XAT Mock Test - 6 (New Pattern) - CAT MCQ

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Anthropology is the whole history of man as fired and pervaded by the idea of evolution. Man in evolution - that is the subject in its full reach. Anthropology studies man as he occurs at all known times. It studies him as he occurs in all known parts of the world. It studies him body and soul together - as a bodily organism, subject to conditions operating in time and space, which bodily organism is in intimate relation with a soul-life, also subject to those same conditions. Having an eye to such conditions from first to last, it seeks to plot out the general series of the changes, bodily and mental together, undergone by man in the course of his history. Its business is simply to describe. But, without exceeding the limits of its scope, it can and must proceed from the particular to the general; aiming at nothing less than a descriptive formula that shall sum up the whole series of changes in which the evolution of man consists.

That will do, perhaps, as a short account of the ideal scope of anthropology. Being short, it is bound to be rather formal and colourless. To put some body into it, however, it is necessary to breathe but a single word. That word is: Darwin.

Anthropology is the child of Darwin. Darwinism makes it possible. Reject the Darwinian point of view, and you must reject anthropology also. What, then, is Darwinism? Not a cut-and-dried doctrine. Not a dogma. Darwinism is a working hypothesis. You suppose something to be true, and work away to see whether, in the light of that supposed truth, certain facts fit together better than they do on any other supposition. What is the truth that Darwinism supposes? Simply that all the forms of life in the world are related together; and that the relations manifested in time and space between the different lives are sufficiently uniform to be described under a general formula, or law of evolution.

This means that man must, for certain purposes of science, toe the line with the rest of living things. And at first, naturally enough, man did not like it. He was too lordly. For a long time, therefore, he pretended to be fighting for the Bible, when he was really fighting for his own dignity. This was rather hard on the Bible, which has nothing to do with the Aristotelian theory of the fixity of species; though it might seem possible to read back something of the kind into the primitive creation-stories preserved in Genesis. Now-a-days, however, we have mostly got over the first shock to our family pride. We are all Darwinians in a passive kind of way. But we need to darwinize actively. In the sciences that have to do with plants, and with the rest of the animals besides man, naturalists have been so active in their darwinizing that the pre-Darwinian stuff is once for all laid by on the shelf. When man, however, engages on the subject of his noble self, the tendency still is to say: We accept Darwinism so long as it is not allowed to count, so long as we may go on believing the same old stuff in the same old way.

How do we anthropologists propose to combat this tendency? By working away at our subject, and persuading people to have a look at our results. Once people take up anthropology, they may be trusted not to drop it again. It is like learning to sleep with your window open. What could be more stupefying than to shut yourself up in a closet and swallow your own gas? But is it any less stupefying to shut yourself up within the last few thousand years of the history of your own corner of the world, and suck in the stale atmosphere of its own self-generated prejudices? Or, to vary the metaphor, anthropology is like travel. Everyone starts by thinking that there is nothing so perfect as his own parish. But let a man go aboard ship to visit foreign parts, and, when he returns home, he will cause that parish to wake up.

Which one of the following is correct as per the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Anthropology is the whole history of man as fired and pervaded by the idea of evolution. Man in evolution - that is the subject in its full reach. Anthropology studies man as he occurs at all known times. It studies him as he occurs in all known parts of the world. It studies him body and soul together - as a bodily organism, subject to conditions operating in time and space, which bodily organism is in intimate relation with a soul-life, also subject to those same conditions. Having an eye to such conditions from first to last, it seeks to plot out the general series of the changes, bodily and mental together, undergone by man in the course of his history. Its business is simply to describe. But, without exceeding the limits of its scope, it can and must proceed from the particular to the general; aiming at nothing less than a descriptive formula that shall sum up the whole series of changes in which the evolution of man consists.

That will do, perhaps, as a short account of the ideal scope of anthropology. Being short, it is bound to be rather formal and colourless. To put some body into it, however, it is necessary to breathe but a single word. That word is: Darwin.

Anthropology is the child of Darwin. Darwinism makes it possible. Reject the Darwinian point of view, and you must reject anthropology also. What, then, is Darwinism? Not a cut-and-dried doctrine. Not a dogma. Darwinism is a working hypothesis. You suppose something to be true, and work away to see whether, in the light of that supposed truth, certain facts fit together better than they do on any other supposition. What is the truth that Darwinism supposes? Simply that all the forms of life in the world are related together; and that the relations manifested in time and space between the different lives are sufficiently uniform to be described under a general formula, or law of evolution.

