SBI Clerk Prelims - Mock Test 1


100 Questions MCQ Test Mock Tests for 2018 Banking Exam and Past Year Papers | SBI Clerk Prelims - Mock Test 1


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QUESTION: 1

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. Choose an appropriate title for the passage.

Solution:
QUESTION: 2

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. Which of the following is true according to the passage?

A) In the peaceful rise of China, there is a room of concern and worries for India coz some of its act will eventually have adverse effect on India’s Foreign Relations.

B) The launch of New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank is the part of China’s alternate financial strategy.

C) Many Western analysts believe that China is not presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power.

Solution:
QUESTION: 3

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. According to the passage, what does the author suggest Indian PM?

Solution:
QUESTION: 4

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. According to the passage, PM Modi will visit the following countries?

A) China

B) Mongolia

C) South Korea

D) Russia

Solution:
QUESTION: 5

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. What does the author mean by the phrase “become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance””?

Solution:
QUESTION: 6

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “waded”?

Solution:
QUESTION: 7

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “fora”?

Solution:
QUESTION: 8

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. Which of the following is the synonym of the word “countenances”?

Solution:
QUESTION: 9

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. Which of the following is not the synonym of the word “intricate”?

Solution:
QUESTION: 10

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming visit to China, beginning May 14, is of considerable interest not only to peoples inhabiting the two countries, but also to leaders and strategic analysts globally. In China, Mr. Modi will be visiting Xian, Beijing and Shanghai over three days, before leaving for Mongolia and South Korea. Mr. Modi’s visit follows Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to India in September 2014. There is a great deal hinging on its outcome with China being viewed today as a pivot-state, and India the only nation in the region capable of maintaining the balance in the region. For his part, Mr. Modi has, no doubt, indicated that trade and economic ties with China would be his main priority. However, there is much more to an Indian Prime Minister’s visit to China than economic relations — unstated though this may be. This visit is again taking place at a time when China has unveiled a new strategic vision, and elements of the strategy conform to Sun Tzu’s principle of “winning without fighting”. It implicitly includes rewarding nations that it perceives as “friends” and, by implication, excluding nations that stand in its way.

China is also currently affording an opportunity to nations in the region to become a part of a Beijing-contrived “security alliance”, holding out the promise of a new Asian security paradigm, previously embedded in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Code of Conduct for Asia” (2014). The latter contained a veiled “warning” to countries forging military alliances to counter China. Perhaps, having waded too far out by its references to the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea at various regional fora, and more explicitly in the Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region following the U.S. President Barack Obama-Modi meeting in New Delhi in January this year, the Prime Minister may, hence, need to indulge in some intricate balancing acts to win the confidence of his hosts. Many Western analysts believe that China is presently demonstrating a degree of “strategic autism”, resulting from its growing power. The Indian side needs to factor this in its calculations. Under President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, China had, by and large, displayed a benign face. It was during this period, in 2008, that India and China unveiled a “Joint Strategic Vision for the 21st Century”. This was considered unusual even then for China generally finds it difficult to endorse a common vision. Under Mr. Xi, China has moved away from Deng Xiaoping’s injunction “to hide our capabilities and bide our time and never claim leadership”. It now countenances the employment of diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of China’s ambitious and long-term foreign policy agenda. Effectively, therefore, the 2008 “Shared Vision Concept” is all but buried, and it would be useful to see what happens next. The Indian side must avoid falling into any kind of trap of arriving at decisions on strategic issues, made seemingly easy by the Chinese employing very simplified, schematic representations of highly complex realities. Meanwhile, current realities in the region are becoming more complex having entered a period fraught with change. The emergence of new dangers in West Asia, the uncertainty in Afghanistan, with the Islamic State (IS) now siding with the Taliban, tensions among different nations in South-East Asia and East Asia, and evidence of increasing Chinese assertiveness, have produced an unstable equilibrium.

Consequently, while there are many issues that would be uppermost in Mr. Modi’s mind, the visit provides an excellent opportunity for him to assess, at first hand, where China is headed. It will give him a chance to estimate the potential impact of recent developments on Sino-Indian relations. The Prime Minister could begin by making a realistic appraisal of China’s “Defence Posture” and the kind of threat this poses to India. Rising defence budgets (the 2015 defence Budget is estimated at $141.5 billion — the 26th year of normal double digit increases since 1989), unveiling of a host of new state-of-the-art weapons such as the DF-21D “Carrier Killer” anti-ship ballistic missile (the Assassin’s Mace according to the United States) and the J-20 stealth fighter aircraft, employment of asymmetric tactics which conform to Sun Tzu’s precepts, all send out a clear message that China is no longer willing to watch from the sidelines where its immediate and long-term security interests are concerned.

