Old NCERT Textbook (Satish Chandra): The Age of Conflict (Circa 1000-1200) | History for UPSC CSE PDF Download

 Page 1


FIVE
The Age of Conflict 
(Circa 1000-1200)
The period from 1000 to 1200 saw rapid changes both in West and Central
Asia, and in north India. It were these developments which led to the
incursion of the Turks into northern India leading to their rule towards the
end of the period.
By the end of the ninth century, the Abbasid caliphate was in decline. Its
place was taken by a series of states ruled by Islamized Turks. The Turks had
entered the Abbasid empire during the ninth century as palace-guards and
mercenary soldiers. Soon they emerged as the king-makers. As the power of
the central government declined, provincial governors started assuming
independent status, though for sometime the fiction of unity was kept up by
the caliph formally granting the title of amir-ul-umra (Commander of
Commanders) on generals who were able to carve out a separate spheres of
authority. These new rulers assumed the title of‘amir’ at first, and of‘sultan’
later on.
The continuous incursion of the Turkish tribesmen from Central Asia, the
mercenary character of the Turkish soldiers who were prepared to switch
loyalties and abandon an unsuccessful ruler without much thought, the strife
between different Muslim sects, and between different regions made the
period a restless one. Empires and states rose and fell in rapid succession. In
this situation, only a bold warrior and leader of men, a person who was as
adept in warfare as in withstanding intrigues could come to the surface.
The Turkish tribesmen brought with them the habit of ruthless plunder.
Their main mode of warfare consisted of rapid advance and retreat, lightning
raids, and attacking any loose body of stragglers. They could do this because
of the excellent quality of their horses as also their hardihood so that they
could cover incredible distances on horseback.
Page 2


FIVE
The Age of Conflict 
(Circa 1000-1200)
The period from 1000 to 1200 saw rapid changes both in West and Central
Asia, and in north India. It were these developments which led to the
incursion of the Turks into northern India leading to their rule towards the
end of the period.
By the end of the ninth century, the Abbasid caliphate was in decline. Its
place was taken by a series of states ruled by Islamized Turks. The Turks had
entered the Abbasid empire during the ninth century as palace-guards and
mercenary soldiers. Soon they emerged as the king-makers. As the power of
the central government declined, provincial governors started assuming
independent status, though for sometime the fiction of unity was kept up by
the caliph formally granting the title of amir-ul-umra (Commander of
Commanders) on generals who were able to carve out a separate spheres of
authority. These new rulers assumed the title of‘amir’ at first, and of‘sultan’
later on.
The continuous incursion of the Turkish tribesmen from Central Asia, the
mercenary character of the Turkish soldiers who were prepared to switch
loyalties and abandon an unsuccessful ruler without much thought, the strife
between different Muslim sects, and between different regions made the
period a restless one. Empires and states rose and fell in rapid succession. In
this situation, only a bold warrior and leader of men, a person who was as
adept in warfare as in withstanding intrigues could come to the surface.
The Turkish tribesmen brought with them the habit of ruthless plunder.
Their main mode of warfare consisted of rapid advance and retreat, lightning
raids, and attacking any loose body of stragglers. They could do this because
of the excellent quality of their horses as also their hardihood so that they
could cover incredible distances on horseback.
Meanwhile, the break-up of the Gurjara-Pratihara empire led to a phase of
political uncertainty in north India, and a new phase of struggle for
domination. As a result, little attention was paid to the emergence of
aggressive, expansionist Turkish states on the northwestern border of India
and in West Asia.
Kabul, Qandahar, and its neighbouring area to the south called Zabul or
Zamindawar, were considered parts of al-Hind or India till the end of the
ninth century. There were many Buddhist and Hindu shrines in the area, the
most important being the 53.5 m colossal statue of Buddha at Bamiyan, with
caves for residence of a thousand monks. The area upto the river Oxus was
ruled by many dynasties, some of them claiming descent from Kanishka.
These kingdoms, backed by a mixed population of local tribes, Hunas, Turks,
exiled Iranians and Indians (such as Bhati Rajputs) offered stiff resistance to
the Arab effort to enter the area for tribute, plunder and slaves. Consequently,
there was continuous skirmishing on both sides of the border.