This means that man must, for certain purposes of science, toe the line with the rest of living things. And at first, naturally enough, man did not like it. He was too lordly. For a long time, therefore, he pretended to be fighting for the Bible, when he was really fighting for his own dignity. This was rather hard on the Bible, which has nothing to do with the Aristotelian theory of the fixity of species; though it might seem possible to read back something of the kind into the primitive creation-stories preserved in Genesis. Now-a-days, however, we have mostly got over the first shock to our family pride. We are all Darwinians in a passive kind of way. But we need to darwinize actively. In the sciences that have to do with plants, and with the rest of the animals besides man, naturalists have been so active in their darwinizing that the pre-Darwinian stuff is once for all laid by on the shelf. When man, however, engages on the subject of his noble self, the tendency still is to say: We accept Darwinism so long as it is not allowed to count, so long as we may go on believing the same old stuff in the same old way.

How do we anthropologists propose to combat this tendency? By working away at our subject, and persuading people to have a look at our results. Once people take up anthropology, they may be trusted not to drop it again. It is like learning to sleep with your window open. What could be more stupefying than to shut yourself up in a closet and swallow your own gas? But is it any less stupefying to shut yourself up within the last few thousand years of the history of your own corner of the world, and suck in the stale atmosphere of its own self-generated prejudices? Or, to vary the metaphor, anthropology is like travel. Everyone starts by thinking that there is nothing so perfect as his own parish. But let a man go aboard ship to visit foreign parts, and, when he returns home, he will cause that parish to wake up.

Which of the following is NOT true according to the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Anthropology is the whole history of man as fired and pervaded by the idea of evolution. Man in evolution - that is the subject in its full reach. Anthropology studies man as he occurs at all known times. It studies him as he occurs in all known parts of the world. It studies him body and soul together - as a bodily organism, subject to conditions operating in time and space, which bodily organism is in intimate relation with a soul-life, also subject to those same conditions. Having an eye to such conditions from first to last, it seeks to plot out the general series of the changes, bodily and mental together, undergone by man in the course of his history. Its business is simply to describe. But, without exceeding the limits of its scope, it can and must proceed from the particular to the general; aiming at nothing less than a descriptive formula that shall sum up the whole series of changes in which the evolution of man consists.

That will do, perhaps, as a short account of the ideal scope of anthropology. Being short, it is bound to be rather formal and colourless. To put some body into it, however, it is necessary to breathe but a single word. That word is: Darwin.

Anthropology is the child of Darwin. Darwinism makes it possible. Reject the Darwinian point of view, and you must reject anthropology also. What, then, is Darwinism? Not a cut-and-dried doctrine. Not a dogma. Darwinism is a working hypothesis. You suppose something to be true, and work away to see whether, in the light of that supposed truth, certain facts fit together better than they do on any other supposition. What is the truth that Darwinism supposes? Simply that all the forms of life in the world are related together; and that the relations manifested in time and space between the different lives are sufficiently uniform to be described under a general formula, or law of evolution.

This means that man must, for certain purposes of science, toe the line with the rest of living things. And at first, naturally enough, man did not like it. He was too lordly. For a long time, therefore, he pretended to be fighting for the Bible, when he was really fighting for his own dignity. This was rather hard on the Bible, which has nothing to do with the Aristotelian theory of the fixity of species; though it might seem possible to read back something of the kind into the primitive creation-stories preserved in Genesis. Now-a-days, however, we have mostly got over the first shock to our family pride. We are all Darwinians in a passive kind of way. But we need to darwinize actively. In the sciences that have to do with plants, and with the rest of the animals besides man, naturalists have been so active in their darwinizing that the pre-Darwinian stuff is once for all laid by on the shelf. When man, however, engages on the subject of his noble self, the tendency still is to say: We accept Darwinism so long as it is not allowed to count, so long as we may go on believing the same old stuff in the same old way.

How do we anthropologists propose to combat this tendency? By working away at our subject, and persuading people to have a look at our results. Once people take up anthropology, they may be trusted not to drop it again. It is like learning to sleep with your window open. What could be more stupefying than to shut yourself up in a closet and swallow your own gas? But is it any less stupefying to shut yourself up within the last few thousand years of the history of your own corner of the world, and suck in the stale atmosphere of its own self-generated prejudices? Or, to vary the metaphor, anthropology is like travel. Everyone starts by thinking that there is nothing so perfect as his own parish. But let a man go aboard ship to visit foreign parts, and, when he returns home, he will cause that parish to wake up.