Mr. Modi would also have the opportunity to understand, first hand, the implications of China’s “Outreach Programme”. The launch of the New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has already demonstrated Beijing’s determination to build an alternative financial architecture. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative (inclusive of a Silk Road Development Fund) aims to boost connectivity with China’s Central Asian neighbours, and establish a Eurasian land corridor from the Pacific Coast to the Baltic Sea, which possibly signals China’s determination to undermine the U.S. Pivot to Asia. The ‘Maritime Silk Road’ concept is possibly an even more audacious move, with plans to connect more than 50 countries via the sea and build a network of port cities along the Silk Road. This could well result in circumventing and circumscribing India’s own outreach diplomacy. The ambit of China’s “Public Diplomacy” including the rapid expansion of Confucius Institutes (there are over 415 such institutes around the globe including around 15 in India at present) also merits the Prime Minister’s attention. The interconnecting links between these Institutes and the authorities in China are matters which require to be better understood in the context of China’s current “soft power” offensive. As in the case of China’s “Peaceful Rise”, there is room for worry and concern. China has already notched up several diplomatic successes — some of these will have an adverse impact on India’s external relations. The transformation in China-Russia relations is clearly one. This has been facilitated by the $400 billion gas deal, but it should not be overlooked that Russia was possibly the first overseas destination for Mr. Xi. What should specially concern India and Mr. Modi, is that China and Russia are now determined to deepen their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and “contribute to lasting world peace”. Likewise, China has gained a strategic beachhead in West Asia with its Iran connection. China is reaping the reward of standing by Iran. This will clearly put India on the back foot in a region which it has carefully nursed for a long time

Q. Which of the following is not the synonym of the word “fraught”?

Solution:
QUESTION: 11

Directions: In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pair of words denoted by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence meaningfully complete.

He objected to the proposal because it was founded on a ________ principle and also was ________ at times.

Solution:
QUESTION: 12

Directions: In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pair of words denoted by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence meaningfully complete.

The criterion for ________ a player should be based on his recent performance; but unfortunately, the journalists are ________ to be carried away by earlier successes.

Solution:
QUESTION: 13

Directions: In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pair of words denoted by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence meaningfully complete.

For the last half century he ________ himself to public affairs ________ taking a holiday.

Solution:
QUESTION: 14

Directions: In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pair of words denoted by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence meaningfully complete.

You will see signs of ________ everywhere, which speak well for the ________ of these people.

Solution:
QUESTION: 15

Directions: In each of the following sentences there are two blank spaces. Below each sentence there are five pair of words denoted by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. Find out which pair of words can be filled up in the blanks in the sentence in the same sequence to make the sentence meaningfully complete.

The police arrested Ramesh on a ________ of theft but for lack of evidence ________ him.

Solution:
QUESTION: 16

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them. 

(A) Happiness, if at all found, is accompanied with sorrow. 

(B) This attitude helps us to cope up with our unhappiness. 

(C) The world is full of miseries, problems, risks and discomfiture. 

(D) It also helps us to be sympathetic to others who are more unhappy. 

(E) Therefore, it seems to be wise to compare our lot with the lot of those who are less fortunate. 

(F) None can find here perfect happiness

 

Q. Which of the following should be the FIRST sentence after rearrangement? 

Solution:
QUESTION: 17

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them. 

(A) Happiness, if at all found, is accompanied with sorrow. 

(B) This attitude helps us to cope up with our unhappiness. 

(C) The world is full of miseries, problems, risks and discomfiture. 

(D) It also helps us to be sympathetic to others who are more unhappy. 

(E) Therefore, it seems to be wise to compare our lot with the lot of those who are less fortunate. 

(F) None can find here perfect happiness

Q. Which of the following should be the FIFTH sentence after rearrangement? 

Solution:
QUESTION: 18

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them. 

(A) Happiness, if at all found, is accompanied with sorrow. 

(B) This attitude helps us to cope up with our unhappiness. 

(C) The world is full of miseries, problems, risks and discomfiture. 

(D) It also helps us to be sympathetic to others who are more unhappy. 

(E) Therefore, it seems to be wise to compare our lot with the lot of those who are less fortunate. 

(F) None can find here perfect happiness

Q. Which of the following should be the SIXTH (LAST) sentence after rearrangement? 

Solution:
QUESTION: 19

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them. 

(A) Happiness, if at all found, is accompanied with sorrow. 

(B) This attitude helps us to cope up with our unhappiness. 

(C) The world is full of miseries, problems, risks and discomfiture. 

(D) It also helps us to be sympathetic to others who are more unhappy. 

(E) Therefore, it seems to be wise to compare our lot with the lot of those who are less fortunate. 

(F) None can find here perfect happiness

Q. Which of the following should be the SECOND sentence after rearrangement? 

Solution:
QUESTION: 20

Directions: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in the proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph; then answer the questions given below them. 

(A) Happiness, if at all found, is accompanied with sorrow. 

(B) This attitude helps us to cope up with our unhappiness. 

(C) The world is full of miseries, problems, risks and discomfiture. 

(D) It also helps us to be sympathetic to others who are more unhappy. 

(E) Therefore, it seems to be wise to compare our lot with the lot of those who are less fortunate. 

