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Which policy was introduced by the Government of India that could increase the child-sex ratio in the country? 
  • a)
    Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhao
  • b)
    Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
  • c)
    Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
  • d)
    Mid-day Meal Programme
Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
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Which policy was introduced by the Government of India that could incr...
The 'Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhao' initiative was launched with a focus on multi- sectoral action in 100 selected districts low in child-sex ratio. It aims to prevent gender biased sex selective elimination, ensure survival and protection of the girl child and ensure education and participation of the girl child.
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Which policy was introduced by the Government of India that could incr...
Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhao (Save the Daughter, Educate the Daughter) is a policy introduced by the Government of India with the aim of improving the child-sex ratio in the country. It was launched in January 2015 as a joint initiative of the Ministry of Women and Child Development, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, and the Ministry of Human Resource Development.

The policy focuses on addressing the issue of gender-based discrimination and violence against girls, as well as promoting education and empowerment for girls. It seeks to combat the practice of female foeticide and promote the value of girls in society.

Here is a detailed explanation of the policy and its objectives:

1. Background:
- The child-sex ratio in India has been a matter of concern, with a significant decline in the number of girls compared to boys.
- Discrimination against girls and preference for male children has led to the practice of female foeticide and infanticide.
- The policy aims to reverse this trend and ensure the survival, protection, and education of the girl child.

2. Objectives:
- To prevent gender-based sex-selective practices such as female foeticide and infanticide.
- To ensure the survival and protection of the girl child through improved access to healthcare, nutrition, and social security.
- To promote education and empowerment of girls by providing quality education and skill development opportunities.
- To create a supportive and enabling environment for girls through awareness campaigns and community mobilization.
- To improve the efficiency and effectiveness of welfare schemes for girls.

3. Key Strategies:
- Awareness and Advocacy: The policy emphasizes creating awareness about the importance of the girl child and the consequences of gender discrimination. It aims to change societal attitudes and behaviors towards girls.
- Multi-Sectoral Action: The policy involves collaboration between various government departments and agencies to implement coordinated interventions.
- Improved Access to Services: Efforts are made to improve access to healthcare, nutrition, education, and other essential services for girls.
- Conditional Cash Transfer: Financial incentives are provided to families to encourage the education and welfare of girls.
- Monitoring and Evaluation: Regular monitoring and evaluation are conducted to assess the progress and impact of the policy and make necessary adjustments.

4. Achievements:
- The Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhao policy has led to increased awareness about gender discrimination and the importance of the girl child.
- It has resulted in a reduction in the child-sex ratio in several districts across the country.
- The policy has also contributed to an increase in the enrollment of girls in schools and improved access to healthcare services for girls.

In conclusion, the Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhao policy introduced by the Government of India aims to address the issue of declining child-sex ratio and promote the survival, protection, and education of the girl child. Through awareness campaigns, improved access to services, and multi-sectoral action, the policy seeks to change societal attitudes and create a supportive environment for girls.
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One of the most critical yet troublesome social policy questions is how many actually suffer because of labor market problems. Our social statistics, in many ways, exaggerate the degree of difficulty. Today unemployment does not have similar effects as compared to it in the 1930s. Then, most of the unemployed were primary earning member of their respective families, when income was usually at the level of subsistence, and when there were no social programs for those not succeeding in the labor market. Increasing affluence, arising out of increase in the families with more than single wage earner, the rising predominance of secondary earners among the unemployed, and new social welfare protection schemes have no doubt mitigated the effect of being without a job.Earnings and income data also exaggerate the extent of suffering. Among many with hourly wage at or below the minimum wage level, the overwhelming majority is from relatively well to do families having multiple-earners. Most of those taken into account by the poverty statistics either have family responsibilities or are elderly or handicapped which keep them out of the labor force, so the poverty statistics are by no means correct indicators of labor market indices.Yet, our social statistics underrate the degree of hardships in the labor-market in many ways. The unemployment counts do not include the millions of fulltime employed workers with wages so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and frequent or long time unemployment often cause lack of ability to support oneself. Because the number of people facing unemployment at some time during the year is many times the number unemployed across the year, those who bear the brunt of forced joblessness can equal or surpass average annual unemployment, even though only a small number of the unemployed in any month actually suffer. For every person included in the monthly data, there is one working part-time because of his incapability to find full-time work, or else outside the labor force but looking for an employment. Finally, social welfare schemes in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, so that the unusual expansion of cash and in-kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those not succeeding are effectively protected.As a result of such contradicting evidence, number of those suffering seriously as a result of labor market problems is uncertain, and, hence, it is debatable if high levels of unemployment can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one unanimous agreement in this deliberation that the extant poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are not adequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems, their primary applications.Q. Which of the following reflects the main idea of the passage?