Why, according to the passage, was Darwinism opposed by man in the beginning?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

It is a sin to write this. It is a sin to think words no others think and to put them down upon a paper no others are to see. It is base and evil. It is as if we were speaking alone to no ears but our own. And we know well that there is no transgression blacker than to do or think alone. We have broken the laws. The laws say that men may not write unless the Council of Vocations bid them so. May we be forgiven!

But this is not the only sin upon us. We have committed a greater crime, and for this crime there is no name. What punishment awaits us if it be discovered we know not, for no such crime has come in the memory of men and there are no laws to provide for it.

It is dark here. The flame of the candle stands still in the air. Nothing moves in this tunnel save our hand on the paper. We are alone here under the earth. It is a fearful word, alone. The laws say that none among men may be alone, ever and at any time, for this is the great transgression and the root of all evil. But we have broken many laws. And now there is nothing here save our one body, and it is strange to see only two legs stretched on the ground, and on the wall before us the shadow of our one head. The walls are cracked and water runs upon them in thin threads without sound, black and glistening as blood. We stole the candle from the larder of the Home of the Street Sweepers. We shall be sentenced to ten years in the Palace of Corrective Detention if it be discovered. But this matters not. It matters only that the light is precious and we should not waste it to write when we need it for that work which is our crime. Nothing matters save the work, our secret, our evil, our precious work. Still, we must also write, for - may the Council have mercy upon us! - we wish to speak for once to no ears but our own. Our name is Equality 7-2521, as it is written on the iron bracelet which all men wear on their left wrists with their names upon it. We are twenty-one years old. We are six feet tall, and this is a burden, for there are not many men who are six feet tall. Ever have the Teachers and the Leaders pointed to us and frowned and said: "There is evil in your bones, Equality 7-2521, for your body has grown beyond the bodies of your brothers." But we cannot change our bones nor our body. We were born with a curse. It has always driven us to thoughts which are forbidden. It has always given us wishes which men may not wish. We know that we are evil, but there is no will in us and no power to resist it. This is our wonder and our secret fear, that we know and do not resist.

In the given passage, the author repeatedly uses the plural pronoun 'we' to refer to his own singular person. Why does he do so?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

It is a sin to write this. It is a sin to think words no others think and to put them down upon a paper no others are to see. It is base and evil. It is as if we were speaking alone to no ears but our own. And we know well that there is no transgression blacker than to do or think alone. We have broken the laws. The laws say that men may not write unless the Council of Vocations bid them so. May we be forgiven!

But this is not the only sin upon us. We have committed a greater crime, and for this crime there is no name. What punishment awaits us if it be discovered we know not, for no such crime has come in the memory of men and there are no laws to provide for it.

It is dark here. The flame of the candle stands still in the air. Nothing moves in this tunnel save our hand on the paper. We are alone here under the earth. It is a fearful word, alone. The laws say that none among men may be alone, ever and at any time, for this is the great transgression and the root of all evil. But we have broken many laws. And now there is nothing here save our one body, and it is strange to see only two legs stretched on the ground, and on the wall before us the shadow of our one head. The walls are cracked and water runs upon them in thin threads without sound, black and glistening as blood. We stole the candle from the larder of the Home of the Street Sweepers. We shall be sentenced to ten years in the Palace of Corrective Detention if it be discovered. But this matters not. It matters only that the light is precious and we should not waste it to write when we need it for that work which is our crime. Nothing matters save the work, our secret, our evil, our precious work. Still, we must also write, for - may the Council have mercy upon us! - we wish to speak for once to no ears but our own. Our name is Equality 7-2521, as it is written on the iron bracelet which all men wear on their left wrists with their names upon it. We are twenty-one years old. We are six feet tall, and this is a burden, for there are not many men who are six feet tall. Ever have the Teachers and the Leaders pointed to us and frowned and said: "There is evil in your bones, Equality 7-2521, for your body has grown beyond the bodies of your brothers." But we cannot change our bones nor our body. We were born with a curse. It has always driven us to thoughts which are forbidden. It has always given us wishes which men may not wish. We know that we are evil, but there is no will in us and no power to resist it. This is our wonder and our secret fear, that we know and do not resist.