(F) None can find here perfect happiness

Q. Which of the following should be the FOURTH sentence after rearrangement?

Solution:
QUESTION: 21

Direction: Which of the phrases (1), (2), (3) (4) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, Mark (5) ie 'No correction required as the answer.

The famous dancer died on Mumbai recently.

Solution:
QUESTION: 22

Direction: Which of the phrases (1), (2), (3) (4) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, Mark (5) ie 'No correction required as the answer.

The standard of English in the schools are highly uneven.

Solution:
QUESTION: 23

Direction: Which of the phrases (1), (2), (3) (4) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, Mark (5) ie 'No correction required as the answer.

Many healthy people are been infected by the virus.

Solution:
QUESTION: 24

Direction: Which of the phrases (1), (2), (3) (4) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, Mark (5) ie 'No correction required as the answer.

Balding is much more common in males than females.

Solution:
QUESTION: 25

Direction: Which of the phrases (1), (2), (3) (4) given below each sentence should replace the phrase printed in bold to make the sentence grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is, Mark (5) ie 'No correction required as the answer.

The new airport is under construction and likely to operational in two years.

Solution:
QUESTION: 26

Directions : Read each sentence to find our whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it the error,if any, will be in one part of the sentence. Ignore the error of punctuation, if any.

The smooth and easier 1)/ we allow people to navigate 2) / through any device at any place 3) / in the World, the better. 4) / No error 5)

Solution:

Use comparative smoother

QUESTION: 27

Directions : Read each sentence to find our whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it the error,if any, will be in one part of the sentence. Ignore the error of punctuation, if any.

Asian culture will, 1)/ sooner or later, 2) / become international norm 3)/ for entertainment industry. 4) / No error 5)

Solution:

Use article the

QUESTION: 28

Directions : Read each sentence to find our whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it the error,if any, will be in one part of the sentence. Ignore the error of punctuation, if any.

What really agonise them 1)/ is the presence of 2) / an unwanted and unscrupulous 3) / member on the panel. 4) / No error 5)

Solution:

The verb should be singular agonises

QUESTION: 29

Directions : Read each sentence to find our whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it the error,if any, will be in one part of the sentence. Ignore the error of punctuation, if any.

The business lobby wanted 1) / he to take over 2)/ as the new Chairman 3)/ of their coveted Board. 4) / No error 5)

Solution:

 Replace he with him

QUESTION: 30

Directions : Read each sentence to find our whether there is any grammatical or idiomatic error in it the error,if any, will be in one part of the sentence. Ignore the error of punctuation, if any.

Nowadays 1) / the accidents of diabetes 2) / among urban children 3) / is on the rise. 4)/ No error 5) 

Solution:

Substitute incidence for accidents.

QUESTION: 31

Directions : Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow

Q. If the profit earned by Company R in the year 2008 was Rs. 18.9 lakhs, what was the income in that year?

Solution:

QUESTION: 32

Directions : Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow

Q. What is the percentage rise in profit of Company T in the year 2009 from the year 2004?

Solution:

QUESTION: 33

Directions : Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow

Q. If the profit earned by Company P in the year 2007 was Rs. 2.1 lakhs, what was the expenditure in that year?

Solution:

QUESTION: 34

Directions : Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow

Q. What was the average per cent profit of Company S over all the years together?

Solution:

QUESTION: 35

Directions : Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow–

Q. What is the difference between the per cent profit earned by Company Q in the year 2005 and the average per cent profit earned by the remaining Companies together in that year?

Solution:

QUESTION: 36

Directions : Study the following pie chart and table carefully to answer the following questions that follow:

Percentage break up of employees working in various departments of an organisation and the ratio of men to women in them.

Total Number of Employees = 1800

Percentage Break up of employees 

Q. What is the number of men working in the marketing department?

Solution:

QUESTION: 37

Directions : Study the following pie chart and table carefully to answer the following questions that follow:

Percentage break up of employees working in various departments of an organisation and the ratio of men to women in them.

Total Number of Employees = 1800

Percentage Break up of employees 

 

Q. The number of women working in the IT department of the organisation forms approximately what per cent of the total number of employees in the organisations from all departments together?

Solution:

QUESTION: 38

Directions : Study the following pie chart and table carefully to answer the following questions that follow:

Percentage break up of employees working in various departments of an organisation and the ratio of men to women in them.

Total Number of Employees = 1800

Percentage Break up of employees 

Q. What is the respective ratio of the number of women working in the HR department of the organisation and the total number of employees in that department?

Solution:

QUESTION: 39

Directions : Study the following pie chart and table carefully to answer the following questions that follow:

Percentage break up of employees working in various departments of an organisation and the ratio of men to women in them.

Total Number of Employees = 1800

Percentage Break up of employees 

What is the respective ratio of the number of men working in the Accounts departments to the total number of employees working in that departments?

Solution:

QUESTION: 40

Directions : Study the following pie chart and table carefully to answer the following questions that follow:

Percentage break up of employees working in various departments of an organisation and the ratio of men to women in them.

