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Which of the following is NOT a programme launched by the Government of India?
  • a)
    Accelerated Irrigation Benefit Programme
  • b)
    Jeevan Anand Yojana
  • c)
    Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan
  • d)
    Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana
  • e)
    National Rural Livelihood Mission
Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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Which of the following is NOT a programme launched by the Government ...
Understanding the Programmes Launched by the Government of India
The question revolves around identifying which of the listed options is not a programme initiated by the Government of India. Let's analyze each option:
Accelerated Irrigation Benefit Programme (AIBP)
- Launched in 1996, AIBP aims to enhance irrigation coverage in the country by providing financial assistance to states for completing irrigation projects.
Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA)
- Introduced in 2001, this programme focuses on the universalization of elementary education, aiming to provide quality education to all children aged 6 to 14 years.
Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana (RKVY)
- Launched in 2007, RKVY seeks to promote agricultural development by providing financial assistance to states for various agricultural schemes and initiatives.
National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM)
- Initiated in 2011, NRLM aims to reduce poverty by promoting self-employment and organization of rural poor into self-help groups.
Jeevan Anand Yojana
- This is a life insurance product offered by Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) of India. It is not a government programme but rather a financial product aimed at providing life cover along with a savings component.
Conclusion
From the analysis, it is clear that option 'B', Jeevan Anand Yojana, is not a government programme but a life insurance scheme. Hence, it does not fall under the categories of initiatives launched by the Government of India.
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Which of the following is NOT a programme launched by the Government ...
Jeevan Anand Yojana has been launched by LIC, and not by the Government of India.
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Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the given question.Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of scepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore, build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low-cost government funds.Uncertainty about payment remains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after the "securitisation" of the Rs. 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But, state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs. 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are their main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved.By the late 1990s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and financially viable electricity enterprises. Since the government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But, it receives no public support.The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programm e) with its incentives and penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector. Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitution impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves.Captive power would add significantly to capacity. However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabled it, has added little to capacity because rules for open access were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase or sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electricity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission charges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated in time. Rules for open access and quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by some. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no trading can take place.Q. What is mentioned about the role of the state governments in terms of private investment?

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the given question.Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of scepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore, build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low-cost government funds.Uncertainty about payment remains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after the "securitisation" of the Rs. 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But, state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs. 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are their main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved.By the late 1990s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and financially viable electricity enterprises. Since the government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But, it receives no public support.The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programm e) with its incentives and penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector. Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitution impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves.Captive power would add significantly to capacity. However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabled it, has added little to capacity because rules for open access were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase or sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electricity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission charges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated in time. Rules for open access and quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by some. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no trading can take place.Q. Why are the central undertakings not capable of generating power at low cost?

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Which of the following is NOT a programme launched by the Government of India?a)Accelerated Irrigation Benefit Programmeb)Jeevan Anand Yojanac)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaand)Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojanae)National Rural Livelihood MissionCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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Which of the following is NOT a programme launched by the Government of India?a)Accelerated Irrigation Benefit Programmeb)Jeevan Anand Yojanac)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaand)Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojanae)National Rural Livelihood MissionCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? for Banking Exams 2024 is part of Banking Exams preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the Banking Exams exam syllabus. Information about Which of the following is NOT a programme launched by the Government of India?a)Accelerated Irrigation Benefit Programmeb)Jeevan Anand Yojanac)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaand)Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojanae)National Rural Livelihood MissionCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for Banking Exams 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for Which of the following is NOT a programme launched by the Government of India?a)Accelerated Irrigation Benefit Programmeb)Jeevan Anand Yojanac)Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaand)Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojanae)National Rural Livelihood MissionCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?.
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