It can be inferred from the passage the punishments given to people who dissent the laws of the land described in the passage are generally:

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

It is a sin to write this. It is a sin to think words no others think and to put them down upon a paper no others are to see. It is base and evil. It is as if we were speaking alone to no ears but our own. And we know well that there is no transgression blacker than to do or think alone. We have broken the laws. The laws say that men may not write unless the Council of Vocations bid them so. May we be forgiven!

But this is not the only sin upon us. We have committed a greater crime, and for this crime there is no name. What punishment awaits us if it be discovered we know not, for no such crime has come in the memory of men and there are no laws to provide for it.

It is dark here. The flame of the candle stands still in the air. Nothing moves in this tunnel save our hand on the paper. We are alone here under the earth. It is a fearful word, alone. The laws say that none among men may be alone, ever and at any time, for this is the great transgression and the root of all evil. But we have broken many laws. And now there is nothing here save our one body, and it is strange to see only two legs stretched on the ground, and on the wall before us the shadow of our one head. The walls are cracked and water runs upon them in thin threads without sound, black and glistening as blood. We stole the candle from the larder of the Home of the Street Sweepers. We shall be sentenced to ten years in the Palace of Corrective Detention if it be discovered. But this matters not. It matters only that the light is precious and we should not waste it to write when we need it for that work which is our crime. Nothing matters save the work, our secret, our evil, our precious work. Still, we must also write, for - may the Council have mercy upon us! - we wish to speak for once to no ears but our own. Our name is Equality 7-2521, as it is written on the iron bracelet which all men wear on their left wrists with their names upon it. We are twenty-one years old. We are six feet tall, and this is a burden, for there are not many men who are six feet tall. Ever have the Teachers and the Leaders pointed to us and frowned and said: "There is evil in your bones, Equality 7-2521, for your body has grown beyond the bodies of your brothers." But we cannot change our bones nor our body. We were born with a curse. It has always driven us to thoughts which are forbidden. It has always given us wishes which men may not wish. We know that we are evil, but there is no will in us and no power to resist it. This is our wonder and our secret fear, that we know and do not resist.

When the Teachers and the Leaders pointed to the author that his body had grown beyond the bodies of his brothers, they meant to point out:

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

It is a sin to write this. It is a sin to think words no others think and to put them down upon a paper no others are to see. It is base and evil. It is as if we were speaking alone to no ears but our own. And we know well that there is no transgression blacker than to do or think alone. We have broken the laws. The laws say that men may not write unless the Council of Vocations bid them so. May we be forgiven!

But this is not the only sin upon us. We have committed a greater crime, and for this crime there is no name. What punishment awaits us if it be discovered we know not, for no such crime has come in the memory of men and there are no laws to provide for it.

It is dark here. The flame of the candle stands still in the air. Nothing moves in this tunnel save our hand on the paper. We are alone here under the earth. It is a fearful word, alone. The laws say that none among men may be alone, ever and at any time, for this is the great transgression and the root of all evil. But we have broken many laws. And now there is nothing here save our one body, and it is strange to see only two legs stretched on the ground, and on the wall before us the shadow of our one head. The walls are cracked and water runs upon them in thin threads without sound, black and glistening as blood. We stole the candle from the larder of the Home of the Street Sweepers. We shall be sentenced to ten years in the Palace of Corrective Detention if it be discovered. But this matters not. It matters only that the light is precious and we should not waste it to write when we need it for that work which is our crime. Nothing matters save the work, our secret, our evil, our precious work. Still, we must also write, for - may the Council have mercy upon us! - we wish to speak for once to no ears but our own. Our name is Equality 7-2521, as it is written on the iron bracelet which all men wear on their left wrists with their names upon it. We are twenty-one years old. We are six feet tall, and this is a burden, for there are not many men who are six feet tall. Ever have the Teachers and the Leaders pointed to us and frowned and said: "There is evil in your bones, Equality 7-2521, for your body has grown beyond the bodies of your brothers." But we cannot change our bones nor our body. We were born with a curse. It has always driven us to thoughts which are forbidden. It has always given us wishes which men may not wish. We know that we are evil, but there is no will in us and no power to resist it. This is our wonder and our secret fear, that we know and do not resist.