Total Number of Employees = 1800

Percentage Break up of employees 

Q. The number of men working in the production department of the organisation forms what per cent of the total number of employees working in that department? (rounded off to two digits after decimal)

Solution:

QUESTION: 41

32.05% of 259.99 =?

Solution:

QUESTION: 42

4.78% of 1255 + 3.24% of 440 = 0.5% of ?

Solution:

QUESTION: 43

35.05% of 3365 + 8900 ÷ 41.99 = ?

Solution:

QUESTION: 44

(385% of 463) ÷179 = ?

Solution:

QUESTION: 45

84.04% of 1845 + 23.97% of 178.05 = ?

Solution:

QUESTION: 46

The average age of Sachin and Ganguli is 35 years. If Kaif replaces Sachin, the average age becomes 32 years and if Kaif replaces Ganguli, then the average age becomes 38 years. If the average age of Dhoni and Irfan be half of the average age of Sachin, Ganguly, and Kaif, then the average age of all the five people is:

Solution:

QUESTION: 47

The average rain fall in the months of January and February is 6 cm and in the months of March to June is 5 cm and July to October is 10 cm and in the November and December, it is 6 cm. The average rainfall for the whole year is:

Solution:

Jan + Feb = 6*2 = 12

Mar to Jun = 5*4 = 20

Jul to Oct = 10*4 = 40

Nov + Dec = 6*2 = 12

Required Average = (12+20+40+12)/12 = 7

QUESTION: 48

Three numbers A, B and C are in the ratio of 12 : 15 : 25. If sum of these numbers is 312, find the ratio between the difference of B and A and the difference of C and B.  

Solution:

QUESTION: 49

Mixture of milk and water has been kept in two separate containers. Ratio of milk to water in one of the containers is 5 : 1 and that in the other container 7 : 2. In what ratio the mixtures of these two containers should be added together so that the quantity of milk in the new mixture may become 80%? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 50

In the following questions three equations numbered I, II and III are given. You have to solve all the equations either together or separately, or two together and one separately, or by any other method and give answer

I. 7x + 6y + 4z = 122 

II. 4x + 5y + 3z = 88 

III. 9x + 2y + z = 78

Solution:

x = 6, y = 8, z = 8

Therefore, x < y = z

QUESTION: 51

In the following questions three equations numbered I, II and III are given. You have to solve all the equations either together or separately, or two together and one separately, or by any other method and give answer

I. 7x + 6y =110 

II. 4x + 3y = 59 

III. x + z = 15

Solution:

x = 8, y = 9, z = 7

Therefore, x < y > z

QUESTION: 52

In the following questions three equations numbered I, II and III are given. You have to solve all the equations either together or separately, or two together and one separately, or by any other method and give answer

I. x = ((36)1/2 × (1296)1/4)1/2)

II. 2y + 3z = 33

III. 6y + 5z = 71

Solution:

x = 6, y = 6, z =7

Therefore, x = y < z

QUESTION: 53

In the following questions three equations numbered I, II and III are given. You have to solve all the equations either together or separately, or two together and one separately, or by any other method and give answer

I. 8x + 7y= 135 

II. 5x + 6y = 99 

III. 9y + 8z = 121

Solution:

x = 9, y = 9, z = 5

Therefore, x = y > z

QUESTION: 54

In the following questions three equations numbered I, II and III are given. You have to solve all the equations either together or separately, or two together and one separately, or by any other method and give answer

I. (x + y)3= 1331 

II. x - y + z = 0 

III. xy = 28

Solution:

x = 7, y = 4, z = -3

Therefore, x > y > z

QUESTION: 55

19    68   ?   129   145   154

Solution:

19 + 72 68

68 + 62 = 104

104 + 52 = 129

129 + 42 = 145

145 + 32= 154

QUESTION: 56

0   5    18   43   84    145   ?

Solution:

0 + 5 = 5

5 + 13 = 43

18 + 25 = 43

43 + 41 = 84

84 + 61 = 145

? = 145 + 85 = 230

QUESTION: 57

10    17    48    165    688    3475    ?

Solution:

10*1 + 1*7 = 17

17*2 + 2*7 = 48

48*3 + 3*7 = 165

165*4 + 4*7 = 688

688*5 + 5*7 = 3475

? = 3475*6 + 6*7 = 20892

QUESTION: 58

1    3    24    360    8640     302400    ?

Solution:

1*3 = 3

3*8 = 24

24*15 = 360

360*24 = 8640

8640*35 = 302400

? = 302400*48 = 14515200

QUESTION: 59

The area of a rectangle is 4 times the area of a square. The area of the square is 729 sq cm and the length of the rectangle is 81 cm. What is the difference between the side of the square and the breadth of the rectangle? 

Solution:

Area of rectangle = 4*729

81b = 4*729

b = 36

Difference = 36 – √729=9 cm

QUESTION: 60

Sohan spends 23% of an amount of money on an insurance policy, 33% on food, 19% on children’s education and 16% on recreation. He deposits the remaining amount of Rs. 504 in bank. How much total amount does he spend on food and insurance policy together? 

