Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
The deadline for the completion of the resolution process under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), 2016 for the first set of cases taken up has neared or even passed. The IBC provides for a time limit of 180 days (extendable by 90 days) once a case of default is brought and If no resolution plan drawn up under the supervision of a resolution professional can be agreed upon, liquidation must follow to recover whatever sums are possible. While the NCLT has considered a number of cases since its constitution, its role assumed importance when, on 13 June 2017, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) mandated proceedings against 12 large defaulters, holding accounts with outstanding amounts of more than Rs 5,000 crore, of which at least 60% had been classified as non-performing as of 31 March 2016. These bad loans accounted for around 25% of the non-performing assets (NPAs) recognised at that time.
In most cases, the estimated value of assets on liquidation is low, and does not capture the true value of the company. Put simply, the aggregate of the individual value of a set of stripped assets tends to be much lower than the value of those assets when combined for production. So, if the IBC process and the intervention of the NCLT lead, through bidding, to an offer of a takeover by a third party which is acceptable to the creditors, the recovery against bad loans technically written off by financial creditors would be much higher. Since this was to occur in a time-bound fashion, it seemed to be a significant initiative to address the NPA problem in the banking system. The IBC was combined with legislative amendments that strengthened the powers of the RBI to order the launch of proceedings to recover the loans gone bad. These measures, it was argued, through enforced resolution or liquidation if necessary, offered a way in which the abysmal record of recovery could be corrected and the pressure on the government to bail out banks with taxpayers’ money could be reduced. In the case of 11 public sector banks out of a total of 21, of the loans technically written-off between April 2014 and December 2017, recovery rates varied from nil to just above 20%, and in the case of another three, the rate ranged between 23% and 29%. The average recovery rate for all 21 banks was a pathetic 10.8%. By facilitating and accelerating the recovery effort, the IBC process was expected to raise the rate significantly.
The context in which this new strategy was launched needs recalling. Unlike the period prior to the 1990s, the NPAs that accumulated in the books of banks in recent years were not equitably distributed across different categories of borrowers, big and small, priority and non-priority. Rather, because of a change in the lending strategy during the period of the credit boom after 2003, the NPAs are now concentrated in the hands of large borrowers, primarily corporate borrowers.
The initial experience with the first phase of this multistep process involving the recognition, technical write-off and provisioning, and recovery of NPAs, is revealing for a number of reasons. First, in cases where the assets on offer were of special interest to particular bidders, the rates of recovery have been rather high. This was true of the acquisition of Bhushan Steel by Tata Steel and of Electrosteel by Vedanta. Bhushan Steel owed its financial creditors around Rs 56,000 crore, whereas the Tata Steel bid returned Rs 35,200 crore upfront to the financial creditors, besides giving them a 12.3% stake in the company in lieu of returning the remaining debt. That was substantial relative to the estimated liquidation value of Rs 15,000 crore to Rs 20,000 crore, and far better than the average 10% recovery rate reported on aggregate write-offs in the recent past. The Tatas clearly had a special interest in the deal since its valuation of the company was far higher than that of JSW Group, the other keen bidder. The latter offered the creditors only Rs 29,700 crore.
The evidence that the assets were valuable despite the defaults emerged also from the battle between bidders who were often taken to the courts. Essar Steel, one of the largest defaulters with around Rs 44,000 crore in questionable debt, when put up for sale, elicited expressions of interest from five bidders. Interestingly, besides Tata Steel, Arcelor Mittal, Vedanta, Sumitomo, and Steel Authority of India, the interested parties include the Ruias, who are the original promoters of Essar Steel.
This effort of the defaulting promoters to regain control of the companies concerned at a discount did muddy the water. The original IBC bill did not prevent promoters from making bids for resolution at the NCLT. Some justified the Ruia bid on the grounds that extraneous factors may have led to distress for no fault of the original promoters. But, if the Committee of Creditors (CoC) has taken the firm to the NCLT, it is clearly because they saw the incumbent management as incapable of resolving the crisis faced by the firm. And, if promoters regain control, much of the debt their company owes will be forgiven, with the losses being carried by the financial and operational creditors. Recognising the travesty involved, the government was forced to amend the IBC bill to prohibit promoters from bidding under the NCLT process.
Q. Why was the IBC process combined with legal powers?
I. To enable carrying out resolution or liquidation as per the need of the situation.
II. To decrease the pressure on government to bail banks out.
III. To improve the recovery rates on loans.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
The deadline for the completion of the resolution process under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), 2016 for the first set of cases taken up has neared or even passed. The IBC provides for a time limit of 180 days (extendable by 90 days) once a case of default is brought and If no resolution plan drawn up under the supervision of a resolution professional can be agreed upon, liquidation must follow to recover whatever sums are possible. While the NCLT has considered a number of cases since its constitution, its role assumed importance when, on 13 June 2017, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) mandated proceedings against 12 large defaulters, holding accounts with outstanding amounts of more than Rs 5,000 crore, of which at least 60% had been classified as non-performing as of 31 March 2016. These bad loans accounted for around 25% of the non-performing assets (NPAs) recognised at that time.
In most cases, the estimated value of assets on liquidation is low, and does not capture the true value of the company. Put simply, the aggregate of the individual value of a set of stripped assets tends to be much lower than the value of those assets when combined for production. So, if the IBC process and the intervention of the NCLT lead, through bidding, to an offer of a takeover by a third party which is acceptable to the creditors, the recovery against bad loans technically written off by financial creditors would be much higher. Since this was to occur in a time-bound fashion, it seemed to be a significant initiative to address the NPA problem in the banking system. The IBC was combined with legislative amendments that strengthened the powers of the RBI to order the launch of proceedings to recover the loans gone bad. These measures, it was argued, through enforced resolution or liquidation if necessary, offered a way in which the abysmal record of recovery could be corrected and the pressure on the government to bail out banks with taxpayers’ money could be reduced. In the case of 11 public sector banks out of a total of 21, of the loans technically written-off between April 2014 and December 2017, recovery rates varied from nil to just above 20%, and in the case of another three, the rate ranged between 23% and 29%. The average recovery rate for all 21 banks was a pathetic 10.8%. By facilitating and accelerating the recovery effort, the IBC process was expected to raise the rate significantly.
The context in which this new strategy was launched needs recalling. Unlike the period prior to the 1990s, the NPAs that accumulated in the books of banks in recent years were not equitably distributed across different categories of borrowers, big and small, priority and non-priority. Rather, because of a change in the lending strategy during the period of the credit boom after 2003, the NPAs are now concentrated in the hands of large borrowers, primarily corporate borrowers.
The initial experience with the first phase of this multistep process involving the recognition, technical write-off and provisioning, and recovery of NPAs, is revealing for a number of reasons. First, in cases where the assets on offer were of special interest to particular bidders, the rates of recovery have been rather high. This was true of the acquisition of Bhushan Steel by Tata Steel and of Electrosteel by Vedanta. Bhushan Steel owed its financial creditors around Rs 56,000 crore, whereas the Tata Steel bid returned Rs 35,200 crore upfront to the financial creditors, besides giving them a 12.3% stake in the company in lieu of returning the remaining debt. That was substantial relative to the estimated liquidation value of Rs 15,000 crore to Rs 20,000 crore, and far better than the average 10% recovery rate reported on aggregate write-offs in the recent past. The Tatas clearly had a special interest in the deal since its valuation of the company was far higher than that of JSW Group, the other keen bidder. The latter offered the creditors only Rs 29,700 crore.
