Test: Critical Analysis and Reasoning Skills (CARS) - 5 - MCAT MCQ

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9

Certain examples of poetic justice found in medieval and Elizabethan literature have inspired twentieth-century scholars to seek out additional instances. However, these scholars have merely imposed a moral framework on victimized characters, justifying the injustices inflicted upon them in one way or another. They deny the innocence of the sufferers in a tragedy and hold them responsible for their tragic fates. Any wrongdoing on the part of a character is enough to subject them to critical scrutiny. For instance, there are lengthy essays analyzing the wrongdoings of Webster's Duchess of Malfi, who defied her brothers, and the behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who disobeyed her father.

Yet it is worth remembering that Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly objected to the unjustly severe punishments imposed on women for acts of disobedience, while men could commit similar acts with virtual impunity. Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers to sympathize with their tragic heroines by portraying cruel injustices that evoke a sense of protest. Chaucer, in the Clerk's Tale, presents Griselda as a meek and gentle victim who does not criticize or rebel against her oppressive husband, Walter. This portrayal incites readers to support Griselda against Walter's tyranny. Thus, attempts to justify Walter's persecutions with historical and theological arguments contradict the intended effect on readers' sympathies in Chaucer's fable. Similarly, asserting that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she loved and bear their children aligns with her tyrannical brothers and confuses the concept of poetic justice, which readers should endorse, with social injustices that Webster clearly condemns. In fact, Webster depicts his heroine as a courageous leader in resistance against tyranny, inspiring the audience to join her in opposing the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers. In their own distinct ways, both Chaucer and Webster challenge injustice, advocate for the victims, and denounce the oppressors. The readers serve as a court of appeal for them, remaining free to render judgments based on evidence and common humanity. As the esteemed eighteenth-century scholar Samuel Johnson paraphrased, it is through the common sense and compassion of readers, uncorrupted by the characters and situations in medieval and Elizabethan literature, that these works, like any other literature, can be best evaluated.

Q. The author's tone in her discussion of the conclusion's reached by the "school of twentieth-centuryscholars" (line 4) is best described as

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9

Certain examples of poetic justice found in medieval and Elizabethan literature have inspired twentieth-century scholars to seek out additional instances. However, these scholars have merely imposed a moral framework on victimized characters, justifying the injustices inflicted upon them in one way or another. They deny the innocence of the sufferers in a tragedy and hold them responsible for their tragic fates. Any wrongdoing on the part of a character is enough to subject them to critical scrutiny. For instance, there are lengthy essays analyzing the wrongdoings of Webster's Duchess of Malfi, who defied her brothers, and the behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who disobeyed her father.

Yet it is worth remembering that Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly objected to the unjustly severe punishments imposed on women for acts of disobedience, while men could commit similar acts with virtual impunity. Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers to sympathize with their tragic heroines by portraying cruel injustices that evoke a sense of protest. Chaucer, in the Clerk's Tale, presents Griselda as a meek and gentle victim who does not criticize or rebel against her oppressive husband, Walter. This portrayal incites readers to support Griselda against Walter's tyranny. Thus, attempts to justify Walter's persecutions with historical and theological arguments contradict the intended effect on readers' sympathies in Chaucer's fable. Similarly, asserting that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she loved and bear their children aligns with her tyrannical brothers and confuses the concept of poetic justice, which readers should endorse, with social injustices that Webster clearly condemns. In fact, Webster depicts his heroine as a courageous leader in resistance against tyranny, inspiring the audience to join her in opposing the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers. In their own distinct ways, both Chaucer and Webster challenge injustice, advocate for the victims, and denounce the oppressors. The readers serve as a court of appeal for them, remaining free to render judgments based on evidence and common humanity. As the esteemed eighteenth-century scholar Samuel Johnson paraphrased, it is through the common sense and compassion of readers, uncorrupted by the characters and situations in medieval and Elizabethan literature, that these works, like any other literature, can be best evaluated.