THE GHAZNAVIDS
Towards the end of the ninth century, Trans-Oxiana, Khurasan and parts of
Iran were being ruled by the Samanids who were Iranians by descent. The
Samanids had to battle continually with the non-Muslim Turkish tribesmen
on their northern and eastern frontiers. It was during this struggle that a new
type of soldier, the ghazi, was born. The battle against the Turks, most of
whom worshipped the forces of nature and were heathens in the eyes of the
Muslims, was a struggle for religion as well as for the safety of the state.
Hence, the ghazi was as much a missionary as a fighter. He acted as a loose
auxiliary of the regular armies, and made up for his pay by plunder. It was the
resourcefulness of the ghazi and his willingness to undergo great privations
for the sake of the cause which enabled these infant Muslim states to hold
their own against the heathen Turks. In course of time, many Turks became
Muslims, but the struggle against renewed incursions of the non-Muslim
Turkish tribes continued. The Islamized Turkish tribes were to emerge as the
greatest defenders and crusaders of Islam. But the love of plunder went side
by side with defence of Islam.
Page 3


FIVE
The Age of Conflict 
(Circa 1000-1200)
The period from 1000 to 1200 saw rapid changes both in West and Central
Asia, and in north India. It were these developments which led to the
incursion of the Turks into northern India leading to their rule towards the
end of the period.
By the end of the ninth century, the Abbasid caliphate was in decline. Its
place was taken by a series of states ruled by Islamized Turks. The Turks had
entered the Abbasid empire during the ninth century as palace-guards and
mercenary soldiers. Soon they emerged as the king-makers. As the power of
the central government declined, provincial governors started assuming
independent status, though for sometime the fiction of unity was kept up by
the caliph formally granting the title of amir-ul-umra (Commander of
Commanders) on generals who were able to carve out a separate spheres of
authority. These new rulers assumed the title of‘amir’ at first, and of‘sultan’
later on.
The continuous incursion of the Turkish tribesmen from Central Asia, the
mercenary character of the Turkish soldiers who were prepared to switch
loyalties and abandon an unsuccessful ruler without much thought, the strife
between different Muslim sects, and between different regions made the
period a restless one. Empires and states rose and fell in rapid succession. In
this situation, only a bold warrior and leader of men, a person who was as
adept in warfare as in withstanding intrigues could come to the surface.
The Turkish tribesmen brought with them the habit of ruthless plunder.
Their main mode of warfare consisted of rapid advance and retreat, lightning
raids, and attacking any loose body of stragglers. They could do this because
of the excellent quality of their horses as also their hardihood so that they
could cover incredible distances on horseback.
Meanwhile, the break-up of the Gurjara-Pratihara empire led to a phase of
political uncertainty in north India, and a new phase of struggle for
domination. As a result, little attention was paid to the emergence of
aggressive, expansionist Turkish states on the northwestern border of India
and in West Asia.
Kabul, Qandahar, and its neighbouring area to the south called Zabul or
Zamindawar, were considered parts of al-Hind or India till the end of the
ninth century. There were many Buddhist and Hindu shrines in the area, the
most important being the 53.5 m colossal statue of Buddha at Bamiyan, with
caves for residence of a thousand monks. The area upto the river Oxus was
ruled by many dynasties, some of them claiming descent from Kanishka.
These kingdoms, backed by a mixed population of local tribes, Hunas, Turks,
exiled Iranians and Indians (such as Bhati Rajputs) offered stiff resistance to
the Arab effort to enter the area for tribute, plunder and slaves. Consequently,
there was continuous skirmishing on both sides of the border.
THE GHAZNAVIDS
Towards the end of the ninth century, Trans-Oxiana, Khurasan and parts of
Iran were being ruled by the Samanids who were Iranians by descent. The
Samanids had to battle continually with the non-Muslim Turkish tribesmen
on their northern and eastern frontiers. It was during this struggle that a new
type of soldier, the ghazi, was born. The battle against the Turks, most of
whom worshipped the forces of nature and were heathens in the eyes of the
Muslims, was a struggle for religion as well as for the safety of the state.
Hence, the ghazi was as much a missionary as a fighter. He acted as a loose
auxiliary of the regular armies, and made up for his pay by plunder. It was the
resourcefulness of the ghazi and his willingness to undergo great privations
for the sake of the cause which enabled these infant Muslim states to hold
their own against the heathen Turks. In course of time, many Turks became
Muslims, but the struggle against renewed incursions of the non-Muslim
Turkish tribes continued. The Islamized Turkish tribes were to emerge as the
greatest defenders and crusaders of Islam. But the love of plunder went side
by side with defence of Islam.
Among the Samanid governors was a Turkish slave, Alp-tigin, who, in
course of time, established an independent kingdom with its capital at
Ghazni. The Samanid kingdom soon ended, and the Ghaznavids took over
the task of defending the Islamic lands from the Central Asian tribesmen.
It was in this context that Mahmud ascended the throne (998— 1030) at
Ghazni. Mahmud is considered a hero of Islam by medieval Muslim
historians because of his stout defence against the Central Asian Turkish
tribal invaders. The ghazi spirit, therefore, further increased during his reign.
Secondly, Mahmud was closely associated with the renaissance of the Iranian
spirit which grew rapidly during this period. The proud Iranians had never
accepted the Arabic language and culture. The Samanid state had also
encouraged the Persian language and literature. A high watermark in the
Iranian renaissance was reached with Firdausi’s Shah Namah. Firdausi was
the poet laureate at the court of Mahmud. He transported the struggle
between Iran and Turan to mythical times, and glorified the ancient Iranian
heroes. There was a resurgence of Iranian patriotism, and Persian language
and culture became the language and culture of the Ghaznavid empire, so
much so that Mahmud himself claimed descent from the legendary Iranian
king, Afrasiyab. Thus, the Turks became not only Islamized but Persianized.
It was this culture that they were to bring with them to India two centuries
later.
While Mahmud played an important role in the defence of the Islamic
states against the Turkish tribes and in the Iranian cultural renaissance, in
India his memory is only that of a plunderer and a destroyer of temples.
Mahmud is said to have made seventeen raids into India. The initial raids
were directed against the Hindushahi rulers who at the time held Peshawar
and the Punjab. Their capital was at Udbhanda or Waihind (Peshawar). The
Hindushahi rulers had been quick to see the danger to them of the rise of an
aggressive, expansionist state on their southwestern border. The Hindushahi
ruler, Jayapala had, in alliance with the displaced Samanid governor of
Ghazni, the Bhatti ruler of the area around Multan, and the amir of Multan,
invaded Ghazni. But he had to suffer a defeat and the coalition built by him
collapsed. In retaliation, the Ghaznavid ruler of the times laid waste the area
upto Kabul and Jalalabad.
Page 4


FIVE
The Age of Conflict 
(Circa 1000-1200)
The period from 1000 to 1200 saw rapid changes both in West and Central
Asia, and in north India. It were these developments which led to the
incursion of the Turks into northern India leading to their rule towards the
end of the period.
By the end of the ninth century, the Abbasid caliphate was in decline. Its
place was taken by a series of states ruled by Islamized Turks. The Turks had
entered the Abbasid empire during the ninth century as palace-guards and
mercenary soldiers. Soon they emerged as the king-makers. As the power of
the central government declined, provincial governors started assuming
independent status, though for sometime the fiction of unity was kept up by
the caliph formally granting the title of amir-ul-umra (Commander of
Commanders) on generals who were able to carve out a separate spheres of
authority. These new rulers assumed the title of‘amir’ at first, and of‘sultan’
later on.
The continuous incursion of the Turkish tribesmen from Central Asia, the
mercenary character of the Turkish soldiers who were prepared to switch
loyalties and abandon an unsuccessful ruler without much thought, the strife
between different Muslim sects, and between different regions made the
period a restless one. Empires and states rose and fell in rapid succession. In
this situation, only a bold warrior and leader of men, a person who was as
adept in warfare as in withstanding intrigues could come to the surface.
The Turkish tribesmen brought with them the habit of ruthless plunder.
Their main mode of warfare consisted of rapid advance and retreat, lightning
raids, and attacking any loose body of stragglers. They could do this because
of the excellent quality of their horses as also their hardihood so that they
could cover incredible distances on horseback.
Meanwhile, the break-up of the Gurjara-Pratihara empire led to a phase of
political uncertainty in north India, and a new phase of struggle for
domination. As a result, little attention was paid to the emergence of
aggressive, expansionist Turkish states on the northwestern border of India
and in West Asia.
Kabul, Qandahar, and its neighbouring area to the south called Zabul or
Zamindawar, were considered parts of al-Hind or India till the end of the
ninth century. There were many Buddhist and Hindu shrines in the area, the
most important being the 53.5 m colossal statue of Buddha at Bamiyan, with
caves for residence of a thousand monks. The area upto the river Oxus was
ruled by many dynasties, some of them claiming descent from Kanishka.
These kingdoms, backed by a mixed population of local tribes, Hunas, Turks,
exiled Iranians and Indians (such as Bhati Rajputs) offered stiff resistance to
the Arab effort to enter the area for tribute, plunder and slaves. Consequently,
there was continuous skirmishing on both sides of the border.
THE GHAZNAVIDS
Towards the end of the ninth century, Trans-Oxiana, Khurasan and parts of
Iran were being ruled by the Samanids who were Iranians by descent. The
Samanids had to battle continually with the non-Muslim Turkish tribesmen
on their northern and eastern frontiers. It was during this struggle that a new
type of soldier, the ghazi, was born. The battle against the Turks, most of
whom worshipped the forces of nature and were heathens in the eyes of the
Muslims, was a struggle for religion as well as for the safety of the state.
Hence, the ghazi was as much a missionary as a fighter. He acted as a loose
auxiliary of the regular armies, and made up for his pay by plunder. It was the
resourcefulness of the ghazi and his willingness to undergo great privations
for the sake of the cause which enabled these infant Muslim states to hold
their own against the heathen Turks. In course of time, many Turks became
Muslims, but the struggle against renewed incursions of the non-Muslim
Turkish tribes continued. The Islamized Turkish tribes were to emerge as the
greatest defenders and crusaders of Islam. But the love of plunder went side
by side with defence of Islam.
Among the Samanid governors was a Turkish slave, Alp-tigin, who, in
course of time, established an independent kingdom with its capital at
Ghazni. The Samanid kingdom soon ended, and the Ghaznavids took over
the task of defending the Islamic lands from the Central Asian tribesmen.
It was in this context that Mahmud ascended the throne (998— 1030) at
Ghazni. Mahmud is considered a hero of Islam by medieval Muslim
historians because of his stout defence against the Central Asian Turkish
tribal invaders. The ghazi spirit, therefore, further increased during his reign.
Secondly, Mahmud was closely associated with the renaissance of the Iranian
spirit which grew rapidly during this period. The proud Iranians had never
accepted the Arabic language and culture. The Samanid state had also
encouraged the Persian language and literature. A high watermark in the
Iranian renaissance was reached with Firdausi’s Shah Namah. Firdausi was
the poet laureate at the court of Mahmud. He transported the struggle
between Iran and Turan to mythical times, and glorified the ancient Iranian
heroes. There was a resurgence of Iranian patriotism, and Persian language
and culture became the language and culture of the Ghaznavid empire, so
much so that Mahmud himself claimed descent from the legendary Iranian
king, Afrasiyab. Thus, the Turks became not only Islamized but Persianized.
It was this culture that they were to bring with them to India two centuries
later.
While Mahmud played an important role in the defence of the Islamic
states against the Turkish tribes and in the Iranian cultural renaissance, in
India his memory is only that of a plunderer and a destroyer of temples.
Mahmud is said to have made seventeen raids into India. The initial raids
were directed against the Hindushahi rulers who at the time held Peshawar
and the Punjab. Their capital was at Udbhanda or Waihind (Peshawar). The
Hindushahi rulers had been quick to see the danger to them of the rise of an
aggressive, expansionist state on their southwestern border. The Hindushahi
ruler, Jayapala had, in alliance with the displaced Samanid governor of
Ghazni, the Bhatti ruler of the area around Multan, and the amir of Multan,
invaded Ghazni. But he had to suffer a defeat and the coalition built by him
collapsed. In retaliation, the Ghaznavid ruler of the times laid waste the area
upto Kabul and Jalalabad.
In about 990–91, under Sabuk-tigin, the Shahis suffered a serious defeat.
Following this, the provinces of Kabul and Jalalabad were annexed to Ghazni.
As a prince, Mahmud had taken part in these battles. After his accession to
the throne (AD 998), he resumed the offensive against the Shahis. The Shahi
ruler, Jayapala, had, in the meantime, strengthened his position by bringing
Lohavar (Lahore) under his control. Thus, the Shahi rule extended from
Peshawar to Punjab.
In a furious battle near Peshawar in 1001, Jayapala was again defeated.
Mahmud advanced to the Shahi capital, and thoroughly ravaged it. Peace was
made by ceding the territory west of the Indus to Mahmud. Soon after,
Jayapala died and was succeeded by his son, Anandpala. According to some
later accounts, Jayapala had entered a funeral pyre following his defeat
because he felt he had disgraced himself. The story that he had been taken
prisoner by Mahmud and then released seems doubtful.
Despite these setbacks, the Shahis were still strong enough to offer serious
resistance to Mahmud’s efforts to penetrate into the Punjab. Mahmud also
had to counter the attacks of non-Muslim Turks from Central Asia. However,
in a decisive battle near the Indus in 1009, Anandpala was defeated and
Mahmud devastated his new capital, Nandana, in the Salt Ranges, and
overran his fort called Nagarkot (wrongly confused with Nagarkot in
Himachal which Mahmud never reached). Anandpal was allowed for some
time to rule from Lahore as a feudatory. But in 1015, Mahmud advanced upto
Lahore, plundered it, and ousted Anandpal. Soon, Ghazanvid territories
extended upto the river Jhelum. Earlier, the Muslim kingdom of Multan had
also been overrun. However, an attack on Kashmir by Mahmud in 1015 was
foiled due to weather conditions.
Thus, the struggle against the Shahis was a prolonged one, and the Shahis
put up stout resistance. In this struggle, the Shahis were supported only by the
Muslim ruler of Multan who had been harrassed by slave taking raids from
Ghazni, and belonged to a sect which Mahmud considered heretical, and
hence an enemy. It is noteworthy that apparently none of the Rajput rulers
came to the aid of the Shahis, although in order to exaggerate the scale of
Mahmud's victory, the seventeenth century historian, Ferishta, mentions that
many Rajputs rulers, including those from Delhi, Ajmer and Kanauj aided
Page 5


FIVE
The Age of Conflict 
(Circa 1000-1200)
The period from 1000 to 1200 saw rapid changes both in West and Central
Asia, and in north India. It were these developments which led to the
incursion of the Turks into northern India leading to their rule towards the
end of the period.
By the end of the ninth century, the Abbasid caliphate was in decline. Its
place was taken by a series of states ruled by Islamized Turks. The Turks had
entered the Abbasid empire during the ninth century as palace-guards and
mercenary soldiers. Soon they emerged as the king-makers. As the power of
the central government declined, provincial governors started assuming
independent status, though for sometime the fiction of unity was kept up by
the caliph formally granting the title of amir-ul-umra (Commander of
Commanders) on generals who were able to carve out a separate spheres of
authority. These new rulers assumed the title of‘amir’ at first, and of‘sultan’
later on.
The continuous incursion of the Turkish tribesmen from Central Asia, the
mercenary character of the Turkish soldiers who were prepared to switch
loyalties and abandon an unsuccessful ruler without much thought, the strife
between different Muslim sects, and between different regions made the
period a restless one. Empires and states rose and fell in rapid succession. In
this situation, only a bold warrior and leader of men, a person who was as
adept in warfare as in withstanding intrigues could come to the surface.
The Turkish tribesmen brought with them the habit of ruthless plunder.
Their main mode of warfare consisted of rapid advance and retreat, lightning
raids, and attacking any loose body of stragglers. They could do this because
of the excellent quality of their horses as also their hardihood so that they
could cover incredible distances on horseback.
Meanwhile, the break-up of the Gurjara-Pratihara empire led to a phase of
political uncertainty in north India, and a new phase of struggle for
domination. As a result, little attention was paid to the emergence of
aggressive, expansionist Turkish states on the northwestern border of India
and in West Asia.
Kabul, Qandahar, and its neighbouring area to the south called Zabul or
Zamindawar, were considered parts of al-Hind or India till the end of the
ninth century. There were many Buddhist and Hindu shrines in the area, the
most important being the 53.5 m colossal statue of Buddha at Bamiyan, with
caves for residence of a thousand monks. The area upto the river Oxus was
ruled by many dynasties, some of them claiming descent from Kanishka.
These kingdoms, backed by a mixed population of local tribes, Hunas, Turks,
exiled Iranians and Indians (such as Bhati Rajputs) offered stiff resistance to
the Arab effort to enter the area for tribute, plunder and slaves. Consequently,
there was continuous skirmishing on both sides of the border.
THE GHAZNAVIDS
Towards the end of the ninth century, Trans-Oxiana, Khurasan and parts of
Iran were being ruled by the Samanids who were Iranians by descent. The
Samanids had to battle continually with the non-Muslim Turkish tribesmen
on their northern and eastern frontiers. It was during this struggle that a new
type of soldier, the ghazi, was born. The battle against the Turks, most of
whom worshipped the forces of nature and were heathens in the eyes of the
Muslims, was a struggle for religion as well as for the safety of the state.
Hence, the ghazi was as much a missionary as a fighter. He acted as a loose
auxiliary of the regular armies, and made up for his pay by plunder. It was the
resourcefulness of the ghazi and his willingness to undergo great privations
for the sake of the cause which enabled these infant Muslim states to hold
their own against the heathen Turks. In course of time, many Turks became
Muslims, but the struggle against renewed incursions of the non-Muslim
Turkish tribes continued. The Islamized Turkish tribes were to emerge as the
greatest defenders and crusaders of Islam. But the love of plunder went side
by side with defence of Islam.
Among the Samanid governors was a Turkish slave, Alp-tigin, who, in
course of time, established an independent kingdom with its capital at
Ghazni. The Samanid kingdom soon ended, and the Ghaznavids took over
the task of defending the Islamic lands from the Central Asian tribesmen.
It was in this context that Mahmud ascended the throne (998— 1030) at
Ghazni. Mahmud is considered a hero of Islam by medieval Muslim
historians because of his stout defence against the Central Asian Turkish
tribal invaders. The ghazi spirit, therefore, further increased during his reign.
Secondly, Mahmud was closely associated with the renaissance of the Iranian
spirit which grew rapidly during this period. The proud Iranians had never
accepted the Arabic language and culture. The Samanid state had also
encouraged the Persian language and literature. A high watermark in the
Iranian renaissance was reached with Firdausi’s Shah Namah. Firdausi was
the poet laureate at the court of Mahmud. He transported the struggle
between Iran and Turan to mythical times, and glorified the ancient Iranian
heroes. There was a resurgence of Iranian patriotism, and Persian language
and culture became the language and culture of the Ghaznavid empire, so
much so that Mahmud himself claimed descent from the legendary Iranian
king, Afrasiyab. Thus, the Turks became not only Islamized but Persianized.
It was this culture that they were to bring with them to India two centuries
later.
While Mahmud played an important role in the defence of the Islamic
states against the Turkish tribes and in the Iranian cultural renaissance, in
India his memory is only that of a plunderer and a destroyer of temples.
Mahmud is said to have made seventeen raids into India. The initial raids
were directed against the Hindushahi rulers who at the time held Peshawar
and the Punjab. Their capital was at Udbhanda or Waihind (Peshawar). The
Hindushahi rulers had been quick to see the danger to them of the rise of an
aggressive, expansionist state on their southwestern border. The Hindushahi
ruler, Jayapala had, in alliance with the displaced Samanid governor of
Ghazni, the Bhatti ruler of the area around Multan, and the amir of Multan,
invaded Ghazni. But he had to suffer a defeat and the coalition built by him
collapsed. In retaliation, the Ghaznavid ruler of the times laid waste the area
upto Kabul and Jalalabad.
In about 990–91, under Sabuk-tigin, the Shahis suffered a serious defeat.
Following this, the provinces of Kabul and Jalalabad were annexed to Ghazni.
As a prince, Mahmud had taken part in these battles. After his accession to
the throne (AD 998), he resumed the offensive against the Shahis. The Shahi
ruler, Jayapala, had, in the meantime, strengthened his position by bringing
Lohavar (Lahore) under his control. Thus, the Shahi rule extended from
Peshawar to Punjab.
In a furious battle near Peshawar in 1001, Jayapala was again defeated.
Mahmud advanced to the Shahi capital, and thoroughly ravaged it. Peace was
made by ceding the territory west of the Indus to Mahmud. Soon after,
Jayapala died and was succeeded by his son, Anandpala. According to some
later accounts, Jayapala had entered a funeral pyre following his defeat
because he felt he had disgraced himself. The story that he had been taken
prisoner by Mahmud and then released seems doubtful.
Despite these setbacks, the Shahis were still strong enough to offer serious
resistance to Mahmud’s efforts to penetrate into the Punjab. Mahmud also
had to counter the attacks of non-Muslim Turks from Central Asia. However,
in a decisive battle near the Indus in 1009, Anandpala was defeated and
Mahmud devastated his new capital, Nandana, in the Salt Ranges, and
overran his fort called Nagarkot (wrongly confused with Nagarkot in
Himachal which Mahmud never reached). Anandpal was allowed for some
time to rule from Lahore as a feudatory. But in 1015, Mahmud advanced upto
Lahore, plundered it, and ousted Anandpal. Soon, Ghazanvid territories
extended upto the river Jhelum. Earlier, the Muslim kingdom of Multan had
also been overrun. However, an attack on Kashmir by Mahmud in 1015 was
foiled due to weather conditions.
Thus, the struggle against the Shahis was a prolonged one, and the Shahis
put up stout resistance. In this struggle, the Shahis were supported only by the
Muslim ruler of Multan who had been harrassed by slave taking raids from
Ghazni, and belonged to a sect which Mahmud considered heretical, and
hence an enemy. It is noteworthy that apparently none of the Rajput rulers
came to the aid of the Shahis, although in order to exaggerate the scale of
Mahmud's victory, the seventeenth century historian, Ferishta, mentions that
many Rajputs rulers, including those from Delhi, Ajmer and Kanauj aided
Jayapala in 1001. However, Ajmer had not been founded by then, and Delhi
(Dhillika) was a small state. Likewise, the Gurjara-Pratiharas of Kanauj whose
sway had extended upon Thanesar at one time, were in a much weakened
condition. Thus, the Shahis fought virtually alone.
By 1015, Mahmud was poised for an attack on the Indo-Gangetic valley.
During the next half a dozen years, Mahmud launched a series of expeditions
into the Indo-Gangetic plains. These raids were aimed at plundering the rich
temples and the towns which had amassed wealth over generations. The
plundering of this wealth also enabled him to continue his struggle against his
enemies in Central Asia. He also did not want to give time to the princes in
India to regroup, and to combine against him. Mahmud’s raids into India
alternated with battles in Central Asia. For his plundering raids into India the
ghazis came handy to him. Mahmud also posed as a great but shikan or
‘destroyer of the images’ for the glory of Islam. From the Punjab, Mahmud
raided Thanesar the old capital of Harsha. His most daring raids, however,
were against Kanauj in 1018, and against Somnath in Gujarat in 1025. In the
campaign against Kanauj, he sacked and plundered both Mathura and
Kanauj. The following year, he invaded Kalinjar in Bundelkhand, and
returned loaded with fabulous riches. He was able to do all this with impunity
due to the fact that no strong state existed in north India at that time. No
attempt was made by Mahmud to annex any of these states.
Between 1020, and 1025, Mahmud was engaged in Central Asian affairs. In
1025, he made a plan for raiding Somnath which had a fabulously rich temple
and attracted lakhs of pilgrims. It was also a rich port. The objective was also
to create a sense of awe and shock among the Rajputs because he marched via
Multan and Jaisalmer with a regular cavalry of 30,000. Meeting light
opposition on the way, he reached Somnath. The commander of the city fled
at his approach, but the citizens put up a stout resistance. Mahmud broke the
Sivalingam and ordered parts of it brought back with him to Ghazni. Evading
the attempt of some Rajput rulers to block him on his way back, he had to
counter the marauding bands of Jats in Sind. He returned to Ghazni loaded
with immense wealth.
It is difficult to say whether Mahmud’s attack on Somnath presaged an
attack on Rajasthan and Gujarat. Mahmud returned the following year to