Solution:

Let the total amount of money be ‘x’

x – (23+33+19+16)*x/100 = 504

x = 5600

Amount spend on food & Insurance = (23+33) * 5600/100 = 3136

QUESTION: 61

A merchant earns a profit of 20% by selling a basket containing 80 apples whose cost is Rs. 240 but he gives one-fourth of it to his friend at cost price and sells the remaining apples. In order to earn the same profit, at what price must he sell each apple?

Solution:

SP of all 80 apples to earn 20% profit = 120% of 480 = 288

Now, 80/4 = 20 apples are sold for = 20*(240/80) = 60

SP of remained 60 apples = 288-60 = 228

SP of 1 apple = 228/60 = 3.80

QUESTION: 62

In a ward-robe, Nitish has 3 trousers. One of them is black, second is blue and third brown. In this ward-robe, he has 4 shirts also. One of them is black and the other 3 are white. He opens his ward-robe in the dark and picks out one shirt-trouser pair without examining the colour. What is the likelihood that neither the shirts nor the trousers are black? 

Solution:

Probability that both shirts and trousers are not black = (2/3)*(3/4) = 1/2

QUESTION: 63

A train overtakes two persons walking along a railway track. The first one walks at 4.5 km/h and the other one walks at 5.4 km/h. The train needs 8.4 s and 8.5 s respectively, to overtake them. What is the speed of the train, if both the persons are walking in the same directions as the train? 

Solution:

let speed of train be ‘x’ m/s

[x- (4.5*5)/18]*8.4 = [x- (5.5*5)/18]8.5

X = 22.5

Speed of train = 22.5* (18/5) = 81 kmph

QUESTION: 64

Two cars A and B are running towards each other from two different places 88 km apart. If the ratio of the speeds of the cars A and B is 5 : 6 and the speed of the car B is 90 km/h, after what time will they meet each other? 

Solution:

Let speed be 5x and 6x of A and B respectively

Speed of B, 6x = 90 => x = 15

Speed of A, 5x = 5*15 = 75 kmph

Let A and B meet after ‘t’ hours then,

75t + 90t = 88

t = 88/165 hour

Or, t = (88*60)/165 = 32 minutes

QUESTION: 65

A milkman buys some milk contained in 10 vessels of equal size. If he sells his milk at Rs 5 a litre, he loses Rs 200; while selling it at Rs6 a litre, he would gain Rs150 on the whole. Find the number of litres contained in each vessel.

Solution:

QUESTION: 66

Directions : Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

There are nine people A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H and I who sit around a circular table. Some are facing towards and some are facing away from the center. They like different seasons among summer, winter, Rainy, spring and autumn. Not more than 2 people like the same season. The following information is known about them. 

C and G form the only pair that is sitting together and like the same season. They are facing in opposite directions to each other. The one who likes Rainy season sits third to the left of B but is neither C nor F. A sits second to the left of F, who likes winter. The one who likes summer is an immediate neighbour of H and E but none of them sits adjacent to C or G. A and H face in the same direction as that of E. I sits third to the right of D, who is facing away from the center and likes spring. E sits second to the left of C. The persons who like winter face towards the center. A either likes Summer or Spring season. One who sits second to the right of I likes spring and faces opposite to the center.

Q. Who sits second to the right of E? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 67

Directions : Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

There are nine people A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H and I who sit around a circular table. Some are facing towards and some are facing away from the center. They like different seasons among summer, winter, Rainy, spring and autumn. Not more than 2 people like the same season. The following information is known about them. 

C and G form the only pair that is sitting together and like the same season. They are facing in opposite directions to each other. The one who likes Rainy season sits third to the left of B but is neither C nor F. A sits second to the left of F, who likes winter. The one who likes summer is an immediate neighbour of H and E but none of them sits adjacent to C or G. A and H face in the same direction as that of E. I sits third to the right of D, who is facing away from the center and likes spring. E sits second to the left of C. The persons who like winter face towards the center. A either likes Summer or Spring season. One who sits second to the right of I likes spring and faces opposite to the center.

Q. Who among the following like summer? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 68

Directions : Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

There are nine people A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H and I who sit around a circular table. Some are facing towards and some are facing away from the center. They like different seasons among summer, winter, Rainy, spring and autumn. Not more than 2 people like the same season. The following information is known about them. 

C and G form the only pair that is sitting together and like the same season. They are facing in opposite directions to each other. The one who likes Rainy season sits third to the left of B but is neither C nor F. A sits second to the left of F, who likes winter. The one who likes summer is an immediate neighbour of H and E but none of them sits adjacent to C or G. A and H face in the same direction as that of E. I sits third to the right of D, who is facing away from the center and likes spring. E sits second to the left of C. The persons who like winter face towards the center. A either likes Summer or Spring season. One who sits second to the right of I likes spring and faces opposite to the center.