The evidence that the assets were valuable despite the defaults emerged also from the battle between bidders who were often taken to the courts. Essar Steel, one of the largest defaulters with around Rs 44,000 crore in questionable debt, when put up for sale, elicited expressions of interest from five bidders. Interestingly, besides Tata Steel, Arcelor Mittal, Vedanta, Sumitomo, and Steel Authority of India, the interested parties include the Ruias, who are the original promoters of Essar Steel.
This effort of the defaulting promoters to regain control of the companies concerned at a discount did muddy the water. The original IBC bill did not prevent promoters from making bids for resolution at the NCLT. Some justified the Ruia bid on the grounds that extraneous factors may have led to distress for no fault of the original promoters. But, if the Committee of Creditors (CoC) has taken the firm to the NCLT, it is clearly because they saw the incumbent management as incapable of resolving the crisis faced by the firm. And, if promoters regain control, much of the debt their company owes will be forgiven, with the losses being carried by the financial and operational creditors. Recognising the travesty involved, the government was forced to amend the IBC bill to prohibit promoters from bidding under the NCLT process.
Q. What is/are the main difference between the NPAs today and the NPAs of 1990s?
I. The NPAs are equally distributed across priority and non-priority sectors today than in 1990s.
II. The NPAs today are concentrated among large corporate borrowers.
III. The NPAs today are more prevalent in Public Sector Banks while in the 1990s they were concentrated in both private and public sector banks.
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Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
The deadline for the completion of the resolution process under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), 2016 for the first set of cases taken up has neared or even passed. The IBC provides for a time limit of 180 days (extendable by 90 days) once a case of default is brought and If no resolution plan drawn up under the supervision of a resolution professional can be agreed upon, liquidation must follow to recover whatever sums are possible. While the NCLT has considered a number of cases since its constitution, its role assumed importance when, on 13 June 2017, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) mandated proceedings against 12 large defaulters, holding accounts with outstanding amounts of more than Rs 5,000 crore, of which at least 60% had been classified as non-performing as of 31 March 2016. These bad loans accounted for around 25% of the non-performing assets (NPAs) recognised at that time.
In most cases, the estimated value of assets on liquidation is low, and does not capture the true value of the company. Put simply, the aggregate of the individual value of a set of stripped assets tends to be much lower than the value of those assets when combined for production. So, if the IBC process and the intervention of the NCLT lead, through bidding, to an offer of a takeover by a third party which is acceptable to the creditors, the recovery against bad loans technically written off by financial creditors would be much higher. Since this was to occur in a time-bound fashion, it seemed to be a significant initiative to address the NPA problem in the banking system. The IBC was combined with legislative amendments that strengthened the powers of the RBI to order the launch of proceedings to recover the loans gone bad. These measures, it was argued, through enforced resolution or liquidation if necessary, offered a way in which the abysmal record of recovery could be corrected and the pressure on the government to bail out banks with taxpayers’ money could be reduced. In the case of 11 public sector banks out of a total of 21, of the loans technically written-off between April 2014 and December 2017, recovery rates varied from nil to just above 20%, and in the case of another three, the rate ranged between 23% and 29%. The average recovery rate for all 21 banks was a pathetic 10.8%. By facilitating and accelerating the recovery effort, the IBC process was expected to raise the rate significantly.
The context in which this new strategy was launched needs recalling. Unlike the period prior to the 1990s, the NPAs that accumulated in the books of banks in recent years were not equitably distributed across different categories of borrowers, big and small, priority and non-priority. Rather, because of a change in the lending strategy during the period of the credit boom after 2003, the NPAs are now concentrated in the hands of large borrowers, primarily corporate borrowers.
The initial experience with the first phase of this multistep process involving the recognition, technical write-off and provisioning, and recovery of NPAs, is revealing for a number of reasons. First, in cases where the assets on offer were of special interest to particular bidders, the rates of recovery have been rather high. This was true of the acquisition of Bhushan Steel by Tata Steel and of Electrosteel by Vedanta. Bhushan Steel owed its financial creditors around Rs 56,000 crore, whereas the Tata Steel bid returned Rs 35,200 crore upfront to the financial creditors, besides giving them a 12.3% stake in the company in lieu of returning the remaining debt. That was substantial relative to the estimated liquidation value of Rs 15,000 crore to Rs 20,000 crore, and far better than the average 10% recovery rate reported on aggregate write-offs in the recent past. The Tatas clearly had a special interest in the deal since its valuation of the company was far higher than that of JSW Group, the other keen bidder. The latter offered the creditors only Rs 29,700 crore.
The evidence that the assets were valuable despite the defaults emerged also from the battle between bidders who were often taken to the courts. Essar Steel, one of the largest defaulters with around Rs 44,000 crore in questionable debt, when put up for sale, elicited expressions of interest from five bidders. Interestingly, besides Tata Steel, Arcelor Mittal, Vedanta, Sumitomo, and Steel Authority of India, the interested parties include the Ruias, who are the original promoters of Essar Steel.
This effort of the defaulting promoters to regain control of the companies concerned at a discount did muddy the water. The original IBC bill did not prevent promoters from making bids for resolution at the NCLT. Some justified the Ruia bid on the grounds that extraneous factors may have led to distress for no fault of the original promoters. But, if the Committee of Creditors (CoC) has taken the firm to the NCLT, it is clearly because they saw the incumbent management as incapable of resolving the crisis faced by the firm. And, if promoters regain control, much of the debt their company owes will be forgiven, with the losses being carried by the financial and operational creditors. Recognising the travesty involved, the government was forced to amend the IBC bill to prohibit promoters from bidding under the NCLT process.
Q. What was the experience of the IBC process for companies which were of special interest to bidders?
I. The rate of recovery was much better than the average recovery rate.
II. Competition between bidders to take over the defaulting company.
III. The liquidation value of the assets would have been higher than the recovered value.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
The deadline for the completion of the resolution process under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), 2016 for the first set of cases taken up has neared or even passed. The IBC provides for a time limit of 180 days (extendable by 90 days) once a case of default is brought and If no resolution plan drawn up under the supervision of a resolution professional can be agreed upon, liquidation must follow to recover whatever sums are possible. While the NCLT has considered a number of cases since its constitution, its role assumed importance when, on 13 June 2017, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) mandated proceedings against 12 large defaulters, holding accounts with outstanding amounts of more than Rs 5,000 crore, of which at least 60% had been classified as non-performing as of 31 March 2016. These bad loans accounted for around 25% of the non-performing assets (NPAs) recognised at that time.
In most cases, the estimated value of assets on liquidation is low, and does not capture the true value of the company. Put simply, the aggregate of the individual value of a set of stripped assets tends to be much lower than the value of those assets when combined for production. So, if the IBC process and the intervention of the NCLT lead, through bidding, to an offer of a takeover by a third party which is acceptable to the creditors, the recovery against bad loans technically written off by financial creditors would be much higher. Since this was to occur in a time-bound fashion, it seemed to be a significant initiative to address the NPA problem in the banking system. The IBC was combined with legislative amendments that strengthened the powers of the RBI to order the launch of proceedings to recover the loans gone bad. These measures, it was argued, through enforced resolution or liquidation if necessary, offered a way in which the abysmal record of recovery could be corrected and the pressure on the government to bail out banks with taxpayers’ money could be reduced. In the case of 11 public sector banks out of a total of 21, of the loans technically written-off between April 2014 and December 2017, recovery rates varied from nil to just above 20%, and in the case of another three, the rate ranged between 23% and 29%. The average recovery rate for all 21 banks was a pathetic 10.8%. By facilitating and accelerating the recovery effort, the IBC process was expected to raise the rate significantly.
The context in which this new strategy was launched needs recalling. Unlike the period prior to the 1990s, the NPAs that accumulated in the books of banks in recent years were not equitably distributed across different categories of borrowers, big and small, priority and non-priority. Rather, because of a change in the lending strategy during the period of the credit boom after 2003, the NPAs are now concentrated in the hands of large borrowers, primarily corporate borrowers.
The initial experience with the first phase of this multistep process involving the recognition, technical write-off and provisioning, and recovery of NPAs, is revealing for a number of reasons. First, in cases where the assets on offer were of special interest to particular bidders, the rates of recovery have been rather high. This was true of the acquisition of Bhushan Steel by Tata Steel and of Electrosteel by Vedanta. Bhushan Steel owed its financial creditors around Rs 56,000 crore, whereas the Tata Steel bid returned Rs 35,200 crore upfront to the financial creditors, besides giving them a 12.3% stake in the company in lieu of returning the remaining debt. That was substantial relative to the estimated liquidation value of Rs 15,000 crore to Rs 20,000 crore, and far better than the average 10% recovery rate reported on aggregate write-offs in the recent past. The Tatas clearly had a special interest in the deal since its valuation of the company was far higher than that of JSW Group, the other keen bidder. The latter offered the creditors only Rs 29,700 crore.
The evidence that the assets were valuable despite the defaults emerged also from the battle between bidders who were often taken to the courts. Essar Steel, one of the largest defaulters with around Rs 44,000 crore in questionable debt, when put up for sale, elicited expressions of interest from five bidders. Interestingly, besides Tata Steel, Arcelor Mittal, Vedanta, Sumitomo, and Steel Authority of India, the interested parties include the Ruias, who are the original promoters of Essar Steel.
This effort of the defaulting promoters to regain control of the companies concerned at a discount did muddy the water. The original IBC bill did not prevent promoters from making bids for resolution at the NCLT. Some justified the Ruia bid on the grounds that extraneous factors may have led to distress for no fault of the original promoters. But, if the Committee of Creditors (CoC) has taken the firm to the NCLT, it is clearly because they saw the incumbent management as incapable of resolving the crisis faced by the firm. And, if promoters regain control, much of the debt their company owes will be forgiven, with the losses being carried by the financial and operational creditors. Recognising the travesty involved, the government was forced to amend the IBC bill to prohibit promoters from bidding under the NCLT process.
Q. Which of the following is/are true as per the passage?
I. Essar Steel evoked interest even from its promoters when it was put up for sale.
II. Bhushan Steel was acquired by the JSW Group for Rs 32,500 crore.
III. The average recovery rate for the 21 banks (public plus private) was 10.8%.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
The deadline for the completion of the resolution process under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), 2016 for the first set of cases taken up has neared or even passed. The IBC provides for a time limit of 180 days (extendable by 90 days) once a case of default is brought and If no resolution plan drawn up under the supervision of a resolution professional can be agreed upon, liquidation must follow to recover whatever sums are possible. While the NCLT has considered a number of cases since its constitution, its role assumed importance when, on 13 June 2017, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) mandated proceedings against 12 large defaulters, holding accounts with outstanding amounts of more than Rs 5,000 crore, of which at least 60% had been classified as non-performing as of 31 March 2016. These bad loans accounted for around 25% of the non-performing assets (NPAs) recognised at that time.
In most cases, the estimated value of assets on liquidation is low, and does not capture the true value of the company. Put simply, the aggregate of the individual value of a set of stripped assets tends to be much lower than the value of those assets when combined for production. So, if the IBC process and the intervention of the NCLT lead, through bidding, to an offer of a takeover by a third party which is acceptable to the creditors, the recovery against bad loans technically written off by financial creditors would be much higher. Since this was to occur in a time-bound fashion, it seemed to be a significant initiative to address the NPA problem in the banking system. The IBC was combined with legislative amendments that strengthened the powers of the RBI to order the launch of proceedings to recover the loans gone bad. These measures, it was argued, through enforced resolution or liquidation if necessary, offered a way in which the abysmal record of recovery could be corrected and the pressure on the government to bail out banks with taxpayers’ money could be reduced. In the case of 11 public sector banks out of a total of 21, of the loans technically written-off between April 2014 and December 2017, recovery rates varied from nil to just above 20%, and in the case of another three, the rate ranged between 23% and 29%. The average recovery rate for all 21 banks was a pathetic 10.8%. By facilitating and accelerating the recovery effort, the IBC process was expected to raise the rate significantly.
The context in which this new strategy was launched needs recalling. Unlike the period prior to the 1990s, the NPAs that accumulated in the books of banks in recent years were not equitably distributed across different categories of borrowers, big and small, priority and non-priority. Rather, because of a change in the lending strategy during the period of the credit boom after 2003, the NPAs are now concentrated in the hands of large borrowers, primarily corporate borrowers.
The initial experience with the first phase of this multistep process involving the recognition, technical write-off and provisioning, and recovery of NPAs, is revealing for a number of reasons. First, in cases where the assets on offer were of special interest to particular bidders, the rates of recovery have been rather high. This was true of the acquisition of Bhushan Steel by Tata Steel and of Electrosteel by Vedanta. Bhushan Steel owed its financial creditors around Rs 56,000 crore, whereas the Tata Steel bid returned Rs 35,200 crore upfront to the financial creditors, besides giving them a 12.3% stake in the company in lieu of returning the remaining debt. That was substantial relative to the estimated liquidation value of Rs 15,000 crore to Rs 20,000 crore, and far better than the average 10% recovery rate reported on aggregate write-offs in the recent past. The Tatas clearly had a special interest in the deal since its valuation of the company was far higher than that of JSW Group, the other keen bidder. The latter offered the creditors only Rs 29,700 crore.
The evidence that the assets were valuable despite the defaults emerged also from the battle between bidders who were often taken to the courts. Essar Steel, one of the largest defaulters with around Rs 44,000 crore in questionable debt, when put up for sale, elicited expressions of interest from five bidders. Interestingly, besides Tata Steel, Arcelor Mittal, Vedanta, Sumitomo, and Steel Authority of India, the interested parties include the Ruias, who are the original promoters of Essar Steel.
This effort of the defaulting promoters to regain control of the companies concerned at a discount did muddy the water. The original IBC bill did not prevent promoters from making bids for resolution at the NCLT. Some justified the Ruia bid on the grounds that extraneous factors may have led to distress for no fault of the original promoters. But, if the Committee of Creditors (CoC) has taken the firm to the NCLT, it is clearly because they saw the incumbent management as incapable of resolving the crisis faced by the firm. And, if promoters regain control, much of the debt their company owes will be forgiven, with the losses being carried by the financial and operational creditors. Recognising the travesty involved, the government was forced to amend the IBC bill to prohibit promoters from bidding under the NCLT process.
Q. Why was the IBC Bill amended to stop promoters from regaining control of their companies?
I. The Committee of Creditors did not see the original management fit enough to carry on functioning.
II. The losses would be carried by the financial and operational creditors.
III. It would have led to the promoters regaining control of their companies without repaying the full amount of the loans taken.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
Development is about expanding the capabilities of the disadvantaged, thereby improving their overall quality of life. Based on this understanding, Maharashtra, one of India’s richest States, is a classic case of a lack of development which is seen in its unacceptably high level of malnutrition among children in the tribal belts. While the State’s per capita income has doubled since 2004, its nutritional status has not made commensurate progress.
Poor nutrition security disproportionately affects the poorest segment of the population. According to NFHS 2015-16, every second tribal child suffers from growth restricting malnutrition due to chronic hunger. In 2005, child malnutrition claimed as many as 718 lives in Maharashtra’s Palghar district alone. Even after a decade of double digit economic growth (2004-05 to 2014-15), Palghar’s malnutrition status has barely improved.
In September 2016, the National Human Rights Commission issued notice to the Maharashtra government over reports of 600 children dying due to malnutrition in Palghar. The government responded, promising to properly implement schemes such as Jaccha Baccha and Integrated Child Development Services to check malnutrition. Our independent survey conducted in Vikramgad block of the district last year found that 57%, 21% and 53% of children in this block were stunted, wasted and underweight, respectively; 27% were severely stunted. Our data challenges what Maharashtra’s Women and Child Development Minister said in the Legislative Council in March — that “malnutrition in Palghar had come down in the past few months, owing to various interventions made by the government.”
Stunting is caused by an insufficient intake of macro- and micro-nutrients. It is generally accepted that recovery from growth retardation after two years is only possible if the affected child is put on a diet that is adequate in nutrient requirements. A critical aspect of nutrient adequacy is diet diversity, calculated by different groupings of foods consumed with the reference period ranging from one to 15 days. We calculated a 24-hour dietary diversity score by counting the number of food groups the child received in the last 24 hours. The eight food groups include: cereals, roots and tubers; legumes and nuts; dairy products; flesh foods; eggs; fish; dark green leafy vegetables; and other fruits and vegetables.
In most households it was rice and dal which was cooked most often and eaten thrice a day. These were even served at teatime to the children if they felt hungry. There was no milk, milk product or fruit in their daily diets. Even the adults drank black tea as milk was unaffordable. Only 17% of the children achieved a minimum level of diet diversity — they received four or more of the eight food groups. This low dietary diversity is a proxy indicator for the household’s food security too as the children ate the same food cooked for adult members.
Q. As per the passage, which of the following is/are needed for an adequate meal?
I. Macro and micro nutrients
II. Multiple food groups
III. High level of Intermittent fasting
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
Development is about expanding the capabilities of the disadvantaged, thereby improving their overall quality of life. Based on this understanding, Maharashtra, one of India’s richest States, is a classic case of a lack of development which is seen in its unacceptably high level of malnutrition among children in the tribal belts. While the State’s per capita income has doubled since 2004, its nutritional status has not made commensurate progress.
Poor nutrition security disproportionately affects the poorest segment of the population. According to NFHS 2015-16, every second tribal child suffers from growth restricting malnutrition due to chronic hunger. In 2005, child malnutrition claimed as many as 718 lives in Maharashtra’s Palghar district alone. Even after a decade of double digit economic growth (2004-05 to 2014-15), Palghar’s malnutrition status has barely improved.
In September 2016, the National Human Rights Commission issued notice to the Maharashtra government over reports of 600 children dying due to malnutrition in Palghar. The government responded, promising to properly implement schemes such as Jaccha Baccha and Integrated Child Development Services to check malnutrition. Our independent survey conducted in Vikramgad block of the district last year found that 57%, 21% and 53% of children in this block were stunted, wasted and underweight, respectively; 27% were severely stunted. Our data challenges what Maharashtra’s Women and Child Development Minister said in the Legislative Council in March — that “malnutrition in Palghar had come down in the past few months, owing to various interventions made by the government.”
Stunting is caused by an insufficient intake of macro- and micro-nutrients. It is generally accepted that recovery from growth retardation after two years is only possible if the affected child is put on a diet that is adequate in nutrient requirements. A critical aspect of nutrient adequacy is diet diversity, calculated by different groupings of foods consumed with the reference period ranging from one to 15 days. We calculated a 24-hour dietary diversity score by counting the number of food groups the child received in the last 24 hours. The eight food groups include: cereals, roots and tubers; legumes and nuts; dairy products; flesh foods; eggs; fish; dark green leafy vegetables; and other fruits and vegetables.
In most households it was rice and dal which was cooked most often and eaten thrice a day. These were even served at teatime to the children if they felt hungry. There was no milk, milk product or fruit in their daily diets. Even the adults drank black tea as milk was unaffordable. Only 17% of the children achieved a minimum level of diet diversity — they received four or more of the eight food groups. This low dietary diversity is a proxy indicator for the household’s food security too as the children ate the same food cooked for adult members.
Q. What is ironical about the situation mentioned in paragraph 1?
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
Development is about expanding the capabilities of the disadvantaged, thereby improving their overall quality of life. Based on this understanding, Maharashtra, one of India’s richest States, is a classic case of a lack of development which is seen in its unacceptably high level of malnutrition among children in the tribal belts. While the State’s per capita income has doubled since 2004, its nutritional status has not made commensurate progress.
Poor nutrition security disproportionately affects the poorest segment of the population. According to NFHS 2015-16, every second tribal child suffers from growth restricting malnutrition due to chronic hunger. In 2005, child malnutrition claimed as many as 718 lives in Maharashtra’s Palghar district alone. Even after a decade of double digit economic growth (2004-05 to 2014-15), Palghar’s malnutrition status has barely improved.
In September 2016, the National Human Rights Commission issued notice to the Maharashtra government over reports of 600 children dying due to malnutrition in Palghar. The government responded, promising to properly implement schemes such as Jaccha Baccha and Integrated Child Development Services to check malnutrition. Our independent survey conducted in Vikramgad block of the district last year found that 57%, 21% and 53% of children in this block were stunted, wasted and underweight, respectively; 27% were severely stunted. Our data challenges what Maharashtra’s Women and Child Development Minister said in the Legislative Council in March — that “malnutrition in Palghar had come down in the past few months, owing to various interventions made by the government.”
Stunting is caused by an insufficient intake of macro- and micro-nutrients. It is generally accepted that recovery from growth retardation after two years is only possible if the affected child is put on a diet that is adequate in nutrient requirements. A critical aspect of nutrient adequacy is diet diversity, calculated by different groupings of foods consumed with the reference period ranging from one to 15 days. We calculated a 24-hour dietary diversity score by counting the number of food groups the child received in the last 24 hours. The eight food groups include: cereals, roots and tubers; legumes and nuts; dairy products; flesh foods; eggs; fish; dark green leafy vegetables; and other fruits and vegetables.
In most households it was rice and dal which was cooked most often and eaten thrice a day. These were even served at teatime to the children if they felt hungry. There was no milk, milk product or fruit in their daily diets. Even the adults drank black tea as milk was unaffordable. Only 17% of the children achieved a minimum level of diet diversity — they received four or more of the eight food groups. This low dietary diversity is a proxy indicator for the household’s food security too as the children ate the same food cooked for adult members.
Q. Which of the following strengthen the claim that the nutrition indicators fare poorly in India?
I. Stunting declined from 46.3% in 2005 to 34.4% in 2016.
II. As per an NHFS survey, wasting rates have increased from 16.5% to 25.6% over a period of 10 years.
III. The underweight rate (36%) has remained static in the last 10 years.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
Development is about expanding the capabilities of the disadvantaged, thereby improving their overall quality of life. Based on this understanding, Maharashtra, one of India’s richest States, is a classic case of a lack of development which is seen in its unacceptably high level of malnutrition among children in the tribal belts. While the State’s per capita income has doubled since 2004, its nutritional status has not made commensurate progress.
Poor nutrition security disproportionately affects the poorest segment of the population. According to NFHS 2015-16, every second tribal child suffers from growth restricting malnutrition due to chronic hunger. In 2005, child malnutrition claimed as many as 718 lives in Maharashtra’s Palghar district alone. Even after a decade of double digit economic growth (2004-05 to 2014-15), Palghar’s malnutrition status has barely improved.
In September 2016, the National Human Rights Commission issued notice to the Maharashtra government over reports of 600 children dying due to malnutrition in Palghar. The government responded, promising to properly implement schemes such as Jaccha Baccha and Integrated Child Development Services to check malnutrition. Our independent survey conducted in Vikramgad block of the district last year found that 57%, 21% and 53% of children in this block were stunted, wasted and underweight, respectively; 27% were severely stunted. Our data challenges what Maharashtra’s Women and Child Development Minister said in the Legislative Council in March — that “malnutrition in Palghar had come down in the past few months, owing to various interventions made by the government.”
Stunting is caused by an insufficient intake of macro- and micro-nutrients. It is generally accepted that recovery from growth retardation after two years is only possible if the affected child is put on a diet that is adequate in nutrient requirements. A critical aspect of nutrient adequacy is diet diversity, calculated by different groupings of foods consumed with the reference period ranging from one to 15 days. We calculated a 24-hour dietary diversity score by counting the number of food groups the child received in the last 24 hours. The eight food groups include: cereals, roots and tubers; legumes and nuts; dairy products; flesh foods; eggs; fish; dark green leafy vegetables; and other fruits and vegetables.
In most households it was rice and dal which was cooked most often and eaten thrice a day. These were even served at teatime to the children if they felt hungry. There was no milk, milk product or fruit in their daily diets. Even the adults drank black tea as milk was unaffordable. Only 17% of the children achieved a minimum level of diet diversity — they received four or more of the eight food groups. This low dietary diversity is a proxy indicator for the household’s food security too as the children ate the same food cooked for adult members.
Q. What could possibly be a/some possible reason/s for such extreme food insecurity among tribal households as has been shown in the passage?
I. Loss of their traditional dependence on forest livelihood.
II. Weak implementation of public nutrition schemes.
III. A worsening agriculture situation.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
Development is about expanding the capabilities of the disadvantaged, thereby improving their overall quality of life. Based on this understanding, Maharashtra, one of India’s richest States, is a classic case of a lack of development which is seen in its unacceptably high level of malnutrition among children in the tribal belts. While the State’s per capita income has doubled since 2004, its nutritional status has not made commensurate progress.
Poor nutrition security disproportionately affects the poorest segment of the population. According to NFHS 2015-16, every second tribal child suffers from growth restricting malnutrition due to chronic hunger. In 2005, child malnutrition claimed as many as 718 lives in Maharashtra’s Palghar district alone. Even after a decade of double digit economic growth (2004-05 to 2014-15), Palghar’s malnutrition status has barely improved.
In September 2016, the National Human Rights Commission issued notice to the Maharashtra government over reports of 600 children dying due to malnutrition in Palghar. The government responded, promising to properly implement schemes such as Jaccha Baccha and Integrated Child Development Services to check malnutrition. Our independent survey conducted in Vikramgad block of the district last year found that 57%, 21% and 53% of children in this block were stunted, wasted and underweight, respectively; 27% were severely stunted. Our data challenges what Maharashtra’s Women and Child Development Minister said in the Legislative Council in March — that “malnutrition in Palghar had come down in the past few months, owing to various interventions made by the government.”
Stunting is caused by an insufficient intake of macro- and micro-nutrients. It is generally accepted that recovery from growth retardation after two years is only possible if the affected child is put on a diet that is adequate in nutrient requirements. A critical aspect of nutrient adequacy is diet diversity, calculated by different groupings of foods consumed with the reference period ranging from one to 15 days. We calculated a 24-hour dietary diversity score by counting the number of food groups the child received in the last 24 hours. The eight food groups include: cereals, roots and tubers; legumes and nuts; dairy products; flesh foods; eggs; fish; dark green leafy vegetables; and other fruits and vegetables.
In most households it was rice and dal which was cooked most often and eaten thrice a day. These were even served at teatime to the children if they felt hungry. There was no milk, milk product or fruit in their daily diets. Even the adults drank black tea as milk was unaffordable. Only 17% of the children achieved a minimum level of diet diversity — they received four or more of the eight food groups. This low dietary diversity is a proxy indicator for the household’s food security too as the children ate the same food cooked for adult members.
Q. Which of the following is/are true as per the passage?
I. India’s situation is worse than in some of the world’s poorest countries — Bangladesh, Afghanistan or Mozambique.
II. Development is more than just economic growth.
III. On an average, the nutrition expenditure as a percentage of the Budget has drastically declined from 1.68% in 2012-13 to 0.94% in 2018-19.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
More than three lakh workers will be employed in the solar and wind energy sectors to meet the country’s target of generating 175 gigawatts of electricity from renewable sources by 2022, an International Labour Organization (ILO) report said. The report titled, World Employment and Social Outlook (WESO) 2018: Greening with Jobs, quoted from a study conducted by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), on the changes in sectoral employment that will occur in order to meet India’s target. The study was based on surveys of solar and wind companies, developers and manufacturers.
“India is rapidly increasing its share of renewable energy sources, but still relies on coal, oil, natural gas, and the related carbon emissions for 80% of its electricity,” the report released on Tuesday said. This formed a small part of the report, which focused on the trajectory of the labour market in the backdrop of environmentally sustainable production practices. Tackling the misconception that green economies pave the way for economically undesirable outcomes, the report said rather than a trade-off between the two, their development goes hand in hand. According to the ILO report, there will be a net increase of 18 million jobs across the globe as a result of environmentally sustainable measures taken in the production and use of energy. This net figure is based on the estimation that the resultant job losses of six million will eventually lead to an increase of 24 million jobs as greener practices are adopted. Of this, 14 million jobs created will be in Asia and the Pacific.
“The transition to a green economy will inevitably cause job losses in certain sectors as carbon and resource-intensive industries are scaled down, but they will be offset by new job opportunities,” the report said. However, the report emphasised that the net increase of 18 million jobs is dependent on a supportive policy framework to aid displaced workers and skill development programs to help ease them into jobs that require new skills. It mentioned that although India does have a specific body or council to address the skills development for green transition, it has no existing institutional mechanism to anticipate skills needs and adapt training provision. Of the 27 countries surveyed, India and seven others fall under this category. “Developing and emerging economies have relatively weaker institutional capacity for integrating skills and environmental sustainability,” the report said.