Q. It can be inferred from the passage that the author believes that most people respond to intendedinstances of poetic justice in medieval and Elizabethan literature with

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9

Certain examples of poetic justice found in medieval and Elizabethan literature have inspired twentieth-century scholars to seek out additional instances. However, these scholars have merely imposed a moral framework on victimized characters, justifying the injustices inflicted upon them in one way or another. They deny the innocence of the sufferers in a tragedy and hold them responsible for their tragic fates. Any wrongdoing on the part of a character is enough to subject them to critical scrutiny. For instance, there are lengthy essays analyzing the wrongdoings of Webster's Duchess of Malfi, who defied her brothers, and the behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who disobeyed her father.

Yet it is worth remembering that Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly objected to the unjustly severe punishments imposed on women for acts of disobedience, while men could commit similar acts with virtual impunity. Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers to sympathize with their tragic heroines by portraying cruel injustices that evoke a sense of protest. Chaucer, in the Clerk's Tale, presents Griselda as a meek and gentle victim who does not criticize or rebel against her oppressive husband, Walter. This portrayal incites readers to support Griselda against Walter's tyranny. Thus, attempts to justify Walter's persecutions with historical and theological arguments contradict the intended effect on readers' sympathies in Chaucer's fable. Similarly, asserting that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she loved and bear their children aligns with her tyrannical brothers and confuses the concept of poetic justice, which readers should endorse, with social injustices that Webster clearly condemns. In fact, Webster depicts his heroine as a courageous leader in resistance against tyranny, inspiring the audience to join her in opposing the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers. In their own distinct ways, both Chaucer and Webster challenge injustice, advocate for the victims, and denounce the oppressors. The readers serve as a court of appeal for them, remaining free to render judgments based on evidence and common humanity. As the esteemed eighteenth-century scholar Samuel Johnson paraphrased, it is through the common sense and compassion of readers, uncorrupted by the characters and situations in medieval and Elizabethan literature, that these works, like any other literature, can be best evaluated.

Q. As described in the passage, the process by which some twentieth-century scholars havereached their conclusions about the blameworthiness of victims in medieval and Elizabethanliterary works is mot similar to which of the following?

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9

Certain examples of poetic justice found in medieval and Elizabethan literature have inspired twentieth-century scholars to seek out additional instances. However, these scholars have merely imposed a moral framework on victimized characters, justifying the injustices inflicted upon them in one way or another. They deny the innocence of the sufferers in a tragedy and hold them responsible for their tragic fates. Any wrongdoing on the part of a character is enough to subject them to critical scrutiny. For instance, there are lengthy essays analyzing the wrongdoings of Webster's Duchess of Malfi, who defied her brothers, and the behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who disobeyed her father.

Yet it is worth remembering that Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly objected to the unjustly severe punishments imposed on women for acts of disobedience, while men could commit similar acts with virtual impunity. Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers to sympathize with their tragic heroines by portraying cruel injustices that evoke a sense of protest. Chaucer, in the Clerk's Tale, presents Griselda as a meek and gentle victim who does not criticize or rebel against her oppressive husband, Walter. This portrayal incites readers to support Griselda against Walter's tyranny. Thus, attempts to justify Walter's persecutions with historical and theological arguments contradict the intended effect on readers' sympathies in Chaucer's fable. Similarly, asserting that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she loved and bear their children aligns with her tyrannical brothers and confuses the concept of poetic justice, which readers should endorse, with social injustices that Webster clearly condemns. In fact, Webster depicts his heroine as a courageous leader in resistance against tyranny, inspiring the audience to join her in opposing the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers. In their own distinct ways, both Chaucer and Webster challenge injustice, advocate for the victims, and denounce the oppressors. The readers serve as a court of appeal for them, remaining free to render judgments based on evidence and common humanity. As the esteemed eighteenth-century scholar Samuel Johnson paraphrased, it is through the common sense and compassion of readers, uncorrupted by the characters and situations in medieval and Elizabethan literature, that these works, like any other literature, can be best evaluated.