Q. Which season is liked by B? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 69

Directions : Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

There are nine people A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H and I who sit around a circular table. Some are facing towards and some are facing away from the center. They like different seasons among summer, winter, Rainy, spring and autumn. Not more than 2 people like the same season. The following information is known about them. 

C and G form the only pair that is sitting together and like the same season. They are facing in opposite directions to each other. The one who likes Rainy season sits third to the left of B but is neither C nor F. A sits second to the left of F, who likes winter. The one who likes summer is an immediate neighbour of H and E but none of them sits adjacent to C or G. A and H face in the same direction as that of E. I sits third to the right of D, who is facing away from the center and likes spring. E sits second to the left of C. The persons who like winter face towards the center. A either likes Summer or Spring season. One who sits second to the right of I likes spring and faces opposite to the center.

Q.  How many people face towards the centre? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 70

Directions : Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

There are nine people A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H and I who sit around a circular table. Some are facing towards and some are facing away from the center. They like different seasons among summer, winter, Rainy, spring and autumn. Not more than 2 people like the same season. The following information is known about them. 

C and G form the only pair that is sitting together and like the same season. They are facing in opposite directions to each other. The one who likes Rainy season sits third to the left of B but is neither C nor F. A sits second to the left of F, who likes winter. The one who likes summer is an immediate neighbour of H and E but none of them sits adjacent to C or G. A and H face in the same direction as that of E. I sits third to the right of D, who is facing away from the center and likes spring. E sits second to the left of C. The persons who like winter face towards the center. A either likes Summer or Spring season. One who sits second to the right of I likes spring and faces opposite to the center.

Q. In which direction G and A are facing? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 71

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

Six friends P, Q, R, S, T and U have different numbers of shirts. The person who has the second highest number of shirts has 25 shirts. P has more shirts than Q but not the highest. S has more shirts than R and U but not more than Q. R has more shirts than only one person. 

Q. How many shirts does T possibly have? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 72

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

Six friends P, Q, R, S, T and U have different numbers of shirts. The person who has the second highest number of shirts has 25 shirts. P has more shirts than Q but not the highest. S has more shirts than R and U but not more than Q. R has more shirts than only one person. 

Q. Who among the following has the third lowest number of shirts? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 73

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

Six friends P, Q, R, S, T and U have different numbers of shirts. The person who has the second highest number of shirts has 25 shirts. P has more shirts than Q but not the highest. S has more shirts than R and U but not more than Q. R has more shirts than only one person. 

Q. If P and R together have 37 shirts, then how many shirts does R have? 

Solution:

35-25 = 12

QUESTION: 74

Point P is 9 m towards the East of point Q. Point R is 5 m towards the South of Point P. Point S is 3 m towards the West of point R. Point T is 5 m towards the North of point S. Point V is 7 m towards the South of point S 

Q. If a person walks in a straight line for 8 m towards West form point R, which of the following points would he cross the first? 

Solution:

If a person walks in a straight line for 8 m towards west from point R, then he would be cross ‘S’.

QUESTION: 75

Point P is 9 m towards the East of point Q. Point R is 5 m towards the South of Point P. Point S is 3 m towards the West of point R. Point T is 5 m towards the North of point S. Point V is 7 m towards the South of point S 

Q. Which of the following points are in a straight line? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 76

In a row at a bus stop, A is 9th from the right and B is 7th from the left. They both interchange their positions. If there are 20 people in the row, what will be the new position of B form the left? 

Solution:

Number of people in the row = Position of person from left + Position of person form right - 1 
A is 9th from the right. Also, there are 20 people in the row. 
∴ 20 = Position of A from the left + 9 - 1 
∴ Position of A from the left = 12th 
When A and B interchange positions, A’s old positions becomes B’s new position. 

Thus, B is now 12th form left. 

QUESTION: 77

In a certain code language

"higher we goes money"  is written as "ZX5%  YN2@  VT4& FX6*.

And " Umbrella kite I satellite" is written as  " AF8@, SX1&, NK4%, LU9*.

And  "John belong to America " is written as "VL2@  CA7*  LQ4&  NT6#.

And " Sweet are necessary health" is written as " UA5@  LX3#  CT9&  UV6*.

 

Q. What is the code for ‘school’ in the given code language?

Solution:

The logic for all the above code is: There is count of total letter in the word is consider for coding (in number like 1,2 or so on). And rest of the word include two letter and one symbol and can be anything.

QUESTION: 78

In a certain code language "higher we goes money"  is written as "ZX5%  YN2@  VT4& FX6*. And " Umbrella kite I satellite" is written as  " AF8@, SX1&, NK4%, LU9*.And  "John belong to America " is written as "VL2@  CA7*  LQ4&  NT6#. And " Sweet are necessary health" is written as " UA5@  LX3#  CT9&  UV6*.

Q.What is the code for ‘Money Required’ in the given code language?

Solution:

The logic for all the above code is: There is count of total letter in the word is consider for coding (in number like 1,2 or so on). And rest of the word include two letter and one symbol and can be anything.

