Case Study Based Questions: Confronting Marginalisation | Social Studies (SST) Class 8 PDF Download

Case Study 1

As part of their effort to implement the Constitution, both state and central governments create specific schemes for implementation in tribal areas or in areas that have a high Dalit population. For example, the government provides for free or subsidised hostels for students of Dalit and Adivasi communities so that they can avail of education facilities that may not be available in their localities.In addition to providing certain facilities, the government also operates through laws to ensure that concrete steps are taken to end inequity in the system. One such law/policy is the reservation policy that today is both significant and highly contentious. The laws which reserve seats in education and government employment for Dalits and Adivasis are based on an important argument- that in a society like ours, where for centuries sections of the population have been denied opportunities to learn and to work in order to develop new skills or vocations, a democratic government needs to step in and assist these sections.

Q1: What specific programmes are developed for their development and how are the Constitution’s provisions implemented by state and federal governments in regions with sizable Dalit or Adivasi populations?
Ans: In areas with large populations of Dalits or Adivasis, the governments design specific programmes to carry out the Constitution. For instance, they offer free or heavily discounted hostels to make sure that these communities can use educational resources that are not accessible locally.

Q2: Why are reservation policies important but divisive, and what role do they play in promoting equity and opportunities for Dalits and Adivasis?
Ans: Dalits and Adivasis have seats reserved in government jobs and in educational institutions. They are important because by giving marginalised groups opportunities, they address historical injustices. The arguments over merit, equal opportunity, and potential reverse discrimination, however, can make them contentious as well.

Q3: In a society where certain groups have historically been denied opportunities, how does the argument in favour of reservation policies square with the ideals of a democratic government?
Ans: Because it acknowledges historical injustices and the need for proactive measures to help marginalised groups who have historically been denied opportunities to learn and work, the argument in favour of reservation policies is consistent with the principles of a democratic government.

Q4: What other specific actions has the government taken, besides reservation laws, to address systemic injustice and advance the welfare of Dalits and Adivasis?
Ans: In addition to reservation laws, the government offers particular services, like student hostels, to guarantee Dalits and Adivasis have access to education. Additionally, it operates through a number of laws and regulations that support their empowerment and development.

Q5: What are some of the difficulties encountered in putting reservation policies and programmes for Dalits and Adivasis into practise, and how does the government deal with them to ensure successful results?
Ans: Implementing reservation policies presents difficulties related to fair distribution, efficient implementation, and handling potential backlash. To improve outcomes and address any flaws, the government continuously reviews and amends these policies.

Case Study 2

The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. This Act was framed in 1989 in response to demands made by Dalits and others that the government must take seriously the ill treatment and humiliation Dalits and tribal groups face in an everyday sense. While such treatment had persisted for a long time, it had acquired a violent character in the late 1970s and 1980s. During this period, in parts of southern India, a number of assertive Dalit groups came into being and asserted their rights – they refused to perform their so-called caste duties and insisted on being treated equally; like Rathnam they refused to follow practices located in the humiliation and exploitation of Dalits. This resulted in the more powerful castes unleashing violence against them. In order to indicate to the government that untouchability was still being practised and in the most hideous manner, Dalit groups demanded new laws that would list the various sorts of violence against dalits and prescribe stringent punishment for those who indulge in them.

Q1: What conditions gave rise to the demand for the enactment of Act, especially in southern part of India?
Ans: In the late 1970s and early 1980s, assertive Dalit groups in southern India began to emerge. They demanded equal treatment and refused to carry out caste-based tasks. . It became evident that new laws addressing untouchability and violence against Dalits were urgently required when more powerful castes violently retaliated against them.

Q2: How does The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act aims to defend Dalits and tribal communities against violence.
Ans: The Act majorly aim to identify different types of violence against Dalits and tribal communities and lay out severe penalties and punishments for those who commit such crimes. It seeks to safeguard these communities and guarantee that untouchability practises are effectively addressed.

Q3: Why did Dalit organisations call for new legislation to specifically address violence against them?
Ans: Dalit groups demanded new laws to draw attention to the persistence of untouchability and the horrifying violence they endured, requesting strong legal protections and severe penalties for offenders to effectively end such practises.

Case Study 3

Manual scavenging refers to the practice of removing human and animal waste/excreta using brooms, tin plates and baskets from dry latrines and carrying it on the head to disposal grounds some distance away. A manual scavenger is the person who does the job of carrying this filth. This job is mainly done by Dalit women and young girls. According to the Andhra Pradesh-based Safai Karamchari Andolan, an organisation working with manual scavengers, there are one lakh persons from Dalit communities who continue to be employed in this job in this country and who work in 26 lakh private and community dry latrines managed by municipalities. Manual scavengers are exposed to subhuman conditions of work and face serious health hazards. They are constantly exposed to infections that affect their eyes, skin, respiratory and gastro-intestinal systems. They get very low wages for the work they perform. Those working in urban municipalities earn ` 200 per day and those working privately are paid much less.

Q1: What is manual scavenging, and who typically performs this degrading task?
Ans: Manual scavenging involves removing human and animal waste using basic tools like brooms and tin plates, a practice performed mainly by Dalit women and young girls, exposing them to subhuman working conditions and health hazards.

Q2: How prevalent is manual scavenging in India, and what are the estimates of Dalit individuals engaged in this occupation?
Ans: According to the Safai Karamchari Andolan, an organization working with manual scavengers, there are approximately one lakh Dalit individuals employed in this degrading job across the country. They work in about 26 lakh private and community dry latrines managed by municipalities.

Q3: What are the major health hazards faced by manual scavengers, and how does this job affect their overall well-being?
Ans: Manual scavengers endure serious health risks due to constant exposure to infections affecting their eyes, skin, respiratory, and gastrointestinal systems. The unsanitary conditions they work in put their well-being in jeopardy, leading to severe health issues.

