts and minds campaigns targeting men and boys, so that they grow up knowing deep within themselves that women are equal. Women who have been raped need support, not pity. The Center needs to work with States to scale-up assistance to rape victims by opening 24-hour crisis and support centres, and legal aid should be made available to ensure that no rapist walks free because his victim lacked the resources. And we must put women in every decision-making body in the country, and men who have committed sexual crimes must be disqualified from public office. The casual misogyny must be stamped out and women’s voices heard so their wisdom and leadership can help us solve this crisis. Of course, if we are serious about cutting out this cancer, we must focus on where it’s ugliest — the police. It’s worse that the people we entrust with our safety laugh in our faces when we report our loved ones missing. The hard-won law of 2013, allowing police officers to be prosecuted if they fail to follow fair criminal procedure, needs to be used, and often. Q. Which of the following would the author support?

Women’s voices must be heard so their wisdom and leadership can help us solve this crisis.

Women must be represented in every decision–making body in the country.

A myth is sometimes put out that development can cure this sickness. While the frequency of violence against women varies across countries, our conviction rate of 26% is above that of France at less than 10%. 11% of our parliamentarians are women, in England that figure is 23%. In the US Congress it is only 18%. In this country, though, the people have risen and are looking to this government to act as never before. Luckily we have an action plan for governance. Economists, lawyers, academics and grassroots women’s organisations have brought together research, data and field experience in the National Womanifesto that I helped draft. It’s simple, it’s also sufficient to prevent a lot of this violence and bring better justice and equality. This could be the starting point. There are encouraging signs that the government will tackle this. The new PM used his first speech in the Lok Sabha to call for women to be respected and protected, and pledged that the government would act. The language used is of safety and protection, while the Constitution speaks of freedoms and liberties for all. But there is an important overlap. They will mean nothing though, without concrete steps to tackle the problem. We need to enforce laws that inevitably deter violence. Against the rapists in Badaun, Jaipur and Muzaffarnagar, in media houses and government quarters. Police reforms need to happen, but service rules for police prosecutors and trial judges also need to change — so recruitment, promotion and penalties include gender metrics. And each ministry needs to sit down and list exactly what it will take to make sure women are safe — more police, more judges, more training, chair and tables, protocols — and lay this out before the finance ministry. We need to prevent violence before it happens through pilot studies, also hearts and minds campaigns targeting men and boys, so that they grow up knowing deep within themselves that women are equal. Women who have been raped need support, not pity. The Center needs to work with States to scale-up assistance to rape victims by opening 24-hour crisis and support centres, and legal aid should be made available to ensure that no rapist walks free because his victim lacked the resources. And we must put women in every decision-making body in the country, and men who have committed sexual crimes must be disqualified from public office. The casual misogyny must be stamped out and women’s voices heard so their wisdom and leadership can help us solve this crisis. Of course, if we are serious about cutting out this cancer, we must focus on where it’s ugliest — the police. It’s worse that the people we entrust with our safety laugh in our faces when we report our loved ones missing. The hard-won law of 2013, allowing police officers to be prosecuted if they fail to follow fair criminal procedure, needs to be used, and often. Q. Which of the following would not be contrary to the author’s view?

We must tackle discrimination against women and crime against women in every way it manifests itself.

We must work to root out institutionalised violence against “lower–caste” women, making sure that neither caste nor gender are a barrier to land rights or employment.

Land right is of utmost importance for women rights

Dalit women faces a lot of hardships.