QUESTION: 79

In a certain code language "higher we goes money"  is written as "ZX5%  YN2@  VT4& FX6*. And " Umbrella kite I satellite" is written as  " AF8@, SX1&, NK4%, LU9*.And  "John belong to America " is written as "VL2@  CA7*  LQ4&  NT6#. And " Sweet are necessary health" is written as " UA5@  LX3#  CT9&  UV6*.

Q. What may be the possible code for ‘do your job’ in the given code language?

Solution:

The logic for all the above code is:  There is count of total letter in the word is consider for coding (in number like 1,2 or so on). And rest of the word include two letter and one symbol and can be anything.

QUESTION: 80

In a certain code language "higher we goes money"  is written as "ZX5%  YN2@  VT4& FX6*. And " Umbrella kite I satellite" is written as  " AF8@, SX1&, NK4%, LU9*.And  "John belong to America " is written as "VL2@  CA7*  LQ4&  NT6#. And " Sweet are necessary health" is written as " UA5@  LX3#  CT9&  UV6*.

Q. What may be the possible code for ‘Student school’ in the given code language?

Solution:

The logic for all the above code is:  There is count of total letter in the word is consider for coding (in number like 1,2 or so on). And rest of the word include two letter and one symbol and can be anything.

QUESTION: 81

In a certain code language "higher we goes money"  is written as "ZX5%  YN2@  VT4& FX6*. And " Umbrella kite I satellite" is written as  " AF8@, SX1&, NK4%, LU9*.And  "John belong to America " is written as "VL2@  CA7*  LQ4&  NT6#. And " Sweet are necessary health" is written as " UA5@  LX3#  CT9&  UV6*

Q. What is the code for ‘Kind Work’ in the given code language?

Solution:

The logic for all the above code is:  There is count of total letter in the word is consider for coding (in number like 1,2 or so on). And rest of the word include two letter and one symbol and can be anything.

QUESTION: 82

B is mother of H. D is father of X. C is the sister of H. H is the only son of D. Y is the sister in law of C. H is the father of T. T and V are sister.If C and Z are married couple then how is Z related to Y?

Solution:

QUESTION: 83

If P is father of Q, who is wife of L. L is the only son of A. L is the brother of C. F is the mother of C's only sister D. R is the mother in law of L. Q is the mother of H.If M is the only son of L then how is H related to R?

Solution:

QUESTION: 84

Directions: In each of the questions below are given four statements followed by four conclusions numbered I, II, III and IV. You have to take the given statements to be true even if they seem to be at variance from commonly known facts. Read all the conclusions and then decide which of the given conclusions logically follows from the given statements disregarding commonly known facts.

Statements: Some computers are laptops. Some laptops are notebooks. All notebooks are papers. All papers are phones.

Conclusions:

I. Some laptops are papers.

II. Some phones are notebooks.

III. Some computers are notebooks.

IV. No computer is notebook.

Solution:

QUESTION: 85

Directions: In each of the questions below are given four statements followed by four conclusions numbered I, II, III and IV. You have to take the given statements to be true even if they seem to be at variance from commonly known facts. Read all the conclusions and then decide which of the given conclusions logically follows from the given statements disregarding commonly known facts.

Statements: All socks are shoes. Some shoes are wallets. Some wallets are bags. No bag is purse.

Conclusions:

I. Some bags are socks.

II. Some wallets are socks.

III. No wallet is purse.

IV. Some purses are wallets.

Solution:

QUESTION: 86

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

(i) P, Q, R, S, T, U and V are seven persons wearing a shoes of different colours - white, red, black, green, yellow, blue and violet - and socks of different colours - blue, red, white, black, cream, yellow and indigo. The persons, colour of the shoes and colour of the socks above are not necessarily in the same order. No person is wearing shoes and socks of same colour. 
(ii) Q is wearing red shoes and is not wearing cream or yellow socks. S is wearing green shoes and indigo socks. Colour of P’s shoes and U’ socks is same. Colour of T’s shoes and R’s socks is same. V is wearing blue shoes and T is wearing blue socks. U is not wearing any yellow dress. Red and blue is not the combination of shoes and socks of any of the persons. 

Q. What is the colour of P’s socks? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 87

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

(i) P, Q, R, S, T, U and V are seven persons wearing a shoes of different colours - white, red, black, green, yellow, blue and violet - and socks of different colours - blue, red, white, black, cream, yellow and indigo. The persons, colour of the shoes and colour of the socks above are not necessarily in the same order. No person is wearing shoes and socks of same colour. 
(ii) Q is wearing red shoes and is not wearing cream or yellow socks. S is wearing green shoes and indigo socks. Colour of P’s shoes and U’ socks is same. Colour of T’s shoes and R’s socks is same. V is wearing blue shoes and T is wearing blue socks. U is not wearing any yellow dress. Red and blue is not the combination of shoes and socks of any of the persons. 