The world described in the passage is a world which is:

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

It is a sin to write this. It is a sin to think words no others think and to put them down upon a paper no others are to see. It is base and evil. It is as if we were speaking alone to no ears but our own. And we know well that there is no transgression blacker than to do or think alone. We have broken the laws. The laws say that men may not write unless the Council of Vocations bid them so. May we be forgiven!

But this is not the only sin upon us. We have committed a greater crime, and for this crime there is no name. What punishment awaits us if it be discovered we know not, for no such crime has come in the memory of men and there are no laws to provide for it.

It is dark here. The flame of the candle stands still in the air. Nothing moves in this tunnel save our hand on the paper. We are alone here under the earth. It is a fearful word, alone. The laws say that none among men may be alone, ever and at any time, for this is the great transgression and the root of all evil. But we have broken many laws. And now there is nothing here save our one body, and it is strange to see only two legs stretched on the ground, and on the wall before us the shadow of our one head. The walls are cracked and water runs upon them in thin threads without sound, black and glistening as blood. We stole the candle from the larder of the Home of the Street Sweepers. We shall be sentenced to ten years in the Palace of Corrective Detention if it be discovered. But this matters not. It matters only that the light is precious and we should not waste it to write when we need it for that work which is our crime. Nothing matters save the work, our secret, our evil, our precious work. Still, we must also write, for - may the Council have mercy upon us! - we wish to speak for once to no ears but our own. Our name is Equality 7-2521, as it is written on the iron bracelet which all men wear on their left wrists with their names upon it. We are twenty-one years old. We are six feet tall, and this is a burden, for there are not many men who are six feet tall. Ever have the Teachers and the Leaders pointed to us and frowned and said: "There is evil in your bones, Equality 7-2521, for your body has grown beyond the bodies of your brothers." But we cannot change our bones nor our body. We were born with a curse. It has always driven us to thoughts which are forbidden. It has always given us wishes which men may not wish. We know that we are evil, but there is no will in us and no power to resist it. This is our wonder and our secret fear, that we know and do not resist.

Why does the author believe that it is a sin to write what he has been writing?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

It is a sin to write this. It is a sin to think words no others think and to put them down upon a paper no others are to see. It is base and evil. It is as if we were speaking alone to no ears but our own. And we know well that there is no transgression blacker than to do or think alone. We have broken the laws. The laws say that men may not write unless the Council of Vocations bid them so. May we be forgiven!

But this is not the only sin upon us. We have committed a greater crime, and for this crime there is no name. What punishment awaits us if it be discovered we know not, for no such crime has come in the memory of men and there are no laws to provide for it.

It is dark here. The flame of the candle stands still in the air. Nothing moves in this tunnel save our hand on the paper. We are alone here under the earth. It is a fearful word, alone. The laws say that none among men may be alone, ever and at any time, for this is the great transgression and the root of all evil. But we have broken many laws. And now there is nothing here save our one body, and it is strange to see only two legs stretched on the ground, and on the wall before us the shadow of our one head. The walls are cracked and water runs upon them in thin threads without sound, black and glistening as blood. We stole the candle from the larder of the Home of the Street Sweepers. We shall be sentenced to ten years in the Palace of Corrective Detention if it be discovered. But this matters not. It matters only that the light is precious and we should not waste it to write when we need it for that work which is our crime. Nothing matters save the work, our secret, our evil, our precious work. Still, we must also write, for - may the Council have mercy upon us! - we wish to speak for once to no ears but our own. Our name is Equality 7-2521, as it is written on the iron bracelet which all men wear on their left wrists with their names upon it. We are twenty-one years old. We are six feet tall, and this is a burden, for there are not many men who are six feet tall. Ever have the Teachers and the Leaders pointed to us and frowned and said: "There is evil in your bones, Equality 7-2521, for your body has grown beyond the bodies of your brothers." But we cannot change our bones nor our body. We were born with a curse. It has always driven us to thoughts which are forbidden. It has always given us wishes which men may not wish. We know that we are evil, but there is no will in us and no power to resist it. This is our wonder and our secret fear, that we know and do not resist.

It can be inferred from the passage that:

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Left to their own devices, relations between Japan and China are bound to improve. Both economies need each other. China is Japan's single largest trading partner and bilateral trade hit a record $345bn last year. But things in the East China Sea are rarely left to their own devices. A move by the Japanese government to defuse an attempt by nationalists to buy disputed islands in fish- and gas-rich seas, by buying them itself, has led to six days of demonstrations in China. Japanese cars and car dealerships have been attacked, factories have been torched or broken into. Hundreds of Japanese companies and offices have been forced to suspend operation. And the biggest wave of protest since the two countries normalised relations in 1972 - there were demonstrations in 70 Chinese cities - is not over yet.