A myth is sometimes put out that development can cure this sickness. While the frequency of violence against women varies across countries, our conviction rate of 26% is above that of France at less than 10%. 11% of our parliamentarians are women, in England that figure is 23%. In the US Congress it is only 18%. In this country, though, the people have risen and are looking to this government to act as never before. Luckily we have an action plan for governance. Economists, lawyers, academics and grassroots women’s organisations have brought together research, data and field experience in the National Womanifesto that I helped draft. It’s simple, it’s also sufficient to prevent a lot of this violence and bring better justice and equality. This could be the starting point. There are encouraging signs that the government will tackle this. The new PM used his first speech in the Lok Sabha to call for women to be respected and protected, and pledged that the government would act. The language used is of safety and protection, while the Constitution speaks of freedoms and liberties for all. But there is an important overlap. They will mean nothing though, without concrete steps to tackle the problem. We need to enforce laws that inevitably deter violence. Against the rapists in Badaun, Jaipur and Muzaffarnagar, in media houses and government quarters. Police reforms need to happen, but service rules for police prosecutors and trial judges also need to change — so recruitment, promotion and penalties include gender metrics. And each ministry needs to sit down and list exactly what it will take to make sure women are safe — more police, more judges, more training, chair and tables, protocols — and lay this out before the finance ministry. We need to prevent violence before it happens through pilot studies, also hearts and minds campaigns targeting men and boys, so that they grow up knowing deep within themselves that women are equal. Women who have been raped need support, not pity. The Center needs to work with States to scale-up assistance to rape victims by opening 24-hour crisis and support centres, and legal aid should be made available to ensure that no rapist walks free because his victim lacked the resources. And we must put women in every decision-making body in the country, and men who have committed sexual crimes must be disqualified from public office. The casual misogyny must be stamped out and women’s voices heard so their wisdom and leadership can help us solve this crisis. Of course, if we are serious about cutting out this cancer, we must focus on where it’s ugliest — the police. It’s worse that the people we entrust with our safety laugh in our faces when we report our loved ones missing. The hard-won law of 2013, allowing police officers to be prosecuted if they fail to follow fair criminal procedure, needs to be used, and often. Q. Which of the following could be the title to the passage?

A roadmap to better life for women through law enforcement

Women and atrocities they commit

For centuries women have been sidelined from the mainstream society. However, it is pertinent to note that during the early Vedic period women had a powerful role in both family and society. But with the passage of time her power and privilege both in family and society decreased. However, on an average the position of woman at that time period was nothing less than that of a puppet operated as per the whims and fancies of the man. She had no voice of her own, she lacked a self-identity. In context of India, the women’s movement can be broadly divided into three phases. The first phase can be traced from 1850 -1915. In the pre- independence era, the Women Movement started as a social change development in the nineteenth century. The colonial intervention in the nineteenth century was not chained uniquely to the market or polity but was however intruding into the areas of our culture and society, and this could affect change in the social texture of Indian culture. The second phase can be traced from 1915-1947. Gandhi legitimized and extended Indian women's public activities by absorbing them into the non-violent civil disobedience movement against the Raj which infused in women the confidence, leadership and zeal amongst them to find against the oppression and also against the patriarchy. The third stage can be identified from the year of independence to the present date. It was essentially and primarily because of the endeavors of women and their role in the freedom struggle that women got the right to vote and complete equality in the constitution in India. 20th century witnessed a rise of many strong Indian women who not only made their families proud, but also their country proud. Annie Besant was a British socialist whose heart bled for India. Sarojini Naidu was political activist and a poet. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit was an Indian diplomat and politician who later became the first female president of the United Nations General Assembly. Bachendri Pal is an Indian mountaineer, who in the year 1984 became the first Indian woman to reach the summit of Mount Everest. She was awarded Padma Bhushan by Government of India in 2019. ##For first time in history of Apex court there are 3 sitting women judges.## Apart from that the current central government led by Shri Narendra Modi has also appointed a number of women ministers in the cabinet which is a classic case of women empowerment. Further every year we listen to the news that how girls outshine boys in high school and university examinations. This proves us that how modern-day women are breaking the traditional patriarchal social norms and are excelling in both personal and professional spheres when given a chance. Things like these would not have been possible without the Feminist Movement and those strong women who changed the thinking of society towards women forever. Q. Which of the following is true according to the passage?

During the early Vedic period women had an incredible job in both family and society.

In the pre-independence era, the Women Movement began as a social change development in the nineteenth century.

Things like these would not have been conceivable without the Feminist Movement and those strong women who changed the thinking of society towards women forever.

Nineteenth century witnessed a rise of strong solid Indian women who made their families proud.

The government and the Opposition are headed on a collision course in the Budget session of Parliament, with the latter planning to move a joint motion demanding a repeal of the three laws that are agitating farmers in much of the country. The confrontation over these laws is a legacy of the last session when they were passed without detailed and proper consultation with political parties, experts and farmer representatives. The session began with around 20 Opposition parties boycotting the President’s address to a joint sitting of Parliament. BSP President Mayawati belatedly announced her party’s decision to also stay away as a mark of protest. The delay clearly outlined her intention to keep a distance from the Opposition bloc, which among others has the Congress and the Samajwadi Party. The boycott indicated a worsening of the relationship between the government and the Opposition. In January 2020, the Opposition had attended the President’s address wearing black bands. The last time the Opposition boycotted the President’s Address was in November 2019 to commemorate the Constitution Day. President Ram Nath Kovind said the government would keep the farm Bills on hold as per a Supreme Court directive but did not indicate any rethink. The government has advantages over the Opposition, in terms of the numerical strength in both Houses of Parliament. With the Tamil Nadu and West Bengal Assembly elections round the corner, two key Opposition parties, the DMK and the Trinamool Congress, are expected to be largely absent, further reducing the Opposition’s strength. The Opposition, despite its united front on the first day of the session, has a record of disintegrating in the face of the BJP’s manoeuvring in previous sessions. There will be discussion on the Motion of Thanks to the President and later on the Budget. As of now there are no indications of the Opposition skipping these events. In legislative business, recent ordinances such as the Arbitration and Conciliation (Amendment) Ordinance, 2020, which has provisions to deal with domestic and international arbitration and defines the law for conducting conciliation proceedings, and the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Amendment) Ordinance, 2021, which is for merging the J&K cadre of All India Services Officers such as the IAS, IPS and the Indian Forest Service with the Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Mizoram Union Territory (AGMUT) cadre, will have to get a parliamentary nod. The government draws its legitimacy from a parliamentary majority, but democratic conduct is more than enforcing the will of the majority. The government’s conduct in Parliament and outside, where its critics are facing the strong arm of the state machinery, should meet the high standards India has set for itself as a democracy. Q. Which of the following is true regarding democracy according to the author?

Democracy is a majoritarian game

Democratic process is based upon inequality

Legitimacy under democracy is much more than attaining mere majority

Democratic process is overlooked in a multi-party system

The government and the Opposition are headed on a collision course in the Budget session of Parliament, with the latter planning to move a joint motion demanding a repeal of the three laws that are agitating farmers in much of the country. The confrontation over these laws is a legacy of the last session when they were passed without detailed and proper consultation with political parties, experts and farmer representatives. The session began with around 20 Opposition parties boycotting the President’s address to a joint sitting of Parliament. BSP President Mayawati belatedly announced her party’s decision to also stay away as a mark of protest. The delay clearly outlined her intention to keep a distance from the Opposition bloc, which among others has the Congress and the Samajwadi Party. The boycott indicated a worsening of the relationship between the government and the Opposition. In January 2020, the Opposition had attended the President’s address wearing black bands. The last time the Opposition boycotted the President’s Address was in November 2019 to commemorate the Constitution Day. President Ram Nath Kovind said the government would keep the farm Bills on hold as per a Supreme Court directive but did not indicate any rethink. The government has advantages over the Opposition, in terms of the numerical strength in both Houses of Parliament. With the Tamil Nadu and West Bengal Assembly elections round the corner, two key Opposition parties, the DMK and the Trinamool Congress, are expected to be largely absent, further reducing the Opposition’s strength. The Opposition, despite its united front on the first day of the session, has a record of disintegrating in the face of the BJP’s manoeuvring in previous sessions. There will be discussion on the Motion of Thanks to the President and later on the Budget. As of now there are no indications of the Opposition skipping these events. In legislative business, recent ordinances such as the Arbitration and Conciliation (Amendment) Ordinance, 2020, which has provisions to deal with domestic and international arbitration and defines the law for conducting conciliation proceedings, and the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Amendment) Ordinance, 2021, which is for merging the J&K cadre of All India Services Officers such as the IAS, IPS and the Indian Forest Service with the Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Mizoram Union Territory (AGMUT) cadre, will have to get a parliamentary nod. The government draws its legitimacy from a parliamentary majority, but democratic conduct is more than enforcing the will of the majority. The government’s conduct in Parliament and outside, where its critics are facing the strong arm of the state machinery, should meet the high standards India has set for itself as a democracy. Q. Which of the following would the author agree to?

Instead of pushing through the laws, the government must use Parliament for detailed debate

The government has the majority and thus gets the authority from the people itself

The government shall pass laws as it pleases

In order to pass any law, there needs to be a consensus formed among the Government, Opposition and the President.

The government and the Opposition are headed on a collision course in the Budget session of Parliament, with the latter planning to move a joint motion demanding a repeal of the three laws that are agitating farmers in much of the country. The confrontation over these laws is a legacy of the last session when they were passed without detailed and proper consultation with political parties, experts and farmer representatives. The session began with around 20 Opposition parties boycotting the President’s address to a joint sitting of Parliament. BSP President Mayawati belatedly announced her party’s decision to also stay away as a mark of protest. The delay clearly outlined her intention to keep a distance from the Opposition bloc, which among others has the Congress and the Samajwadi Party. The boycott indicated a worsening of the relationship between the government and the Opposition. In January 2020, the Opposition had attended the President’s address wearing black bands. The last time the Opposition boycotted the President’s Address was in November 2019 to commemorate the Constitution Day. President Ram Nath Kovind said the government would keep the farm Bills on hold as per a Supreme Court directive but did not indicate any rethink. The government has advantages over the Opposition, in terms of the numerical strength in both Houses of Parliament. With the Tamil Nadu and West Bengal Assembly elections round the corner, two key Opposition parties, the DMK and the Trinamool Congress, are expected to be largely absent, further reducing the Opposition’s strength. The Opposition, despite its united front on the first day of the session, has a record of disintegrating in the face of the BJP’s manoeuvring in previous sessions. There will be discussion on the Motion of Thanks to the President and later on the Budget. As of now there are no indications of the Opposition skipping these events. In legislative business, recent ordinances such as the Arbitration and Conciliation (Amendment) Ordinance, 2020, which has provisions to deal with domestic and international arbitration and defines the law for conducting conciliation proceedings, and the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Amendment) Ordinance, 2021, which is for merging the J&K cadre of All India Services Officers such as the IAS, IPS and the Indian Forest Service with the Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Mizoram Union Territory (AGMUT) cadre, will have to get a parliamentary nod. The government draws its legitimacy from a parliamentary majority, but democratic conduct is more than enforcing the will of the majority. The government’s conduct in Parliament and outside, where its critics are facing the strong arm of the state machinery, should meet the high standards India has set for itself as a democracy. Q. Which of the following is not consistent with the passage?

The president’s address is attended by people tying the black colored band on their arm usually

The opposition might skip the events of the parliamentary session

The President has addressed the issue on farm laws and the government might consider repealing the law

The recent three-day-long protest, led by Puducherry Chief Minister V. Narayanasamy, under the banner of the Secular Democratic Progressive Alliance, against Lieutenant Governor Kiran Bedi came as no surprise, given the strained ties between the two constitutional functionaries. They have been at loggerheads over many matters, most recently on the appointment of the State Election Commissioner, an office critical to holding elections to local bodies in the Union Territory. But the principal issue of contention is the implementation of direct benefit transfer in the public distribution system using cash, instead of free rice, being given to beneficiaries. The agitation was meant to highlight the demand of the Congress and its allies for the recall of the Lt Governor. As a prelude to the stir, the Chief Minister presented memoranda to President Ram Nath Kovind and Union Minister of State for Home Affairs G. Kishan Reddy, accusing Ms. Bedi of “functioning in an autocratic manner” and adopting an “obstructionist attitude” in ensuring the progress and welfare of people. On her part, Ms. Bedi has advised him to refrain from misleading the public about the Centre and her office. She has even attributed his “anguish and disappointment” possibly to the “diligent and sustained care” exercised by the Lt Governor’s secretariat “in ensuring just, fair and accessible administration following the laws and rules of business scrupulously”. With the Assembly election likely in April or May, the Chief Minister leading the protest against the Lt Governor was clearly an act of political mobilisation, even though the Congress’s major ally, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, chose to stay away from it. The agitation should be seen as a reflection of the political reality in the Union Territory as Mr. Narayanasamy does not have any effective Opposition. This allows him to turn all his energy and time against the Lt Governor instead of on his political adversaries at a time when the election is near. And this seems to be his strategy to ward off any criticism against his government’s “non-functioning” by laying the blame at the doorstep of the Lt Governor. On her part, Ms. Bedi should take into account the legitimate requirements of an elected government and try to accommodate Mr. Narayanasamy’s views on important matters such as the free rice scheme. After all, the Centre itself did not see any great virtue in the DBT mode when it decided to give additional food grains (rice or wheat) free of cost at five kg per person a month to ration cardholders during April-November last year — a relief measure during the COVID-19 pandemic. With the near breakdown of communication between the Lt Governor and the Chief Minister, the Centre should step in, in the interest of smooth administration. Q. Which of the following is an apposite title to the passage?

Strained ties: On Puducherry standoff

KiranBedi beating the center’s trumpet

The constitutional tussle between the LG and the CM

The recent three-day-long protest, led by Puducherry Chief Minister V. Narayanasamy, under the banner of the Secular Democratic Progressive Alliance, against Lieutenant Governor Kiran Bedi came as no surprise, given the strained ties between the two constitutional functionaries. They have been at loggerheads over many matters, most recently on the appointment of the State Election Commissioner, an office critical to holding elections to local bodies in the Union Territory. But the principal issue of contention is the implementation of direct benefit transfer in the public distribution system using cash, instead of free rice, being given to beneficiaries. The agitation was meant to highlight the demand of the Congress and its allies for the recall of the Lt Governor. As a prelude to the stir, the Chief Minister presented memoranda to President Ram Nath Kovind and Union Minister of State for Home Affairs G. Kishan Reddy, accusing Ms. Bedi of “functioning in an autocratic manner” and adopting an “obstructionist attitude” in ensuring the progress and welfare of people. On her part, Ms. Bedi has advised him to refrain from misleading the public about the Centre and her office. She has even attributed his “anguish and disappointment” possibly to the “diligent and sustained care” exercised by the Lt Governor’s secretariat “in ensuring just, fair and accessible administration following the laws and rules of business scrupulously”. With the Assembly election likely in April or May, the Chief Minister leading the protest against the Lt Governor was clearly an act of political mobilisation, even though the Congress’s major ally, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, chose to stay away from it. The agitation should be seen as a reflection of the political reality in the Union Territory as Mr. Narayanasamy does not have any effective Opposition. This allows him to turn all his energy and time against the Lt Governor instead of on his political adversaries at a time when the election is near. And this seems to be his strategy to ward off any criticism against his government’s “non-functioning” by laying the blame at the doorstep of the Lt Governor. On her part, Ms. Bedi should take into account the legitimate requirements of an elected government and try to accommodate Mr. Narayanasamy’s views on important matters such as the free rice scheme. After all, the Centre itself did not see any great virtue in the DBT mode when it decided to give additional food grains (rice or wheat) free of cost at five kg per person a month to ration cardholders during April-November last year — a relief measure during the COVID-19 pandemic. With the near breakdown of communication between the Lt Governor and the Chief Minister, the Centre should step in, in the interest of smooth administration. Q. Which of the following would the author agree to?

The Puducherry LG shall pay heed to the legitimate demands of the elected government

The LG is trying to get involved in a tussle extraneously

The CM has broached the issue as the LG is in the political opposition

The LG has been unyielding and non-functioning in its approach since the term of the chair began