Q. The author's paraphrase of a statement by Samuel Johnson serves which of the following functionsin the passage?

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9

Certain examples of poetic justice found in medieval and Elizabethan literature have inspired twentieth-century scholars to seek out additional instances. However, these scholars have merely imposed a moral framework on victimized characters, justifying the injustices inflicted upon them in one way or another. They deny the innocence of the sufferers in a tragedy and hold them responsible for their tragic fates. Any wrongdoing on the part of a character is enough to subject them to critical scrutiny. For instance, there are lengthy essays analyzing the wrongdoings of Webster's Duchess of Malfi, who defied her brothers, and the behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who disobeyed her father.

Yet it is worth remembering that Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly objected to the unjustly severe punishments imposed on women for acts of disobedience, while men could commit similar acts with virtual impunity. Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers to sympathize with their tragic heroines by portraying cruel injustices that evoke a sense of protest. Chaucer, in the Clerk's Tale, presents Griselda as a meek and gentle victim who does not criticize or rebel against her oppressive husband, Walter. This portrayal incites readers to support Griselda against Walter's tyranny. Thus, attempts to justify Walter's persecutions with historical and theological arguments contradict the intended effect on readers' sympathies in Chaucer's fable. Similarly, asserting that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she loved and bear their children aligns with her tyrannical brothers and confuses the concept of poetic justice, which readers should endorse, with social injustices that Webster clearly condemns. In fact, Webster depicts his heroine as a courageous leader in resistance against tyranny, inspiring the audience to join her in opposing the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers. In their own distinct ways, both Chaucer and Webster challenge injustice, advocate for the victims, and denounce the oppressors. The readers serve as a court of appeal for them, remaining free to render judgments based on evidence and common humanity. As the esteemed eighteenth-century scholar Samuel Johnson paraphrased, it is through the common sense and compassion of readers, uncorrupted by the characters and situations in medieval and Elizabethan literature, that these works, like any other literature, can be best evaluated.

Q. The author of the passage is primarily concerned with

Directions: Passage For Question 1 to 9

Certain examples of poetic justice found in medieval and Elizabethan literature have inspired twentieth-century scholars to seek out additional instances. However, these scholars have merely imposed a moral framework on victimized characters, justifying the injustices inflicted upon them in one way or another. They deny the innocence of the sufferers in a tragedy and hold them responsible for their tragic fates. Any wrongdoing on the part of a character is enough to subject them to critical scrutiny. For instance, there are lengthy essays analyzing the wrongdoings of Webster's Duchess of Malfi, who defied her brothers, and the behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who disobeyed her father.

Yet it is worth remembering that Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly objected to the unjustly severe punishments imposed on women for acts of disobedience, while men could commit similar acts with virtual impunity. Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers to sympathize with their tragic heroines by portraying cruel injustices that evoke a sense of protest. Chaucer, in the Clerk's Tale, presents Griselda as a meek and gentle victim who does not criticize or rebel against her oppressive husband, Walter. This portrayal incites readers to support Griselda against Walter's tyranny. Thus, attempts to justify Walter's persecutions with historical and theological arguments contradict the intended effect on readers' sympathies in Chaucer's fable. Similarly, asserting that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she loved and bear their children aligns with her tyrannical brothers and confuses the concept of poetic justice, which readers should endorse, with social injustices that Webster clearly condemns. In fact, Webster depicts his heroine as a courageous leader in resistance against tyranny, inspiring the audience to join her in opposing the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers. In their own distinct ways, both Chaucer and Webster challenge injustice, advocate for the victims, and denounce the oppressors. The readers serve as a court of appeal for them, remaining free to render judgments based on evidence and common humanity. As the esteemed eighteenth-century scholar Samuel Johnson paraphrased, it is through the common sense and compassion of readers, uncorrupted by the characters and situations in medieval and Elizabethan literature, that these works, like any other literature, can be best evaluated.