Tuesday is the anniversary of the Japanese attack on China in 1931 that led to the invasion and occupation lasting 14 years. That Japan should use this date above all others to reassert its sovereignty over a group of uninhabited islands is - in Chinese eyes - nothing short of provocation. As 1,000 fishing boats were on their way to the islands the Chinese know as Diaoyu and the Japanese call the Senkaku, the People's Daily warned on Monday that the incident could lead to a full-blown trade boycott.

Below the surface, the politics of these mass demonstrations are a good deal more complex. They are undoubtedly officially sanctioned and serve as a useful outlet for popular rage. But whether the protests are more than just diversionary, whether they are an expression of some crisis going on in the transfer of power from one generation of leaders to another, cannot be said with any confidence. It is therefore hard to predict with any accuracy just how far China will take this. Thus far, the flag-waving on the high seas has been ritualistic. Three Chinese marine surveillance ships entered Japan's territorial waters but withdrew again afterwards, and no landings were attempted.

In Japan, which is facing its own general election soon, there is a good deal of anxiety. On the one hand, history teaches them that similar anti-Japanese protests in China in 2005 and 2010 were short-lived. On the other, the current prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda, who is unpopular over tax increases, faces his own pressures from those who say Japan should be more forceful in defending its territorial rights. One of those is the son of the governor of Tokyo, Shintaro Ishihara, whose plan to buy the islands in April led to the crisis. Nobuteru Ishihara is one of five candidates for the leadership of the opposition Liberal Democratic party. What both Japan and China lack is a functional mechanism for dealing with these incidents. It is high time one was created.

It can be inferred that the purpose of the having two names for the same set of islands is:

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Left to their own devices, relations between Japan and China are bound to improve. Both economies need each other. China is Japan's single largest trading partner and bilateral trade hit a record $345bn last year. But things in the East China Sea are rarely left to their own devices. A move by the Japanese government to defuse an attempt by nationalists to buy disputed islands in fish- and gas-rich seas, by buying them itself, has led to six days of demonstrations in China. Japanese cars and car dealerships have been attacked, factories have been torched or broken into. Hundreds of Japanese companies and offices have been forced to suspend operation. And the biggest wave of protest since the two countries normalised relations in 1972 - there were demonstrations in 70 Chinese cities - is not over yet.

Tuesday is the anniversary of the Japanese attack on China in 1931 that led to the invasion and occupation lasting 14 years. That Japan should use this date above all others to reassert its sovereignty over a group of uninhabited islands is - in Chinese eyes - nothing short of provocation. As 1,000 fishing boats were on their way to the islands the Chinese know as Diaoyu and the Japanese call the Senkaku, the People's Daily warned on Monday that the incident could lead to a full-blown trade boycott.

Below the surface, the politics of these mass demonstrations are a good deal more complex. They are undoubtedly officially sanctioned and serve as a useful outlet for popular rage. But whether the protests are more than just diversionary, whether they are an expression of some crisis going on in the transfer of power from one generation of leaders to another, cannot be said with any confidence. It is therefore hard to predict with any accuracy just how far China will take this. Thus far, the flag-waving on the high seas has been ritualistic. Three Chinese marine surveillance ships entered Japan's territorial waters but withdrew again afterwards, and no landings were attempted.

In Japan, which is facing its own general election soon, there is a good deal of anxiety. On the one hand, history teaches them that similar anti-Japanese protests in China in 2005 and 2010 were short-lived. On the other, the current prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda, who is unpopular over tax increases, faces his own pressures from those who say Japan should be more forceful in defending its territorial rights. One of those is the son of the governor of Tokyo, Shintaro Ishihara, whose plan to buy the islands in April led to the crisis. Nobuteru Ishihara is one of five candidates for the leadership of the opposition Liberal Democratic party. What both Japan and China lack is a functional mechanism for dealing with these incidents. It is high time one was created.