Q4: How are manual scavengers paid for their labor, and what are some disparities that exist in their wages?
Ans: Those working in urban municipalities receive a meager daily wage of ₹200, while those in private employment earn even less. The low wages indicate the lack of value placed on their labor, further highlighting the unfair treatment they face.

Q5: What measures are being taken to address the issue of manual scavenging and uplift the livelihood of those involved in this degrading practice?
Ans: Efforts are being made by organizations and the government to eradicate manual scavenging and provide alternative livelihood options for those engaged in this degrading practice. Various programs and schemes aim to empower and uplift affected communities, ensuring their dignity and safety.

Case Study 4

In 1993, the government passed the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act. This law prohibits the employment of manual scavengers as well as the construction of dry latrines. In 2003, the Safai Karamchari Andolan and 13 other organisations and individuals, including seven scavengers, filed a PIL in the Supreme Court. The petitioners complained that manual scavenging still existed and it continued in government undertakings like the railways. The petitioners sought enforcement of their Fundamental Rights. The court observed that the number of manual scavengers in India had increased since the 1993 law. It directed every department/ministry of the union government and state governments to verify the facts within six months. If manual scavenging was found to exist, then the government department has to actively take up a time-bound programme for their liberation and rehabilitation. The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act came into force on 6 December 2013.

Q1: What was the significance of the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act passed by the government in 1993?
Ans: The Act was a crucial step in prohibiting the employment of manual scavengers and the construction of dry latrines, aiming to eliminate the degrading practice and improve the living conditions of those involved.

Q2: How did the Supreme Court respond to the persistence of manual scavenging despite the 1993 law?
Ans: In 2003, the Supreme Court received a PIL filed by the Safai Karamchari Andolan and other organizations seeking enforcement of Fundamental Rights. The Court observed an increase in manual scavengers and directed government departments to verify the facts and devise time-bound programs for their liberation and rehabilitation.

Q3: How did the government address the issue of manual scavenging after the Hon’ble  Supreme Court’s directions?
Ans: The government responded to the Supreme Court’s directions by enacting the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, which came into force on 6 December 2013. This act aimed to actively liberate and rehabilitate manual scavengers through time-bound programs.

Q4: What were some of the concerns raised by the petitioners regarding manual scavenging in the country?
Ans: The petitioners, including the Safai Karamchari Andolan and scavengers, expressed concern that manual scavenging persisted in government undertakings like the railways despite the 1993 law. They sought enforcement of Fundamental Rights to address this issue.

Q5: How did the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act seek to tackle the problem of manual scavenging in India?
Ans: The Act aimed to prohibit the employment of manual scavengers and promote their rehabilitation. It obligated government departments to implement time-bound programs for liberation and rehabilitation of those engaged in manual scavenging, thereby addressing this deeply entrenched issue.

Case Study 5

The 1989 Act is important for another reason – Adivasi activists refer to it to defend their right to occupy land that was traditionally theirs. As you read in the previous chapter Adivasis are often unwilling to move from their land and are forcibly displaced. Activists have asked that those who have forcibly encroached upon tribal lands should be punished under this law. They have also pointed to the fact that this Act merely confirms what has already been promised to tribal people in the Constitution – that land belonging to tribal people cannot be sold to or bought by non-tribal people. In cases where this has happened, the Constitution guarantees the right of tribal people to re-possess their land. C.K. Janu, an Adivasi activist, has also pointed out that one of the violators of Constitutional rights guaranteed to tribal people are governments in the various states of India – for it is they who allow non-tribal encroachers in the form of timber merchants, paper mills etc, to exploit tribal land, and to forcibly evict tribal people from their traditional forests in the process of declaring forests as reserved or as sanctuaries. She has also noted that in cases where tribals have already been evicted and cannot go back to their lands, they must be compensated. That is, the government must draw up plans and policies for them to live and work elsewhere.

Q1: How is the 1989 Act significant for Adivasi activists, and what purpose does it serve in defending their right to land?
Ans: The 1989 Act holds importance for Adivasi activists as they use it to assert their right to occupy land that traditionally belonged to them. They seek punishment for those who forcibly encroached upon tribal lands and point out that the Act reinforces the constitutional guarantee that land belonging to tribal people cannot be sold to non-tribal individuals.

Q2: What role do governments play in violating the Constitutional rights of tribal people, according to Adivasi activist C.K. Janu?
Ans: Adivasi activist C.K. Janu highlights that governments in various Indian states violate the Constitutional rights of tribal people by allowing non-tribal encroachers, such as timber merchants and paper mills, to exploit tribal land. This often leads to the forced eviction of tribal communities from their traditional forests when these areas are declared as reserved or sanctuaries.

Q3: What remedy do Adivasi activists seek for those who have already been evicted from their lands?
Ans: Adivasi activists demand compensation for those tribal communities who have been evicted from their lands and cannot return. They call for the government to devise plans and policies to support these communities in living and working elsewhere.

Q4: How do Adivasi activists assert the legitimacy of their claim to tribal lands under the Constitution?
Ans: Adivasi activists argue that the 1989 Act reaffirms the constitutional promise that land belonging to tribal people cannot be sold to or bought by non-tribal individuals. They use this legal framework to defend their right to occupy land that has historically been theirs.

Q5: In what ways do timber merchants and paper mills contribute to the violation of tribal land rights, and how do activists challenge this exploitation?
Ans: Timber merchants and paper mills, facilitated by certain state governments, encroach upon tribal lands, leading to forced eviction of tribal communities from their ancestral forests. Adivasi activists challenge this exploitation by demanding punishment for such encroachers and advocating for the restoration of tribal land rights as guaranteed by the Constitution.