Q. According to the passage, the "school of twentieth-century scholars" mentioned in line 4 has a tendency to:

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15

Woodrow Wilson referred to the liberal concept of the economic market and expressed the belief that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. According to Wilson, maximum freedom leads to maximum productivity, and the measure of our stability lies in our openness. This fascination with the ideal of maximum freedom has caused Americans to reject the traditional categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling deprivation, the desire to retain versus the desire to seize, and the defense or attack of the status quo. In the United States, there is no status quo ante; our only "station" is the constant turning of a stationary wheel, spinning faster and faster. Our system is not based on property but on opportunity, which means it is rooted in mobility rather than stability. The more things change, the more rapidly the wheel turns, the more steadfast we become.

The conventional understanding of class politics consists of the Haves, who seek stability to preserve their possessions, and the Have-Nots, who desire a touch of instability and change to scramble for what they lack. However, Americans envision a condition where speculators, self-made individuals, and runners constantly seize the new opportunities provided by our land. These economic leaders, or front-runners, are seen as agents of change. On the other hand, those who are left behind, the nonstarters, seek stability and a strong referee to secure their position in the race, a regulating force to calm manic speculation, and an authority that can reset things from staggered starting lines. "Reform" in America has been ineffective because it can only imagine change through the extension of the metaphor of the race, including wider inclusion of competitors and giving a "piece of the action" to the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call off the race, as our only stability comes from constant change.

According to the passage, the American legends do not honor the quiet work that fosters social interdependence and stability. There is no heroism attributed to office clerks or a stable industrial workforce, the people who actually make the system function. Being an employee is not a source of pride (Wilson called for a return to the time when everyone was an employer). Social workers are not praised or boasted about; they are viewed as a necessity. The empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, pushing us to try to forget or deny them, to distance ourselves. In this wonderland race we all must run, there is no honor, as everyone strives to win but no one ultimately succeeds because there is no end.

Q. According to the passage, "Old World" values were based on

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15

Woodrow Wilson referred to the liberal concept of the economic market and expressed the belief that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. According to Wilson, maximum freedom leads to maximum productivity, and the measure of our stability lies in our openness. This fascination with the ideal of maximum freedom has caused Americans to reject the traditional categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling deprivation, the desire to retain versus the desire to seize, and the defense or attack of the status quo. In the United States, there is no status quo ante; our only "station" is the constant turning of a stationary wheel, spinning faster and faster. Our system is not based on property but on opportunity, which means it is rooted in mobility rather than stability. The more things change, the more rapidly the wheel turns, the more steadfast we become.

The conventional understanding of class politics consists of the Haves, who seek stability to preserve their possessions, and the Have-Nots, who desire a touch of instability and change to scramble for what they lack. However, Americans envision a condition where speculators, self-made individuals, and runners constantly seize the new opportunities provided by our land. These economic leaders, or front-runners, are seen as agents of change. On the other hand, those who are left behind, the nonstarters, seek stability and a strong referee to secure their position in the race, a regulating force to calm manic speculation, and an authority that can reset things from staggered starting lines. "Reform" in America has been ineffective because it can only imagine change through the extension of the metaphor of the race, including wider inclusion of competitors and giving a "piece of the action" to the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call off the race, as our only stability comes from constant change.

According to the passage, the American legends do not honor the quiet work that fosters social interdependence and stability. There is no heroism attributed to office clerks or a stable industrial workforce, the people who actually make the system function. Being an employee is not a source of pride (Wilson called for a return to the time when everyone was an employer). Social workers are not praised or boasted about; they are viewed as a necessity. The empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, pushing us to try to forget or deny them, to distance ourselves. In this wonderland race we all must run, there is no honor, as everyone strives to win but no one ultimately succeeds because there is no end.