The report stressed on the urgency of economies adopting sustainable practices, adding, in 2013, humanity used 1.7 times the amount of resources and waste that the biosphere was able to regenerate and absorb. The report reads, “It is striking that in a context of scarce resources and limited ability to absorb waste, current patterns of economic growth rely largely on the extraction of resources, manufacturing, consumption and waste.” It explained this urgency from the perspective of the job market by connecting labour productivity to climate change.“Looking ahead, projected temperature increases will make heat stress more common, reducing the total number of working hours by 2% globally by 2030 and affecting workers in agriculture, and developing countries,” the report said.
Q. As per your understanding of the passage, which of the following can be said to be example/s of steps which contribute towards a green economy
I. The government announces tax incentives for those using public transport.
II. The government provides subsidy on diesel cars so that it becomes affordable
III. The government supports start-ups working on the development of electric cars.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
More than three lakh workers will be employed in the solar and wind energy sectors to meet the country’s target of generating 175 gigawatts of electricity from renewable sources by 2022, an International Labour Organization (ILO) report said. The report titled, World Employment and Social Outlook (WESO) 2018: Greening with Jobs, quoted from a study conducted by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), on the changes in sectoral employment that will occur in order to meet India’s target. The study was based on surveys of solar and wind companies, developers and manufacturers.
“India is rapidly increasing its share of renewable energy sources, but still relies on coal, oil, natural gas, and the related carbon emissions for 80% of its electricity,” the report released on Tuesday said. This formed a small part of the report, which focused on the trajectory of the labour market in the backdrop of environmentally sustainable production practices. Tackling the misconception that green economies pave the way for economically undesirable outcomes, the report said rather than a trade-off between the two, their development goes hand in hand. According to the ILO report, there will be a net increase of 18 million jobs across the globe as a result of environmentally sustainable measures taken in the production and use of energy. This net figure is based on the estimation that the resultant job losses of six million will eventually lead to an increase of 24 million jobs as greener practices are adopted. Of this, 14 million jobs created will be in Asia and the Pacific.
“The transition to a green economy will inevitably cause job losses in certain sectors as carbon and resource-intensive industries are scaled down, but they will be offset by new job opportunities,” the report said. However, the report emphasised that the net increase of 18 million jobs is dependent on a supportive policy framework to aid displaced workers and skill development programs to help ease them into jobs that require new skills. It mentioned that although India does have a specific body or council to address the skills development for green transition, it has no existing institutional mechanism to anticipate skills needs and adapt training provision. Of the 27 countries surveyed, India and seven others fall under this category. “Developing and emerging economies have relatively weaker institutional capacity for integrating skills and environmental sustainability,” the report said.
The report stressed on the urgency of economies adopting sustainable practices, adding, in 2013, humanity used 1.7 times the amount of resources and waste that the biosphere was able to regenerate and absorb. The report reads, “It is striking that in a context of scarce resources and limited ability to absorb waste, current patterns of economic growth rely largely on the extraction of resources, manufacturing, consumption and waste.” It explained this urgency from the perspective of the job market by connecting labour productivity to climate change.“Looking ahead, projected temperature increases will make heat stress more common, reducing the total number of working hours by 2% globally by 2030 and affecting workers in agriculture, and developing countries,” the report said.
Q. As per the passage, which of the following could be a/some reason/s for the misconceptions surrounding green economies.
I. There is a belief that adopting a green economy would lead to loss of jobs which could severely impact the economy.
II. The shift from traditional energy sources to renewable energy would be expensive.
III. The technological capability required to transform into a green economy is still in the elementary phase.
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
More than three lakh workers will be employed in the solar and wind energy sectors to meet the country’s target of generating 175 gigawatts of electricity from renewable sources by 2022, an International Labour Organization (ILO) report said. The report titled, World Employment and Social Outlook (WESO) 2018: Greening with Jobs, quoted from a study conducted by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), on the changes in sectoral employment that will occur in order to meet India’s target. The study was based on surveys of solar and wind companies, developers and manufacturers.
“India is rapidly increasing its share of renewable energy sources, but still relies on coal, oil, natural gas, and the related carbon emissions for 80% of its electricity,” the report released on Tuesday said. This formed a small part of the report, which focused on the trajectory of the labour market in the backdrop of environmentally sustainable production practices. Tackling the misconception that green economies pave the way for economically undesirable outcomes, the report said rather than a trade-off between the two, their development goes hand in hand. According to the ILO report, there will be a net increase of 18 million jobs across the globe as a result of environmentally sustainable measures taken in the production and use of energy. This net figure is based on the estimation that the resultant job losses of six million will eventually lead to an increase of 24 million jobs as greener practices are adopted. Of this, 14 million jobs created will be in Asia and the Pacific.
“The transition to a green economy will inevitably cause job losses in certain sectors as carbon and resource-intensive industries are scaled down, but they will be offset by new job opportunities,” the report said. However, the report emphasised that the net increase of 18 million jobs is dependent on a supportive policy framework to aid displaced workers and skill development programs to help ease them into jobs that require new skills. It mentioned that although India does have a specific body or council to address the skills development for green transition, it has no existing institutional mechanism to anticipate skills needs and adapt training provision. Of the 27 countries surveyed, India and seven others fall under this category. “Developing and emerging economies have relatively weaker institutional capacity for integrating skills and environmental sustainability,” the report said.
The report stressed on the urgency of economies adopting sustainable practices, adding, in 2013, humanity used 1.7 times the amount of resources and waste that the biosphere was able to regenerate and absorb. The report reads, “It is striking that in a context of scarce resources and limited ability to absorb waste, current patterns of economic growth rely largely on the extraction of resources, manufacturing, consumption and waste.” It explained this urgency from the perspective of the job market by connecting labour productivity to climate change.“Looking ahead, projected temperature increases will make heat stress more common, reducing the total number of working hours by 2% globally by 2030 and affecting workers in agriculture, and developing countries,” the report said.
Q. Which of the following statements weakens the argument about the urgency of economies in adopting sustainable practices?
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
More than three lakh workers will be employed in the solar and wind energy sectors to meet the country’s target of generating 175 gigawatts of electricity from renewable sources by 2022, an International Labour Organization (ILO) report said. The report titled, World Employment and Social Outlook (WESO) 2018: Greening with Jobs, quoted from a study conducted by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), on the changes in sectoral employment that will occur in order to meet India’s target. The study was based on surveys of solar and wind companies, developers and manufacturers.
“India is rapidly increasing its share of renewable energy sources, but still relies on coal, oil, natural gas, and the related carbon emissions for 80% of its electricity,” the report released on Tuesday said. This formed a small part of the report, which focused on the trajectory of the labour market in the backdrop of environmentally sustainable production practices. Tackling the misconception that green economies pave the way for economically undesirable outcomes, the report said rather than a trade-off between the two, their development goes hand in hand. According to the ILO report, there will be a net increase of 18 million jobs across the globe as a result of environmentally sustainable measures taken in the production and use of energy. This net figure is based on the estimation that the resultant job losses of six million will eventually lead to an increase of 24 million jobs as greener practices are adopted. Of this, 14 million jobs created will be in Asia and the Pacific.
“The transition to a green economy will inevitably cause job losses in certain sectors as carbon and resource-intensive industries are scaled down, but they will be offset by new job opportunities,” the report said. However, the report emphasised that the net increase of 18 million jobs is dependent on a supportive policy framework to aid displaced workers and skill development programs to help ease them into jobs that require new skills. It mentioned that although India does have a specific body or council to address the skills development for green transition, it has no existing institutional mechanism to anticipate skills needs and adapt training provision. Of the 27 countries surveyed, India and seven others fall under this category. “Developing and emerging economies have relatively weaker institutional capacity for integrating skills and environmental sustainability,” the report said.