One of the most critical yet troublesome social policy questions is how many actually suffer because of labor market problems. Our social statistics, in many ways, exaggerate the degree of difficulty. Today unemployment does not have similar effects as compared to it in the 1930s. Then, most of the unemployed were primary earning member of their respective families, when income was usually at the level of subsistence, and when there were no social programs for those not succeeding in the labor market. Increasing affluence, arising out of increase in the families with more than single wage earner, the rising predominance of secondary earners among the unemployed, and new social welfare protection schemes have no doubt mitigated the effect of being without a job.Earnings and income data also exaggerate the extent of suffering. Among many with hourly wage at or below the minimum wage level, the overwhelming majority is from relatively well to do families having multiple-earners. Most of those taken into account by the poverty statistics either have family responsibilities or are elderly or handicapped which keep them out of the labor force, so the poverty statistics are by no means correct indicators of labor market indices.Yet, our social statistics underrate the degree of hardships in the labor-market in many ways. The unemployment counts do not include the millions of fulltime employed workers with wages so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and frequent or long time unemployment often cause lack of ability to support oneself. Because the number of people facing unemployment at some time during the year is many times the number unemployed across the year, those who bear the brunt of forced joblessness can equal or surpass average annual unemployment, even though only a small number of the unemployed in any month actually suffer. For every person included in the monthly data, there is one working part-time because of his incapability to find full-time work, or else outside the labor force but looking for an employment. Finally, social welfare schemes in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, so that the unusual expansion of cash and in-kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those not succeeding are effectively protected.As a result of such contradicting evidence, number of those suffering seriously as a result of labor market problems is uncertain, and, hence, it is debatable if high levels of unemployment can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one unanimous agreement in this deliberation that the extant poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are not adequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems, their primary applications.Q. Which of the following is the most appropriate response to the issue raised by the author in the passage?

One of the most critical yet troublesome social policy questions is how many actually suffer because of labor market problems. Our social statistics, in many ways, exaggerate the degree of difficulty. Today unemployment does not have similar effects as compared to it in the 1930s. Then, most of the unemployed were primary earning member of their respective families, when income was usually at the level of subsistence, and when there were no social programs for those not succeeding in the labor market. Increasing affluence, arising out of increase in the families with more than single wage earner, the rising predominance of secondary earners among the unemployed, and new social welfare protection schemes have no doubt mitigated the effect of being without a job.Earnings and income data also exaggerate the extent of suffering. Among many with hourly wage at or below the minimum wage level, the overwhelming majority is from relatively well to do families having multiple-earners. Most of those taken into account by the poverty statistics either have family responsibilities or are elderly or handicapped which keep them out of the labor force, so the poverty statistics are by no means correct indicators of labor market indices.Yet, our social statistics underrate the degree of hardships in the labor-market in many ways. The unemployment counts do not include the millions of fulltime employed workers with wages so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and frequent or long time unemployment often cause lack of ability to support oneself. Because the number of people facing unemployment at some time during the year is many times the number unemployed across the year, those who bear the brunt of forced joblessness can equal or surpass average annual unemployment, even though only a small number of the unemployed in any month actually suffer. For every person included in the monthly data, there is one working part-time because of his incapability to find full-time work, or else outside the labor force but looking for an employment. Finally, social welfare schemes in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, so that the unusual expansion of cash and in-kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those not succeeding are effectively protected.As a result of such contradicting evidence, number of those suffering seriously as a result of labor market problems is uncertain, and, hence, it is debatable if high levels of unemployment can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one unanimous agreement in this deliberation that the extant poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are not adequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems, their primary applications.Q. The author mentions "labor market problems" to mean