The most apt title for the passage is:

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Left to their own devices, relations between Japan and China are bound to improve. Both economies need each other. China is Japan's single largest trading partner and bilateral trade hit a record $345bn last year. But things in the East China Sea are rarely left to their own devices. A move by the Japanese government to defuse an attempt by nationalists to buy disputed islands in fish- and gas-rich seas, by buying them itself, has led to six days of demonstrations in China. Japanese cars and car dealerships have been attacked, factories have been torched or broken into. Hundreds of Japanese companies and offices have been forced to suspend operation. And the biggest wave of protest since the two countries normalised relations in 1972 - there were demonstrations in 70 Chinese cities - is not over yet.

Tuesday is the anniversary of the Japanese attack on China in 1931 that led to the invasion and occupation lasting 14 years. That Japan should use this date above all others to reassert its sovereignty over a group of uninhabited islands is - in Chinese eyes - nothing short of provocation. As 1,000 fishing boats were on their way to the islands the Chinese know as Diaoyu and the Japanese call the Senkaku, the People's Daily warned on Monday that the incident could lead to a full-blown trade boycott.

Below the surface, the politics of these mass demonstrations are a good deal more complex. They are undoubtedly officially sanctioned and serve as a useful outlet for popular rage. But whether the protests are more than just diversionary, whether they are an expression of some crisis going on in the transfer of power from one generation of leaders to another, cannot be said with any confidence. It is therefore hard to predict with any accuracy just how far China will take this. Thus far, the flag-waving on the high seas has been ritualistic. Three Chinese marine surveillance ships entered Japan's territorial waters but withdrew again afterwards, and no landings were attempted.

In Japan, which is facing its own general election soon, there is a good deal of anxiety. On the one hand, history teaches them that similar anti-Japanese protests in China in 2005 and 2010 were short-lived. On the other, the current prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda, who is unpopular over tax increases, faces his own pressures from those who say Japan should be more forceful in defending its territorial rights. One of those is the son of the governor of Tokyo, Shintaro Ishihara, whose plan to buy the islands in April led to the crisis. Nobuteru Ishihara is one of five candidates for the leadership of the opposition Liberal Democratic party. What both Japan and China lack is a functional mechanism for dealing with these incidents. It is high time one was created.

It can be inferred from the passage that:

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Left to their own devices, relations between Japan and China are bound to improve. Both economies need each other. China is Japan's single largest trading partner and bilateral trade hit a record $345bn last year. But things in the East China Sea are rarely left to their own devices. A move by the Japanese government to defuse an attempt by nationalists to buy disputed islands in fish- and gas-rich seas, by buying them itself, has led to six days of demonstrations in China. Japanese cars and car dealerships have been attacked, factories have been torched or broken into. Hundreds of Japanese companies and offices have been forced to suspend operation. And the biggest wave of protest since the two countries normalised relations in 1972 - there were demonstrations in 70 Chinese cities - is not over yet.

Tuesday is the anniversary of the Japanese attack on China in 1931 that led to the invasion and occupation lasting 14 years. That Japan should use this date above all others to reassert its sovereignty over a group of uninhabited islands is - in Chinese eyes - nothing short of provocation. As 1,000 fishing boats were on their way to the islands the Chinese know as Diaoyu and the Japanese call the Senkaku, the People's Daily warned on Monday that the incident could lead to a full-blown trade boycott.

Below the surface, the politics of these mass demonstrations are a good deal more complex. They are undoubtedly officially sanctioned and serve as a useful outlet for popular rage. But whether the protests are more than just diversionary, whether they are an expression of some crisis going on in the transfer of power from one generation of leaders to another, cannot be said with any confidence. It is therefore hard to predict with any accuracy just how far China will take this. Thus far, the flag-waving on the high seas has been ritualistic. Three Chinese marine surveillance ships entered Japan's territorial waters but withdrew again afterwards, and no landings were attempted.

In Japan, which is facing its own general election soon, there is a good deal of anxiety. On the one hand, history teaches them that similar anti-Japanese protests in China in 2005 and 2010 were short-lived. On the other, the current prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda, who is unpopular over tax increases, faces his own pressures from those who say Japan should be more forceful in defending its territorial rights. One of those is the son of the governor of Tokyo, Shintaro Ishihara, whose plan to buy the islands in April led to the crisis. Nobuteru Ishihara is one of five candidates for the leadership of the opposition Liberal Democratic party. What both Japan and China lack is a functional mechanism for dealing with these incidents. It is high time one was created.