The report stressed on the urgency of economies adopting sustainable practices, adding, in 2013, humanity used 1.7 times the amount of resources and waste that the biosphere was able to regenerate and absorb. The report reads, “It is striking that in a context of scarce resources and limited ability to absorb waste, current patterns of economic growth rely largely on the extraction of resources, manufacturing, consumption and waste.” It explained this urgency from the perspective of the job market by connecting labour productivity to climate change.“Looking ahead, projected temperature increases will make heat stress more common, reducing the total number of working hours by 2% globally by 2030 and affecting workers in agriculture, and developing countries,” the report said.
Q. Which of the following weakens the argument of increasing the share of renewable energy in the energy sector?
I. The environmental impacts associated with renewable energy include habitat loss, water use, and the use of hazardous materials in manufacturing, they cause more harm than good in the long run.
II. It is easy to harness and store renewable energy than the traditional sources of energy.
III. The shift to renewable energy source would create jobs .
Directions: Read the passage and answer the questions that follow:
More than three lakh workers will be employed in the solar and wind energy sectors to meet the country’s target of generating 175 gigawatts of electricity from renewable sources by 2022, an International Labour Organization (ILO) report said. The report titled, World Employment and Social Outlook (WESO) 2018: Greening with Jobs, quoted from a study conducted by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), on the changes in sectoral employment that will occur in order to meet India’s target. The study was based on surveys of solar and wind companies, developers and manufacturers.
“India is rapidly increasing its share of renewable energy sources, but still relies on coal, oil, natural gas, and the related carbon emissions for 80% of its electricity,” the report released on Tuesday said. This formed a small part of the report, which focused on the trajectory of the labour market in the backdrop of environmentally sustainable production practices. Tackling the misconception that green economies pave the way for economically undesirable outcomes, the report said rather than a trade-off between the two, their development goes hand in hand. According to the ILO report, there will be a net increase of 18 million jobs across the globe as a result of environmentally sustainable measures taken in the production and use of energy. This net figure is based on the estimation that the resultant job losses of six million will eventually lead to an increase of 24 million jobs as greener practices are adopted. Of this, 14 million jobs created will be in Asia and the Pacific.
“The transition to a green economy will inevitably cause job losses in certain sectors as carbon and resource-intensive industries are scaled down, but they will be offset by new job opportunities,” the report said. However, the report emphasised that the net increase of 18 million jobs is dependent on a supportive policy framework to aid displaced workers and skill development programs to help ease them into jobs that require new skills. It mentioned that although India does have a specific body or council to address the skills development for green transition, it has no existing institutional mechanism to anticipate skills needs and adapt training provision. Of the 27 countries surveyed, India and seven others fall under this category. “Developing and emerging economies have relatively weaker institutional capacity for integrating skills and environmental sustainability,” the report said.
The report stressed on the urgency of economies adopting sustainable practices, adding, in 2013, humanity used 1.7 times the amount of resources and waste that the biosphere was able to regenerate and absorb. The report reads, “It is striking that in a context of scarce resources and limited ability to absorb waste, current patterns of economic growth rely largely on the extraction of resources, manufacturing, consumption and waste.” It explained this urgency from the perspective of the job market by connecting labour productivity to climate change.“Looking ahead, projected temperature increases will make heat stress more common, reducing the total number of working hours by 2% globally by 2030 and affecting workers in agriculture, and developing countries,” the report said.
Q. What can be some steps that can be taken by India to improve its institutional capacity for integrating skills and environmental sustainability?
I. The government must improve the quality of skill development programs.
II. Set up institutes to produce more skilled people in this domain.
III. There should be adequate funding to support the shift of displaced workers into jobs that require new skills
Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given below:
For generations, companies have been selling fair skin to young Indian women, promising better marriage and employment prospects. However, over the last few years, men have become a favoured target audience. This followed the realisation that the Indian alpha male, denied a choice in male-specific grooming products, had been using women’s fairness creams all along. Until the mid-2000s, deodorants and shaving creams were the only grooming products advertised for men. But India’s largest consumer goods companies sensed an opportunity, and launched a slew of fairness products for male consumers.
In India, as in other parts of the world, light skin is the culturally accepted and endorsed form of beauty, and children absorb this message at a young age. According to a 2015 research report by Nielsen, urban Indian men believe that fair skin can improve professional prospects. The cultural pressure to look fair, argues Kiran Khalap, branding expert and founder at communications consultancy Chlorophyll, is something inherent in our society, not manufactured by companies. “And it is certainly not restricted to India: China and Japan have had skin-whitening products for centuries, well before they met Western ‘white’ people,” he said. However, there is a growing awareness among consumers that companies are exploiting their insecurities, and critics have taken some of the biggest fairness brands, and the celebrities who endorse them, to task for their casual discrimination.
Earlier this month, Bollywood actor Abhay Deol took to Facebook to trounce his fellow actors who earn millions from endorsing fairness creams. This comes a few years after actress Nandita Das launched the “Dark is Beautiful” campaign to encourage Indians to embrace a wider definition of beauty. These efforts are slowly making a difference, increasing awareness and encouraging consumers to take pride in their natural skin tones. That means Indian companies will eventually have to change their approach. “My sense is that brands will wake up to the new reality, and you will see propositions reworked around clearer skin (and) glow, rather than pure fairness,” Leo Burnett’s Sinha said.
Rajesh Krishnamurthy, business head for the consumer product division at The Himalaya Drug Company, believes that over time the men’s grooming category will evolve to include a wider range of products, including those for normal skin, just like in the women’s skin care category. “Companies are increasingly realising that you cannot continue to bullshit consumers anymore; these are educated young men who will question what you sell to them,” said Shantanu Deshpande, co-founder and CEO of the male-grooming startup Bombay Shaving Company.
Q. Choose a similar word in meaning to the word “trounce”
Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given below:
For generations, companies have been selling fair skin to young Indian women, promising better marriage and employment prospects. However, over the last few years, men have become a favoured target audience. This followed the realisation that the Indian alpha male, denied a choice in male-specific grooming products, had been using women’s fairness creams all along. Until the mid-2000s, deodorants and shaving creams were the only grooming products advertised for men. But India’s largest consumer goods companies sensed an opportunity, and launched a slew of fairness products for male consumers.
In India, as in other parts of the world, light skin is the culturally accepted and endorsed form of beauty, and children absorb this message at a young age. According to a 2015 research report by Nielsen, urban Indian men believe that fair skin can improve professional prospects. The cultural pressure to look fair, argues Kiran Khalap, branding expert and founder at communications consultancy Chlorophyll, is something inherent in our society, not manufactured by companies. “And it is certainly not restricted to India: China and Japan have had skin-whitening products for centuries, well before they met Western ‘white’ people,” he said. However, there is a growing awareness among consumers that companies are exploiting their insecurities, and critics have taken some of the biggest fairness brands, and the celebrities who endorse them, to task for their casual discrimination.