One of the most critical yet troublesome social policy questions is how many actually suffer because of labor market problems. Our social statistics, in many ways, exaggerate the degree of difficulty. Today unemployment does not have similar effects as compared to it in the 1930s. Then, most of the unemployed were primary earning member of their respective families, when income was usually at the level of subsistence, and when there were no social programs for those not succeeding in the labor market. Increasing affluence, arising out of increase in the families with more than single wage earner, the rising predominance of secondary earners among the unemployed, and new social welfare protection schemes have no doubt mitigated the effect of being without a job.Earnings and income data also exaggerate the extent of suffering. Among many with hourly wage at or below the minimum wage level, the overwhelming majority is from relatively well to do families having multiple-earners. Most of those taken into account by the poverty statistics either have family responsibilities or are elderly or handicapped which keep them out of the labor force, so the poverty statistics are by no means correct indicators of labor market indices.Yet, our social statistics underrate the degree of hardships in the labor-market in many ways. The unemployment counts do not include the millions of fulltime employed workers with wages so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and frequent or long time unemployment often cause lack of ability to support oneself. Because the number of people facing unemployment at some time during the year is many times the number unemployed across the year, those who bear the brunt of forced joblessness can equal or surpass average annual unemployment, even though only a small number of the unemployed in any month actually suffer. For every person included in the monthly data, there is one working part-time because of his incapability to find full-time work, or else outside the labor force but looking for an employment. Finally, social welfare schemes in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, so that the unusual expansion of cash and in-kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those not succeeding are effectively protected.As a result of such contradicting evidence, number of those suffering seriously as a result of labor market problems is uncertain, and, hence, it is debatable if high levels of unemployment can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one unanimous agreement in this deliberation that the extant poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are not adequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems, their primary applications.Q. The word extant, as used in the passage, means

One of the most critical yet troublesome social policy questions is how many actually suffer because of labor market problems. Our social statistics, in many ways, exaggerate the degree of difficulty. Today unemployment does not have similar effects as compared to it in the 1930s. Then, most of the unemployed were primary earning member of their respective families, when income was usually at the level of subsistence, and when there were no social programs for those not succeeding in the labor market. Increasing affluence, arising out of increase in the families with more than single wage earner, the rising predominance of secondary earners among the unemployed, and new social welfare protection schemes have no doubt mitigated the effect of being without a job.Earnings and income data also exaggerate the extent of suffering. Among many with hourly wage at or below the minimum wage level, the overwhelming majority is from relatively well to do families having multiple-earners. Most of those taken into account by the poverty statistics either have family responsibilities or are elderly or handicapped which keep them out of the labor force, so the poverty statistics are by no means correct indicators of labor market indices.Yet, our social statistics underrate the degree of hardships in the labor-market in many ways. The unemployment counts do not include the millions of fulltime employed workers with wages so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and frequent or long time unemployment often cause lack of ability to support oneself. Because the number of people facing unemployment at some time during the year is many times the number unemployed across the year, those who bear the brunt of forced joblessness can equal or surpass average annual unemployment, even though only a small number of the unemployed in any month actually suffer. For every person included in the monthly data, there is one working part-time because of his incapability to find full-time work, or else outside the labor force but looking for an employment. Finally, social welfare schemes in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, so that the unusual expansion of cash and in-kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those not succeeding are effectively protected.As a result of such contradicting evidence, number of those suffering seriously as a result of labor market problems is uncertain, and, hence, it is debatable if high levels of unemployment can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one unanimous agreement in this deliberation that the extant poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are not adequate for measuring the consequences of labor market problems, their primary applications.Q. According to the passage, the effect of social welfare schemes for the low-income people is not often felt by

Which policy was introduced by the Government of India that could increase the child-sex ratio in the country?a)Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhaob)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyanc)Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Actd)Mid-day Meal ProgrammeCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
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Which policy was introduced by the Government of India that could increase the child-sex ratio in the country?a)Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhaob)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyanc)Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Actd)Mid-day Meal ProgrammeCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? for Class 12 2024 is part of Class 12 preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the Class 12 exam syllabus. Information about Which policy was introduced by the Government of India that could increase the child-sex ratio in the country?a)Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhaob)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyanc)Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Actd)Mid-day Meal ProgrammeCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for Class 12 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for Which policy was introduced by the Government of India that could increase the child-sex ratio in the country?a)Beti-Bachao, Beti-Padhaob)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyanc)Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Actd)Mid-day Meal ProgrammeCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?.
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