The recent three-day-long protest, led by Puducherry Chief Minister V. Narayanasamy, under the banner of the Secular Democratic Progressive Alliance, against Lieutenant Governor Kiran Bedi came as no surprise, given the strained ties between the two constitutional functionaries. They have been at loggerheads over many matters, most recently on the appointment of the State Election Commissioner, an office critical to holding elections to local bodies in the Union Territory. But the principal issue of contention is the implementation of direct benefit transfer in the public distribution system using cash, instead of free rice, being given to beneficiaries. The agitation was meant to highlight the demand of the Congress and its allies for the recall of the Lt Governor. As a prelude to the stir, the Chief Minister presented memoranda to President Ram Nath Kovind and Union Minister of State for Home Affairs G. Kishan Reddy, accusing Ms. Bedi of “functioning in an autocratic manner” and adopting an “obstructionist attitude” in ensuring the progress and welfare of people. On her part, Ms. Bedi has advised him to refrain from misleading the public about the Centre and her office. She has even attributed his “anguish and disappointment” possibly to the “diligent and sustained care” exercised by the Lt Governor’s secretariat “in ensuring just, fair and accessible administration following the laws and rules of business scrupulously”. With the Assembly election likely in April or May, the Chief Minister leading the protest against the Lt Governor was clearly an act of political mobilisation, even though the Congress’s major ally, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, chose to stay away from it. The agitation should be seen as a reflection of the political reality in the Union Territory as Mr. Narayanasamy does not have any effective Opposition. This allows him to turn all his energy and time against the Lt Governor instead of on his political adversaries at a time when the election is near. And this seems to be his strategy to ward off any criticism against his government’s “non-functioning” by laying the blame at the doorstep of the Lt Governor. On her part, Ms. Bedi should take into account the legitimate requirements of an elected government and try to accommodate Mr. Narayanasamy’s views on important matters such as the free rice scheme. After all, the Centre itself did not see any great virtue in the DBT mode when it decided to give additional food grains (rice or wheat) free of cost at five kg per person a month to ration cardholders during April-November last year — a relief measure during the COVID-19 pandemic. With the near breakdown of communication between the Lt Governor and the Chief Minister, the Centre should step in, in the interest of smooth administration. Q. What is the tone of the author in the passage?

The author has posited his opinion in anti-partisan manner

The author is hopeless in his tone regarding dilution of the current acrimonious state of affairs

The author is cynical in his tone with respect to the impact the current government will continue to have on the debilitating plight of the UT

The word “Hindu” is a Persianate derivative of “Sindhu”, Sanskrit for the Indus River. Only during India’s colonial encounter in the 19th century did “Hindu” become an ascriptive label for a wide range of practices and ideas across South Asia that do not fall within the three world religions labelled “Islam”, “Christianity”, and “Buddhism”. But this term defined by negation did not mean much to those located within a mosaic of Indic ritual and philosophical traditions that lacked a holy book based on divine revelation. The reformers were answering British criticisms of Indic polytheisms as “beastly” and “superstitious”. They enthusiastically embraced the colonial view of Muslims being wholly separate from Hindus, ignoring the accommodations and intermixing over centuries that had produced shared ritual, intellectual, sartorial, culinary, and musical traditions between the two groups. As the reforming Hindu men worked to draw sharp lines between “Hindus” and “Muslims”, the newly emerging print media became their accomplice. The adoption of the Nagri script by reformist groups such as the Arya Samaj contrasted with the shared orality of a public sphere defined by the Hindustani language. Devanagari, the divine Nagri as it became known, also started to be used alongside Urdu and English in the new world of print technology, helping reformists in their efforts to create a distinct Hindu identity. Then, as it is now, the chief obstacle to transforming India into a Hindu nation was the caste system which divided society into strict hierarchical groups. To accommodate the lower orders of society, the conservatism of the Brahmins, the traditional priestly class who sit atop the rigid caste hierarchy, had to be diluted. But to the-brahmins Hinduism would have dissolved the abstract new polity of the reformers’ imagination into a melange of lived traditions across the localities and regions of India. A hierarchical society, suggested Gandhi, could learn to be humane and to avoid excesses. Vertical hierarchies could be held together by horizontal alliances between those of similar rank, whether at the top or the bottom. Hindu and Muslim elites could be tied together by common interests of peace and prosperity just as the Hindu and Muslim masses were held together by shared solidarities of class and occupation. With economic liberalisation and neoliberal globalisation since 1980, the old hierarchies have been shaken up. The myriad castes that constitute Indian society have been shattered into infinitesimal fragments, which have given rise to fractalized identities vying for equality at the expense of each other. The centrifugal force in pursuit of equality in public life led to dissensus, not a new national consensus. Q. Which of the following could be extrapolated from the passage?

Hindutva is, undoubtedly, an abstract political religion, stripped of contextual or historical depth.

Even with the advent of globalization and liberalization, the old hierarchies in the caste system have shaken up.

To accommodate the lower orders of society, there was no need of dilution of priestly class who sat atop the rigid caste hierarchy.

If India is today a Hindu nation, it is also a tinderbox in which the self is defined by the perpetual hatred of others.

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