Q. In the context of the author's discussion of regulating change, which of the following could most probably be regarded as a "strong referee" (line 30) in the United States?

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15

Woodrow Wilson referred to the liberal concept of the economic market and expressed the belief that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. According to Wilson, maximum freedom leads to maximum productivity, and the measure of our stability lies in our openness. This fascination with the ideal of maximum freedom has caused Americans to reject the traditional categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling deprivation, the desire to retain versus the desire to seize, and the defense or attack of the status quo. In the United States, there is no status quo ante; our only "station" is the constant turning of a stationary wheel, spinning faster and faster. Our system is not based on property but on opportunity, which means it is rooted in mobility rather than stability. The more things change, the more rapidly the wheel turns, the more steadfast we become.

The conventional understanding of class politics consists of the Haves, who seek stability to preserve their possessions, and the Have-Nots, who desire a touch of instability and change to scramble for what they lack. However, Americans envision a condition where speculators, self-made individuals, and runners constantly seize the new opportunities provided by our land. These economic leaders, or front-runners, are seen as agents of change. On the other hand, those who are left behind, the nonstarters, seek stability and a strong referee to secure their position in the race, a regulating force to calm manic speculation, and an authority that can reset things from staggered starting lines. "Reform" in America has been ineffective because it can only imagine change through the extension of the metaphor of the race, including wider inclusion of competitors and giving a "piece of the action" to the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call off the race, as our only stability comes from constant change.

According to the passage, the American legends do not honor the quiet work that fosters social interdependence and stability. There is no heroism attributed to office clerks or a stable industrial workforce, the people who actually make the system function. Being an employee is not a source of pride (Wilson called for a return to the time when everyone was an employer). Social workers are not praised or boasted about; they are viewed as a necessity. The empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, pushing us to try to forget or deny them, to distance ourselves. In this wonderland race we all must run, there is no honor, as everyone strives to win but no one ultimately succeeds because there is no end.

Q. The author sets off the word "Reform" with quotation marks in order to

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15

Woodrow Wilson referred to the liberal concept of the economic market and expressed the belief that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. According to Wilson, maximum freedom leads to maximum productivity, and the measure of our stability lies in our openness. This fascination with the ideal of maximum freedom has caused Americans to reject the traditional categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling deprivation, the desire to retain versus the desire to seize, and the defense or attack of the status quo. In the United States, there is no status quo ante; our only "station" is the constant turning of a stationary wheel, spinning faster and faster. Our system is not based on property but on opportunity, which means it is rooted in mobility rather than stability. The more things change, the more rapidly the wheel turns, the more steadfast we become.

The conventional understanding of class politics consists of the Haves, who seek stability to preserve their possessions, and the Have-Nots, who desire a touch of instability and change to scramble for what they lack. However, Americans envision a condition where speculators, self-made individuals, and runners constantly seize the new opportunities provided by our land. These economic leaders, or front-runners, are seen as agents of change. On the other hand, those who are left behind, the nonstarters, seek stability and a strong referee to secure their position in the race, a regulating force to calm manic speculation, and an authority that can reset things from staggered starting lines. "Reform" in America has been ineffective because it can only imagine change through the extension of the metaphor of the race, including wider inclusion of competitors and giving a "piece of the action" to the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call off the race, as our only stability comes from constant change.

According to the passage, the American legends do not honor the quiet work that fosters social interdependence and stability. There is no heroism attributed to office clerks or a stable industrial workforce, the people who actually make the system function. Being an employee is not a source of pride (Wilson called for a return to the time when everyone was an employer). Social workers are not praised or boasted about; they are viewed as a necessity. The empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, pushing us to try to forget or deny them, to distance ourselves. In this wonderland race we all must run, there is no honor, as everyone strives to win but no one ultimately succeeds because there is no end.