What does the author means when he says ''thus far, the flag-waving on the high seas has been ritualistic.'?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Left to their own devices, relations between Japan and China are bound to improve. Both economies need each other. China is Japan's single largest trading partner and bilateral trade hit a record $345bn last year. But things in the East China Sea are rarely left to their own devices. A move by the Japanese government to defuse an attempt by nationalists to buy disputed islands in fish- and gas-rich seas, by buying them itself, has led to six days of demonstrations in China. Japanese cars and car dealerships have been attacked, factories have been torched or broken into. Hundreds of Japanese companies and offices have been forced to suspend operation. And the biggest wave of protest since the two countries normalised relations in 1972 - there were demonstrations in 70 Chinese cities - is not over yet.

Tuesday is the anniversary of the Japanese attack on China in 1931 that led to the invasion and occupation lasting 14 years. That Japan should use this date above all others to reassert its sovereignty over a group of uninhabited islands is - in Chinese eyes - nothing short of provocation. As 1,000 fishing boats were on their way to the islands the Chinese know as Diaoyu and the Japanese call the Senkaku, the People's Daily warned on Monday that the incident could lead to a full-blown trade boycott.

Below the surface, the politics of these mass demonstrations are a good deal more complex. They are undoubtedly officially sanctioned and serve as a useful outlet for popular rage. But whether the protests are more than just diversionary, whether they are an expression of some crisis going on in the transfer of power from one generation of leaders to another, cannot be said with any confidence. It is therefore hard to predict with any accuracy just how far China will take this. Thus far, the flag-waving on the high seas has been ritualistic. Three Chinese marine surveillance ships entered Japan's territorial waters but withdrew again afterwards, and no landings were attempted.

In Japan, which is facing its own general election soon, there is a good deal of anxiety. On the one hand, history teaches them that similar anti-Japanese protests in China in 2005 and 2010 were short-lived. On the other, the current prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda, who is unpopular over tax increases, faces his own pressures from those who say Japan should be more forceful in defending its territorial rights. One of those is the son of the governor of Tokyo, Shintaro Ishihara, whose plan to buy the islands in April led to the crisis. Nobuteru Ishihara is one of five candidates for the leadership of the opposition Liberal Democratic party. What both Japan and China lack is a functional mechanism for dealing with these incidents. It is high time one was created.

Which of the following statements is true according to the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the questions.

Left to their own devices, relations between Japan and China are bound to improve. Both economies need each other. China is Japan's single largest trading partner and bilateral trade hit a record $345bn last year. But things in the East China Sea are rarely left to their own devices. A move by the Japanese government to defuse an attempt by nationalists to buy disputed islands in fish- and gas-rich seas, by buying them itself, has led to six days of demonstrations in China. Japanese cars and car dealerships have been attacked, factories have been torched or broken into. Hundreds of Japanese companies and offices have been forced to suspend operation. And the biggest wave of protest since the two countries normalised relations in 1972 - there were demonstrations in 70 Chinese cities - is not over yet.

Tuesday is the anniversary of the Japanese attack on China in 1931 that led to the invasion and occupation lasting 14 years. That Japan should use this date above all others to reassert its sovereignty over a group of uninhabited islands is - in Chinese eyes - nothing short of provocation. As 1,000 fishing boats were on their way to the islands the Chinese know as Diaoyu and the Japanese call the Senkaku, the People's Daily warned on Monday that the incident could lead to a full-blown trade boycott.

Below the surface, the politics of these mass demonstrations are a good deal more complex. They are undoubtedly officially sanctioned and serve as a useful outlet for popular rage. But whether the protests are more than just diversionary, whether they are an expression of some crisis going on in the transfer of power from one generation of leaders to another, cannot be said with any confidence. It is therefore hard to predict with any accuracy just how far China will take this. Thus far, the flag-waving on the high seas has been ritualistic. Three Chinese marine surveillance ships entered Japan's territorial waters but withdrew again afterwards, and no landings were attempted.

In Japan, which is facing its own general election soon, there is a good deal of anxiety. On the one hand, history teaches them that similar anti-Japanese protests in China in 2005 and 2010 were short-lived. On the other, the current prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda, who is unpopular over tax increases, faces his own pressures from those who say Japan should be more forceful in defending its territorial rights. One of those is the son of the governor of Tokyo, Shintaro Ishihara, whose plan to buy the islands in April led to the crisis. Nobuteru Ishihara is one of five candidates for the leadership of the opposition Liberal Democratic party. What both Japan and China lack is a functional mechanism for dealing with these incidents. It is high time one was created.

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