Earlier this month, Bollywood actor Abhay Deol took to Facebook to trounce his fellow actors who earn millions from endorsing fairness creams. This comes a few years after actress Nandita Das launched the “Dark is Beautiful” campaign to encourage Indians to embrace a wider definition of beauty. These efforts are slowly making a difference, increasing awareness and encouraging consumers to take pride in their natural skin tones. That means Indian companies will eventually have to change their approach. “My sense is that brands will wake up to the new reality, and you will see propositions reworked around clearer skin (and) glow, rather than pure fairness,” Leo Burnett’s Sinha said.
Rajesh Krishnamurthy, business head for the consumer product division at The Himalaya Drug Company, believes that over time the men’s grooming category will evolve to include a wider range of products, including those for normal skin, just like in the women’s skin care category. “Companies are increasingly realising that you cannot continue to bullshit consumers anymore; these are educated young men who will question what you sell to them,” said Shantanu Deshpande, co-founder and CEO of the male-grooming startup Bombay Shaving Company.
Q. With reference to the passage, why exactly was “Dark is beautiful” campaign initiated?
Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given below:
For generations, companies have been selling fair skin to young Indian women, promising better marriage and employment prospects. However, over the last few years, men have become a favoured target audience. This followed the realisation that the Indian alpha male, denied a choice in male-specific grooming products, had been using women’s fairness creams all along. Until the mid-2000s, deodorants and shaving creams were the only grooming products advertised for men. But India’s largest consumer goods companies sensed an opportunity, and launched a slew of fairness products for male consumers.
In India, as in other parts of the world, light skin is the culturally accepted and endorsed form of beauty, and children absorb this message at a young age. According to a 2015 research report by Nielsen, urban Indian men believe that fair skin can improve professional prospects. The cultural pressure to look fair, argues Kiran Khalap, branding expert and founder at communications consultancy Chlorophyll, is something inherent in our society, not manufactured by companies. “And it is certainly not restricted to India: China and Japan have had skin-whitening products for centuries, well before they met Western ‘white’ people,” he said. However, there is a growing awareness among consumers that companies are exploiting their insecurities, and critics have taken some of the biggest fairness brands, and the celebrities who endorse them, to task for their casual discrimination.
Earlier this month, Bollywood actor Abhay Deol took to Facebook to trounce his fellow actors who earn millions from endorsing fairness creams. This comes a few years after actress Nandita Das launched the “Dark is Beautiful” campaign to encourage Indians to embrace a wider definition of beauty. These efforts are slowly making a difference, increasing awareness and encouraging consumers to take pride in their natural skin tones. That means Indian companies will eventually have to change their approach. “My sense is that brands will wake up to the new reality, and you will see propositions reworked around clearer skin (and) glow, rather than pure fairness,” Leo Burnett’s Sinha said.
Rajesh Krishnamurthy, business head for the consumer product division at The Himalaya Drug Company, believes that over time the men’s grooming category will evolve to include a wider range of products, including those for normal skin, just like in the women’s skin care category. “Companies are increasingly realising that you cannot continue to bullshit consumers anymore; these are educated young men who will question what you sell to them,” said Shantanu Deshpande, co-founder and CEO of the male-grooming startup Bombay Shaving Company.
Q. What is the tone of the passage?
Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given below:
For generations, companies have been selling fair skin to young Indian women, promising better marriage and employment prospects. However, over the last few years, men have become a favoured target audience. This followed the realisation that the Indian alpha male, denied a choice in male-specific grooming products, had been using women’s fairness creams all along. Until the mid-2000s, deodorants and shaving creams were the only grooming products advertised for men. But India’s largest consumer goods companies sensed an opportunity, and launched a slew of fairness products for male consumers.
In India, as in other parts of the world, light skin is the culturally accepted and endorsed form of beauty, and children absorb this message at a young age. According to a 2015 research report by Nielsen, urban Indian men believe that fair skin can improve professional prospects. The cultural pressure to look fair, argues Kiran Khalap, branding expert and founder at communications consultancy Chlorophyll, is something inherent in our society, not manufactured by companies. “And it is certainly not restricted to India: China and Japan have had skin-whitening products for centuries, well before they met Western ‘white’ people,” he said. However, there is a growing awareness among consumers that companies are exploiting their insecurities, and critics have taken some of the biggest fairness brands, and the celebrities who endorse them, to task for their casual discrimination.
Earlier this month, Bollywood actor Abhay Deol took to Facebook to trounce his fellow actors who earn millions from endorsing fairness creams. This comes a few years after actress Nandita Das launched the “Dark is Beautiful” campaign to encourage Indians to embrace a wider definition of beauty. These efforts are slowly making a difference, increasing awareness and encouraging consumers to take pride in their natural skin tones. That means Indian companies will eventually have to change their approach. “My sense is that brands will wake up to the new reality, and you will see propositions reworked around clearer skin (and) glow, rather than pure fairness,” Leo Burnett’s Sinha said.
Rajesh Krishnamurthy, business head for the consumer product division at The Himalaya Drug Company, believes that over time the men’s grooming category will evolve to include a wider range of products, including those for normal skin, just like in the women’s skin care category. “Companies are increasingly realising that you cannot continue to bullshit consumers anymore; these are educated young men who will question what you sell to them,” said Shantanu Deshpande, co-founder and CEO of the male-grooming startup Bombay Shaving Company.
Q. What were the findings of the 2015 research report by Nielsen?
Directions : Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given below:
For generations, companies have been selling fair skin to young Indian women, promising better marriage and employment prospects. However, over the last few years, men have become a favoured target audience. This followed the realisation that the Indian alpha male, denied a choice in male-specific grooming products, had been using women’s fairness creams all along. Until the mid-2000s, deodorants and shaving creams were the only grooming products advertised for men. But India’s largest consumer goods companies sensed an opportunity, and launched a slew of fairness products for male consumers.
In India, as in other parts of the world, light skin is the culturally accepted and endorsed form of beauty, and children absorb this message at a young age. According to a 2015 research report by Nielsen, urban Indian men believe that fair skin can improve professional prospects. The cultural pressure to look fair, argues Kiran Khalap, branding expert and founder at communications consultancy Chlorophyll, is something inherent in our society, not manufactured by companies. “And it is certainly not restricted to India: China and Japan have had skin-whitening products for centuries, well before they met Western ‘white’ people,” he said. However, there is a growing awareness among consumers that companies are exploiting their insecurities, and critics have taken some of the biggest fairness brands, and the celebrities who endorse them, to task for their casual discrimination.
Earlier this month, Bollywood actor Abhay Deol took to Facebook to trounce his fellow actors who earn millions from endorsing fairness creams. This comes a few years after actress Nandita Das launched the “Dark is Beautiful” campaign to encourage Indians to embrace a wider definition of beauty. These efforts are slowly making a difference, increasing awareness and encouraging consumers to take pride in their natural skin tones. That means Indian companies will eventually have to change their approach. “My sense is that brands will wake up to the new reality, and you will see propositions reworked around clearer skin (and) glow, rather than pure fairness,” Leo Burnett’s Sinha said.
Rajesh Krishnamurthy, business head for the consumer product division at The Himalaya Drug Company, believes that over time the men’s grooming category will evolve to include a wider range of products, including those for normal skin, just like in the women’s skin care category. “Companies are increasingly realising that you cannot continue to bullshit consumers anymore; these are educated young men who will question what you sell to them,” said Shantanu Deshpande, co-founder and CEO of the male-grooming startup Bombay Shaving Company.
Q. What is the central idea of the passage?
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52 videos|107 docs|86 tests
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