Q. It can be inferred from the passage that the author most probably thinks that giving the disenfranchised "a piece of action" is

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15

Woodrow Wilson referred to the liberal concept of the economic market and expressed the belief that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. According to Wilson, maximum freedom leads to maximum productivity, and the measure of our stability lies in our openness. This fascination with the ideal of maximum freedom has caused Americans to reject the traditional categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling deprivation, the desire to retain versus the desire to seize, and the defense or attack of the status quo. In the United States, there is no status quo ante; our only "station" is the constant turning of a stationary wheel, spinning faster and faster. Our system is not based on property but on opportunity, which means it is rooted in mobility rather than stability. The more things change, the more rapidly the wheel turns, the more steadfast we become.

The conventional understanding of class politics consists of the Haves, who seek stability to preserve their possessions, and the Have-Nots, who desire a touch of instability and change to scramble for what they lack. However, Americans envision a condition where speculators, self-made individuals, and runners constantly seize the new opportunities provided by our land. These economic leaders, or front-runners, are seen as agents of change. On the other hand, those who are left behind, the nonstarters, seek stability and a strong referee to secure their position in the race, a regulating force to calm manic speculation, and an authority that can reset things from staggered starting lines. "Reform" in America has been ineffective because it can only imagine change through the extension of the metaphor of the race, including wider inclusion of competitors and giving a "piece of the action" to the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call off the race, as our only stability comes from constant change.

According to the passage, the American legends do not honor the quiet work that fosters social interdependence and stability. There is no heroism attributed to office clerks or a stable industrial workforce, the people who actually make the system function. Being an employee is not a source of pride (Wilson called for a return to the time when everyone was an employer). Social workers are not praised or boasted about; they are viewed as a necessity. The empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, pushing us to try to forget or deny them, to distance ourselves. In this wonderland race we all must run, there is no honor, as everyone strives to win but no one ultimately succeeds because there is no end.

Q. Which of the following metaphors could the author most appropriately use to summarize his own assessment of the American economic system?

Directions: Passage For Question 10 to 15

Woodrow Wilson referred to the liberal concept of the economic market and expressed the belief that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. According to Wilson, maximum freedom leads to maximum productivity, and the measure of our stability lies in our openness. This fascination with the ideal of maximum freedom has caused Americans to reject the traditional categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling deprivation, the desire to retain versus the desire to seize, and the defense or attack of the status quo. In the United States, there is no status quo ante; our only "station" is the constant turning of a stationary wheel, spinning faster and faster. Our system is not based on property but on opportunity, which means it is rooted in mobility rather than stability. The more things change, the more rapidly the wheel turns, the more steadfast we become.

The conventional understanding of class politics consists of the Haves, who seek stability to preserve their possessions, and the Have-Nots, who desire a touch of instability and change to scramble for what they lack. However, Americans envision a condition where speculators, self-made individuals, and runners constantly seize the new opportunities provided by our land. These economic leaders, or front-runners, are seen as agents of change. On the other hand, those who are left behind, the nonstarters, seek stability and a strong referee to secure their position in the race, a regulating force to calm manic speculation, and an authority that can reset things from staggered starting lines. "Reform" in America has been ineffective because it can only imagine change through the extension of the metaphor of the race, including wider inclusion of competitors and giving a "piece of the action" to the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call off the race, as our only stability comes from constant change.

According to the passage, the American legends do not honor the quiet work that fosters social interdependence and stability. There is no heroism attributed to office clerks or a stable industrial workforce, the people who actually make the system function. Being an employee is not a source of pride (Wilson called for a return to the time when everyone was an employer). Social workers are not praised or boasted about; they are viewed as a necessity. The empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, pushing us to try to forget or deny them, to distance ourselves. In this wonderland race we all must run, there is no honor, as everyone strives to win but no one ultimately succeeds because there is no end.

Q. It can be inferred from the passage that Woodrow Wilson's ideas about the economic market