Q. What is the colour of V’s socks? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 88

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

(i) P, Q, R, S, T, U and V are seven persons wearing a shoes of different colours - white, red, black, green, yellow, blue and violet - and socks of different colours - blue, red, white, black, cream, yellow and indigo. The persons, colour of the shoes and colour of the socks above are not necessarily in the same order. No person is wearing shoes and socks of same colour. 
(ii) Q is wearing red shoes and is not wearing cream or yellow socks. S is wearing green shoes and indigo socks. Colour of P’s shoes and U’ socks is same. Colour of T’s shoes and R’s socks is same. V is wearing blue shoes and T is wearing blue socks. U is not wearing any yellow dress. Red and blue is not the combination of shoes and socks of any of the persons. 

Q. Who wears violet shoes? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 89

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

(i) P, Q, R, S, T, U and V are seven persons wearing a shoes of different colours - white, red, black, green, yellow, blue and violet - and socks of different colours - blue, red, white, black, cream, yellow and indigo. The persons, colour of the shoes and colour of the socks above are not necessarily in the same order. No person is wearing shoes and socks of same colour. 
(ii) Q is wearing red shoes and is not wearing cream or yellow socks. S is wearing green shoes and indigo socks. Colour of P’s shoes and U’ socks is same. Colour of T’s shoes and R’s socks is same. V is wearing blue shoes and T is wearing blue socks. U is not wearing any yellow dress. Red and blue is not the combination of shoes and socks of any of the persons. 

Q. What is the colour of U’s shoes? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 90

Directions: Study the following information carefully and answer the questions given below:

(i) P, Q, R, S, T, U and V are seven persons wearing a shoes of different colours - white, red, black, green, yellow, blue and violet - and socks of different colours - blue, red, white, black, cream, yellow and indigo. The persons, colour of the shoes and colour of the socks above are not necessarily in the same order. No person is wearing shoes and socks of same colour. 
(ii) Q is wearing red shoes and is not wearing cream or yellow socks. S is wearing green shoes and indigo socks. Colour of P’s shoes and U’ socks is same. Colour of T’s shoes and R’s socks is same. V is wearing blue shoes and T is wearing blue socks. U is not wearing any yellow dress. Red and blue is not the combination of shoes and socks of any of the persons. 

Q. What is the colour of Q’s socks? 

Solution:

QUESTION: 91

Directions: In each of the questions below are given three statements followed by four conclusions numbered I, II, III and IV. You have to take the given statements to be true even if they seem to be at variance from commonly known facts. Read all the conclusions and then decide which of the given conclusions definitely follows from the given statements, disregarding commonly known facts.​

Statements: All donkey are cats. All cats are tables. All table are boy. All boy are tide.

Conclusions: 

I. Some tide are table.

II. All cats are boy.

III. Some boy are donkey.

IV. All donkey are tide.

Solution:

QUESTION: 92

Directions: In each of the questions below are given three statements followed by four conclusions numbered I, II, III and IV. You have to take the given statements to be true even if they seem to be at variance from commonly known facts. Read all the conclusions and then decide which of the given conclusions definitely follows from the given statements, disregarding commonly known facts.​

Statements: Some basic are good. Some good are hour. Some hour are light. Some light are tigers.

Conclusions: 

I. Some tigers are good.

II. No tiger is good.

III. Some light are basic.

IV. No light is basic.

Solution:

QUESTION: 93

Directions: In each of the questions below are given three statements followed by four conclusions numbered I, II, III and IV. You have to take the given statements to be true even if they seem to be at variance from commonly known facts. Read all the conclusions and then decide which of the given conclusions definitely follows from the given statements, disregarding commonly known facts.​

Statements: All point are books. All books are coins. Some coins are joint. Some joint are play.

Conclusions: 

I. Some play are coins.

II. Some play are books.

III. Some coins are point.

IV. Some books are point.

Solution:

QUESTION: 94

Which of the following expressions will be true if the expression Z> O = Y> S <C is definitely true?

Solution:
QUESTION: 95

Which of the following symbols should replace the question mark (?) in the given expression in order to make the expressions B>A as well as U≤V definitely true?B>V ? A ≥ N = U

Solution:
QUESTION: 96

Which of the following symbols should be placed in the blank spaces respectively (in the same order from left to right) in order to complete the given expression in such a manner that makes the expression Y>Z as well as X≤W definitely true?

Y _ W _ O _ Z _ X

Solution:
QUESTION: 97

Which of the following should be placed in the blank spaces respectively (in the same order from left to right) in order to complete the given expression in such a manner that makes the expression Z<X definitely false?

_ ≤ _ < _ > _

Solution:
QUESTION: 98

Which of the following symbols should be placed in the blank spaces respectively (in the same order from left to right) in order to complete the given expression in such a manner that makes the expression A>B and C>E definitely false?A _ O _ C _ B _ E

Solution:
QUESTION: 99

What will come in place of the question mark (?) in the following alphabet series?

AC DC EF IG ?

Solution:

QUESTION: 100

In a row of children facing North Samir is 17th from the left end of the row and second to the right of Jyoti who is fifteenth from the right end of the row. How many children are there in the row?

Solution: