NCERT Textbook: The Making of National Movement (1870-1947) | Social Studies (SST) Class 8 PDF Download

 Page 1


The Making of the National 
Movement: 1870s–1947
8
In the previous chapters, we have looked at:
? The British conquest of territories, and takeover  
 of kingdoms
? Introduction of new laws and administrative   
 institutions
? Changes in the lives of peasants and tribals
? Educational changes in the nineteenth century
? Debates regarding the condition of women
? Challenges to the caste system 
? Social and religious reform
? The revolt of 1857 and its aftermath
? The decline of crafts and growth of industries
On the basis of what you have read about these 
issues, do you think Indians were discontented with 
British rule? If so, how were different groups and classes 
dissatisfied?
Fig. 1 – Police teargas 
demonstrators during the  
Quit India movement
Chap 8.indd   93 8/31/2022   5:03:32 PM
Reprint 2024-25
Page 2


The Making of the National 
Movement: 1870s–1947
8
In the previous chapters, we have looked at:
? The British conquest of territories, and takeover  
 of kingdoms
? Introduction of new laws and administrative   
 institutions
? Changes in the lives of peasants and tribals
? Educational changes in the nineteenth century
? Debates regarding the condition of women
? Challenges to the caste system 
? Social and religious reform
? The revolt of 1857 and its aftermath
? The decline of crafts and growth of industries
On the basis of what you have read about these 
issues, do you think Indians were discontented with 
British rule? If so, how were different groups and classes 
dissatisfied?
Fig. 1 – Police teargas 
demonstrators during the  
Quit India movement
Chap 8.indd   93 8/31/2022   5:03:32 PM
Reprint 2024-25
94 	 OUR 	P ASTS	–	III
The Emergence of Nationalism
The above-mentioned developments led the people to 
ask a crucial question: what is this country of India 
and for whom is it meant? The answer that gradually 
emer ged 	 was: 	 India 	 was 	 the 	 people 	 of 	 India 	 – 	all the 
people irrespective of class, colour, caste, creed, 
language, or gender. And the country, its resources and 
systems, were meant for all of them. With this answer 
came the awareness that the British were exercising 
control over the resources of India and the lives of its 
people, and until this control was ended, India could 
not be for Indians.
This consciousness began to be clearly stated by the 
political associations formed after 1850, especially those 
that came into being in the 1870s and 1880s. Most of 
these were led by English-educated professionals such 
as lawyers. The more important ones were the Poona 
Sarvajanik Sabha, the Indian Association, the Madras 
Mahajan Sabha, the Bombay Presidency Association, and 
of course the Indian National Congress.
Note the name, “Poona Sarvajanik Sabha”. The 
literal meaning of “sarvajanik” is “of or for all the people”  
(sarva = all + janik = of the people). Though many of these 
associations functioned in specific parts of the country, 
their goals were stated as the goals of all the people of 
India, not those of any one region, community or class. 
They worked with the idea that the people should be 
sovereign 	 –	 a	 moder n 	 consciousness	 and	 a	 key	 featur e	 of	
nationalism. In other words, they believed that the Indian 
people should be empowered to take decisions regarding 
their affairs.  
The dissatisfaction with British rule intensified in the 
1870s and 1880s. The Arms Act was passed in 1878, 
disallowing Indians from possessing arms. In the same 
year, the Vernacular Press Act was also enacted in an 
effort to silence those who were critical of the government. 
The Act allowed the government to confiscate the 
assets of newspapers including their printing presses 
if the newspapers published anything that was found 
“objectionable”. In 1883, there was a furore over the 
attempt by the government to introduce the Ilbert Bill. The 
bill provided for the trial of British or European persons 
by Indians, and sought equality between British and 
Indian judges in the country. But when white opposition 
forced the government to withdraw the bill, Indians were 
enraged. The event highlighted the racial attitudes of the 
British in India.
Sovereign –	The	capacity	
to act independently 
without outside 
interference 
Chap 8.indd   94 4/21/2022   12:30:30 PM
Reprint 2024-25
Page 3


The Making of the National 
Movement: 1870s–1947
8
In the previous chapters, we have looked at:
? The British conquest of territories, and takeover  
 of kingdoms
? Introduction of new laws and administrative   
 institutions
? Changes in the lives of peasants and tribals
? Educational changes in the nineteenth century
? Debates regarding the condition of women
? Challenges to the caste system 
? Social and religious reform
? The revolt of 1857 and its aftermath
? The decline of crafts and growth of industries
On the basis of what you have read about these 
issues, do you think Indians were discontented with 
British rule? If so, how were different groups and classes 
dissatisfied?
Fig. 1 – Police teargas 
demonstrators during the  
Quit India movement
Chap 8.indd   93 8/31/2022   5:03:32 PM
Reprint 2024-25
94 	 OUR 	P ASTS	–	III
The Emergence of Nationalism
The above-mentioned developments led the people to 
ask a crucial question: what is this country of India 
and for whom is it meant? The answer that gradually 
emer ged 	 was: 	 India 	 was 	 the 	 people 	 of 	 India 	 – 	all the 
people irrespective of class, colour, caste, creed, 
language, or gender. And the country, its resources and 
systems, were meant for all of them. With this answer 
came the awareness that the British were exercising 
control over the resources of India and the lives of its 
people, and until this control was ended, India could 
not be for Indians.
This consciousness began to be clearly stated by the 
political associations formed after 1850, especially those 
that came into being in the 1870s and 1880s. Most of 
these were led by English-educated professionals such 
as lawyers. The more important ones were the Poona 
Sarvajanik Sabha, the Indian Association, the Madras 
Mahajan Sabha, the Bombay Presidency Association, and 
of course the Indian National Congress.
Note the name, “Poona Sarvajanik Sabha”. The 
literal meaning of “sarvajanik” is “of or for all the people”  
(sarva = all + janik = of the people). Though many of these 
associations functioned in specific parts of the country, 
their goals were stated as the goals of all the people of 
India, not those of any one region, community or class. 
They worked with the idea that the people should be 
sovereign 	 –	 a	 moder n 	 consciousness	 and	 a	 key	 featur e	 of	
nationalism. In other words, they believed that the Indian 
people should be empowered to take decisions regarding 
their affairs.  
The dissatisfaction with British rule intensified in the 
1870s and 1880s. The Arms Act was passed in 1878, 
disallowing Indians from possessing arms. In the same 
year, the Vernacular Press Act was also enacted in an 
effort to silence those who were critical of the government. 
The Act allowed the government to confiscate the 
assets of newspapers including their printing presses 
if the newspapers published anything that was found 
“objectionable”. In 1883, there was a furore over the 
attempt by the government to introduce the Ilbert Bill. The 
bill provided for the trial of British or European persons 
by Indians, and sought equality between British and 
Indian judges in the country. But when white opposition 
forced the government to withdraw the bill, Indians were 
enraged. The event highlighted the racial attitudes of the 
British in India.
Sovereign –	The	capacity	
to act independently 
without outside 
interference 
Chap 8.indd   94 4/21/2022   12:30:30 PM
Reprint 2024-25
THE MAKING OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT: 1870s –1947									95
The need for an all-India organisation of educated 
Indians had been felt since 1880, but the Ilbert Bill 
controversy deepened this desire. The Indian National 
Congress was established when 72 delegates from all 
over the country met at Bombay in December 1885. The 
early	 leadership	 –	 Dadabhai	 Naor oji,	 Pher ozeshah	 Mehta,	
Badruddin Tyabji, W.C. Bonnerji, Surendranath Banerji, 
Romesh Chandra Dutt, S. Subramania Iyer, among 
others 	 –	 was 	 lar gely	 fr om	 Bombay	 and	 Calcutta.	 Naor oji,	
a businessman and publicist settled in London, and 
for a time member of the British Parliament, guided the 
younger nationalists. A retired British official, A.O. Hume, 
also played a part in bringing Indians from the various  
regions together.  
Publicist –	Someone		
who publicises an idea by 
circulating information, 
writing reports, speaking 
at meetings
A nation in the making
It has often been said that the Congress in the first twenty 
years was “moderate” in its objectives and methods. During 
this period, it demanded a greater voice for Indians in 
the government and in administration.  It wanted the 
Legislative Councils to be made more representative, 
given more power, and introduced in provinces where 
none existed.  It demanded that Indians be placed in high 
positions in the government. For this purpose, it called for 
civil service examinations to be held in India as well, not 
just in London.  
The demand for Indianisation of the administration 
was part of a movement against racism, since most 
important jobs at the time were monopolised by white 
Activity
From the beginning the 
Congress sought to 
speak for, and in the 
name of, all the Indian 
people. Why did it 
choose to do so?
?
Fig. 2 – Dadabhai Naoroji
Naoroji’s book Poverty and 
Un-British Rule in India offered  
a scathing criticism of the 
economic impact of British rule.
Who did the Congress                                     
seek to speak for?
A newspaper, The Indian Mirror, wrote in January 1886:
The First National Congress at Bombay … is the nucleus 
of a future Parliament for our country, and will lead to 
the good of inconceivable magnitude for our countrymen. 
Badruddin Tyabji addressed the Congress as President 
in 1887 thus: 
this Congress is composed of the representatives, not               
of any one class or community of India, but of all the 
different communities of India.
Source 1
Chap 8.indd   95 4/21/2022   12:30:33 PM
Reprint 2024-25
Page 4


The Making of the National 
Movement: 1870s–1947
8
In the previous chapters, we have looked at:
? The British conquest of territories, and takeover  
 of kingdoms
? Introduction of new laws and administrative   
 institutions
? Changes in the lives of peasants and tribals
? Educational changes in the nineteenth century
? Debates regarding the condition of women
? Challenges to the caste system 
? Social and religious reform
? The revolt of 1857 and its aftermath
? The decline of crafts and growth of industries
On the basis of what you have read about these 
issues, do you think Indians were discontented with 
British rule? If so, how were different groups and classes 
dissatisfied?
Fig. 1 – Police teargas 
demonstrators during the  
Quit India movement
Chap 8.indd   93 8/31/2022   5:03:32 PM
Reprint 2024-25
94 	 OUR 	P ASTS	–	III
The Emergence of Nationalism
The above-mentioned developments led the people to 
ask a crucial question: what is this country of India 
and for whom is it meant? The answer that gradually 
emer ged 	 was: 	 India 	 was 	 the 	 people 	 of 	 India 	 – 	all the 
people irrespective of class, colour, caste, creed, 
language, or gender. And the country, its resources and 
systems, were meant for all of them. With this answer 
came the awareness that the British were exercising 
control over the resources of India and the lives of its 
people, and until this control was ended, India could 
not be for Indians.
This consciousness began to be clearly stated by the 
political associations formed after 1850, especially those 
that came into being in the 1870s and 1880s. Most of 
these were led by English-educated professionals such 
as lawyers. The more important ones were the Poona 
Sarvajanik Sabha, the Indian Association, the Madras 
Mahajan Sabha, the Bombay Presidency Association, and 
of course the Indian National Congress.
Note the name, “Poona Sarvajanik Sabha”. The 
literal meaning of “sarvajanik” is “of or for all the people”  
(sarva = all + janik = of the people). Though many of these 
associations functioned in specific parts of the country, 
their goals were stated as the goals of all the people of 
India, not those of any one region, community or class. 
They worked with the idea that the people should be 
sovereign 	 –	 a	 moder n 	 consciousness	 and	 a	 key	 featur e	 of	
nationalism. In other words, they believed that the Indian 
people should be empowered to take decisions regarding 
their affairs.  
The dissatisfaction with British rule intensified in the 
1870s and 1880s. The Arms Act was passed in 1878, 
disallowing Indians from possessing arms. In the same 
year, the Vernacular Press Act was also enacted in an 
effort to silence those who were critical of the government. 
The Act allowed the government to confiscate the 
assets of newspapers including their printing presses 
if the newspapers published anything that was found 
“objectionable”. In 1883, there was a furore over the 
attempt by the government to introduce the Ilbert Bill. The 
bill provided for the trial of British or European persons 
by Indians, and sought equality between British and 
Indian judges in the country. But when white opposition 
forced the government to withdraw the bill, Indians were 
enraged. The event highlighted the racial attitudes of the 
British in India.
Sovereign –	The	capacity	
to act independently 
without outside 
interference 
Chap 8.indd   94 4/21/2022   12:30:30 PM
Reprint 2024-25
THE MAKING OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT: 1870s –1947									95
The need for an all-India organisation of educated 
Indians had been felt since 1880, but the Ilbert Bill 
controversy deepened this desire. The Indian National 
Congress was established when 72 delegates from all 
over the country met at Bombay in December 1885. The 
early	 leadership	 –	 Dadabhai	 Naor oji,	 Pher ozeshah	 Mehta,	
Badruddin Tyabji, W.C. Bonnerji, Surendranath Banerji, 
Romesh Chandra Dutt, S. Subramania Iyer, among 
others 	 –	 was 	 lar gely	 fr om	 Bombay	 and	 Calcutta.	 Naor oji,	
a businessman and publicist settled in London, and 
for a time member of the British Parliament, guided the 
younger nationalists. A retired British official, A.O. Hume, 
also played a part in bringing Indians from the various  
regions together.  
Publicist –	Someone		
who publicises an idea by 
circulating information, 
writing reports, speaking 
at meetings
A nation in the making
It has often been said that the Congress in the first twenty 
years was “moderate” in its objectives and methods. During 
this period, it demanded a greater voice for Indians in 
the government and in administration.  It wanted the 
Legislative Councils to be made more representative, 
given more power, and introduced in provinces where 
none existed.  It demanded that Indians be placed in high 
positions in the government. For this purpose, it called for 
civil service examinations to be held in India as well, not 
just in London.  
The demand for Indianisation of the administration 
was part of a movement against racism, since most 
important jobs at the time were monopolised by white 
Activity
From the beginning the 
Congress sought to 
speak for, and in the 
name of, all the Indian 
people. Why did it 
choose to do so?
?
Fig. 2 – Dadabhai Naoroji
Naoroji’s book Poverty and 
Un-British Rule in India offered  
a scathing criticism of the 
economic impact of British rule.
Who did the Congress                                     
seek to speak for?
A newspaper, The Indian Mirror, wrote in January 1886:
The First National Congress at Bombay … is the nucleus 
of a future Parliament for our country, and will lead to 
the good of inconceivable magnitude for our countrymen. 
Badruddin Tyabji addressed the Congress as President 
in 1887 thus: 
this Congress is composed of the representatives, not               
of any one class or community of India, but of all the 
different communities of India.
Source 1
Chap 8.indd   95 4/21/2022   12:30:33 PM
Reprint 2024-25
96 	 OUR 	P ASTS	–	III
officials, and the British generally assumed that Indians 
could not be given positions of responsibility. Since 
British officers were sending a major part of their large 
salaries home, Indianisation, it was hoped, would also 
reduce the drain of wealth to England. Other demands 
included the separation of the judiciary from the 
executive, the repeal of the Arms Act and the freedom 
of speech and expression.  
The early Congress also raised a number of economic 
issues. It declared that British rule had led to poverty and 
famines: increase in the land revenue had impoverished 
peasants 	 and 	 zamindars, 	 and 	 exports 	 of 	 grains 	 to 	 Eur ope	
had created food shortages. The Congress demanded 
reduction of revenue, cut in military expenditure, and 
more funds for irrigation. It passed many resolutions on 
the salt tax, treatment of Indian labourers abroad, and 
t h e 	 s u f f e r i n g s 	 o f 	 f o r e s t 	 d w e l l e r s 	 – 	 c a u s e d 	 b y 	 a n 	 i n t e r f e r i n g 	
forest administration. All this shows that despite being 
a body of the educated elite, the Congress did not 
talk 	 only 	 on 	 behalf 	 of 	 pr ofessional 	 gr oups, 	 zamindars	 
or industrialists.  
The Moderate leaders wanted to develop public 
awareness about the unjust nature of British rule. 
They published newspapers, wrote articles, and showed 
how British rule was leading to the economic ruin 
of the country. They criticised British rule in their 
speeches and sent representatives to different parts of 
the country to mobilise public opinion. They felt that 
the British had respect for the ideals of freedom and 
justice, and so they would accept the just demands of 
Indians. What was necessary, therefore, was to express 
these demands, and make the government aware of the 
feelings of Indians. 
“Freedom is our birthright”
By the 1890s, many Indians began to raise questions 
about the political style of the Congress. In Bengal, 
Maharashtra and Punjab, leaders such as Bepin 
Chandra Pal, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat 
Rai were beginning to explore more radical objectives 
and methods. They criticised the Moderates for their 
“politics of prayers”, and emphasised the importance 
of self-reliance and constructive work. They argued 
that people must rely on their own strength, not on the 
“good” intentions of the government; people must fight 
for swaraj. Tilak raised the slogan, “Freedom is my 
birthright and I shall have it!”
In pursuit of gold
This is what a Moderate 
leader, Dinshaw Wacha, 
wrote to Naoroji in 1887:
Pherozeshah is 
nowadays too busy 
with his personal work 
… They are already 
rich enough …  
Mr. Telang too 
remains busy. I 
wonder how if all 
remain busy in the 
pursuit of gold  can          
the progress of the 
country be advanced?
Repeal	–	T o	undo	law;		to	
officially end the validity 
of something such as a 
law
Source 2
Activity
What problems regarding 
the early Congress does 
this comment highlight?
?
Chap 8.indd   96 4/21/2022   12:30:34 PM
Reprint 2024-25
Page 5


The Making of the National 
Movement: 1870s–1947
8
In the previous chapters, we have looked at:
? The British conquest of territories, and takeover  
 of kingdoms
? Introduction of new laws and administrative   
 institutions
? Changes in the lives of peasants and tribals
? Educational changes in the nineteenth century
? Debates regarding the condition of women
? Challenges to the caste system 
? Social and religious reform
? The revolt of 1857 and its aftermath
? The decline of crafts and growth of industries
On the basis of what you have read about these 
issues, do you think Indians were discontented with 
British rule? If so, how were different groups and classes 
dissatisfied?
Fig. 1 – Police teargas 
demonstrators during the  
Quit India movement
Chap 8.indd   93 8/31/2022   5:03:32 PM
Reprint 2024-25
94 	 OUR 	P ASTS	–	III
The Emergence of Nationalism
The above-mentioned developments led the people to 
ask a crucial question: what is this country of India 
and for whom is it meant? The answer that gradually 
emer ged 	 was: 	 India 	 was 	 the 	 people 	 of 	 India 	 – 	all the 
people irrespective of class, colour, caste, creed, 
language, or gender. And the country, its resources and 
systems, were meant for all of them. With this answer 
came the awareness that the British were exercising 
control over the resources of India and the lives of its 
people, and until this control was ended, India could 
not be for Indians.
This consciousness began to be clearly stated by the 
political associations formed after 1850, especially those 
that came into being in the 1870s and 1880s. Most of 
these were led by English-educated professionals such 
as lawyers. The more important ones were the Poona 
Sarvajanik Sabha, the Indian Association, the Madras 
Mahajan Sabha, the Bombay Presidency Association, and 
of course the Indian National Congress.
Note the name, “Poona Sarvajanik Sabha”. The 
literal meaning of “sarvajanik” is “of or for all the people”  
(sarva = all + janik = of the people). Though many of these 
associations functioned in specific parts of the country, 
their goals were stated as the goals of all the people of 
India, not those of any one region, community or class. 
They worked with the idea that the people should be 
sovereign 	 –	 a	 moder n 	 consciousness	 and	 a	 key	 featur e	 of	
nationalism. In other words, they believed that the Indian 
people should be empowered to take decisions regarding 
their affairs.  
The dissatisfaction with British rule intensified in the 
1870s and 1880s. The Arms Act was passed in 1878, 
disallowing Indians from possessing arms. In the same 
year, the Vernacular Press Act was also enacted in an 
effort to silence those who were critical of the government. 
The Act allowed the government to confiscate the 
assets of newspapers including their printing presses 
if the newspapers published anything that was found 
“objectionable”. In 1883, there was a furore over the 
attempt by the government to introduce the Ilbert Bill. The 
bill provided for the trial of British or European persons 
by Indians, and sought equality between British and 
Indian judges in the country. But when white opposition 
forced the government to withdraw the bill, Indians were 
enraged. The event highlighted the racial attitudes of the 
British in India.
Sovereign –	The	capacity	
to act independently 
without outside 
interference 
Chap 8.indd   94 4/21/2022   12:30:30 PM
Reprint 2024-25
THE MAKING OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT: 1870s –1947									95
The need for an all-India organisation of educated 
Indians had been felt since 1880, but the Ilbert Bill 
controversy deepened this desire. The Indian National 
Congress was established when 72 delegates from all 
over the country met at Bombay in December 1885. The 
early	 leadership	 –	 Dadabhai	 Naor oji,	 Pher ozeshah	 Mehta,	
Badruddin Tyabji, W.C. Bonnerji, Surendranath Banerji, 
Romesh Chandra Dutt, S. Subramania Iyer, among 
others 	 –	 was 	 lar gely	 fr om	 Bombay	 and	 Calcutta.	 Naor oji,	
a businessman and publicist settled in London, and 
for a time member of the British Parliament, guided the 
younger nationalists. A retired British official, A.O. Hume, 
also played a part in bringing Indians from the various  
regions together.  
Publicist –	Someone		
who publicises an idea by 
circulating information, 
writing reports, speaking 
at meetings
A nation in the making
It has often been said that the Congress in the first twenty 
years was “moderate” in its objectives and methods. During 
this period, it demanded a greater voice for Indians in 
the government and in administration.  It wanted the 
Legislative Councils to be made more representative, 
given more power, and introduced in provinces where 
none existed.  It demanded that Indians be placed in high 
positions in the government. For this purpose, it called for 
civil service examinations to be held in India as well, not 
just in London.  
The demand for Indianisation of the administration 
was part of a movement against racism, since most 
important jobs at the time were monopolised by white 
Activity
From the beginning the 
Congress sought to 
speak for, and in the 
name of, all the Indian 
people. Why did it 
choose to do so?
?
Fig. 2 – Dadabhai Naoroji
Naoroji’s book Poverty and 
Un-British Rule in India offered  
a scathing criticism of the 
economic impact of British rule.
Who did the Congress                                     
seek to speak for?
A newspaper, The Indian Mirror, wrote in January 1886:
The First National Congress at Bombay … is the nucleus 
of a future Parliament for our country, and will lead to 
the good of inconceivable magnitude for our countrymen. 
Badruddin Tyabji addressed the Congress as President 
in 1887 thus: 
this Congress is composed of the representatives, not               
of any one class or community of India, but of all the 
different communities of India.
Source 1
Chap 8.indd   95 4/21/2022   12:30:33 PM
Reprint 2024-25
96 	 OUR 	P ASTS	–	III
officials, and the British generally assumed that Indians 
could not be given positions of responsibility. Since 
British officers were sending a major part of their large 
salaries home, Indianisation, it was hoped, would also 
reduce the drain of wealth to England. Other demands 
included the separation of the judiciary from the 
executive, the repeal of the Arms Act and the freedom 
of speech and expression.  
The early Congress also raised a number of economic 
issues. It declared that British rule had led to poverty and 
famines: increase in the land revenue had impoverished 
peasants 	 and 	 zamindars, 	 and 	 exports 	 of 	 grains 	 to 	 Eur ope	
had created food shortages. The Congress demanded 
reduction of revenue, cut in military expenditure, and 
more funds for irrigation. It passed many resolutions on 
the salt tax, treatment of Indian labourers abroad, and 
t h e 	 s u f f e r i n g s 	 o f 	 f o r e s t 	 d w e l l e r s 	 – 	 c a u s e d 	 b y 	 a n 	 i n t e r f e r i n g 	
forest administration. All this shows that despite being 
a body of the educated elite, the Congress did not 
talk 	 only 	 on 	 behalf 	 of 	 pr ofessional 	 gr oups, 	 zamindars	 
or industrialists.  
The Moderate leaders wanted to develop public 
awareness about the unjust nature of British rule. 
They published newspapers, wrote articles, and showed 
how British rule was leading to the economic ruin 
of the country. They criticised British rule in their 
speeches and sent representatives to different parts of 
the country to mobilise public opinion. They felt that 
the British had respect for the ideals of freedom and 
justice, and so they would accept the just demands of 
Indians. What was necessary, therefore, was to express 
these demands, and make the government aware of the 
feelings of Indians. 
“Freedom is our birthright”
By the 1890s, many Indians began to raise questions 
about the political style of the Congress. In Bengal, 
Maharashtra and Punjab, leaders such as Bepin 
Chandra Pal, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat 
Rai were beginning to explore more radical objectives 
and methods. They criticised the Moderates for their 
“politics of prayers”, and emphasised the importance 
of self-reliance and constructive work. They argued 
that people must rely on their own strength, not on the 
“good” intentions of the government; people must fight 
for swaraj. Tilak raised the slogan, “Freedom is my 
birthright and I shall have it!”
In pursuit of gold
This is what a Moderate 
leader, Dinshaw Wacha, 
wrote to Naoroji in 1887:
Pherozeshah is 
nowadays too busy 
with his personal work 
… They are already 
rich enough …  
Mr. Telang too 
remains busy. I 
wonder how if all 
remain busy in the 
pursuit of gold  can          
the progress of the 
country be advanced?
Repeal	–	T o	undo	law;		to	
officially end the validity 
of something such as a 
law
Source 2
Activity
What problems regarding 
the early Congress does 
this comment highlight?
?
Chap 8.indd   96 4/21/2022   12:30:34 PM
Reprint 2024-25
THE MAKING OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT: 1870s –1947									97
In 	 1905, 	 Viceroy 	 Curzon 	 partitioned	 	
Bengal. At that time Bengal was the biggest 
province of British India and included 
Bihar and parts of Orissa. The British 
argued for dividing Bengal for reasons of 
administrative convenience. But what did 
“administrative convenience” mean? Whose 
“convenience” did it represent? Clearly, it 
was closely tied to the interests of British 
officials and businessmen. Even so, instead 
of removing the non-Bengali areas from the 
province, the government separated East 
Bengal and merged it with Assam. Perhaps 
the main British motives were to curtail the 
influence of Bengali politicians and to split the 
Bengali people.  
The partition of Bengal infuriated people 
all 	 over 	 India.	 All	 sections	 of	 the	 Congr ess	 –	
the Moderates and the Radicals, as they may 
be	 called 	 – 	 opposed 	 it. 	 Large 	 public	 meetings	
and demonstrations were organised and 
novel methods of mass protest developed. The struggle 
that unfolded came to be known as the Swadeshi 
movement, strongest in Bengal but with echoes elsewhere 
too	 –	 in	 deltaic	 Andhra	 for	 instance,	 it	 was	 known	 as	 the	
Vandemataram Movement.  
Fig. 3 – Balgangadhar Tilak
Notice the name of the newspaper 
that lies on the table. Kesari, 
a Marathi newspaper edited 
by Tilak, became one of the 
strongest critics of British rule.
Fig. 4 – Thousands joined the demonstrations during the Swadeshi movement
Chap 8.indd   97 4/21/2022   12:30:38 PM
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