Textbook: Europe in the Twentieth Century and Beyond | AP European History - Grade 9 PDF Download

 Page 1


EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
AND BEYOND
OVERVIEW
The arms race of the nineteenth century, combined with a sense of com-
petition and paranoia created by the entangling Bismarckian system of
alliances, created a powder keg just waiting to explode in the twentieth
century. The spark that would ignite the powder keg was the nationalis-
tic desires of peoples in the Balkans. The Balkan War that resulted in the
Great War, or World War I, marked the beginning of a war-filled cen-
tury. Even though the First World War would draw to a close in 1919,
the issues that sparked the war never went away. The festering bitterness
and anger within Germany opened the door for Adolph Hitler. The poor
economic conditions following the war, highlighted by the Great
Depression, paved the way for the rise of other dictators in Russia and in
Italy. After Europe failed to keep these dictators in check, the world would
find itself bogged down in yet another world war just before the mid-
point of the twentieth century.
Though the fighting ended in 1945, the continent stood divided
into two camps—the East and the West. For the next several decades, the
Soviet-backed Eastern bloc battled the U.S.-backed Western European
nations of NATO in a war of wills and words known as the Cold War.
While the two sides never engaged in real warfare, they did use satellite
nations to conduct proxy wars in places like North and South Korea and
North and South Vietnam. As the Cold War drew to a close in the 1970s
and 1980s, communism lost its grip on Europe. By the late 1980s and
early 1990s, Europeans threw off the chains of communism and tried
their hand at more democratic forms of government. The initial
economic success of the political reforms was limited, however.
The end of the twentieth century looked much like the beginning:
trouble in the Balkans. War and ethnic cleansing marked the fighting there
and once again drew the world’s attention to the region. As the twentieth
century passed and gave way to the twenty-first century, East versus West
no longer defined the struggles of Europe. Rather, issues surrounding
economic and political unity and the politically-charged War on Terror
took center stage. Additionally, all eyes focused on the papacy with the
changing of the guard in Rome in 2005. Looking ahead, the European
Union, human rights, and energy concerns almost certainly will be top-
ics of concern and debate for Europe in the early twenty-first century.
Page 2


EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
AND BEYOND
OVERVIEW
The arms race of the nineteenth century, combined with a sense of com-
petition and paranoia created by the entangling Bismarckian system of
alliances, created a powder keg just waiting to explode in the twentieth
century. The spark that would ignite the powder keg was the nationalis-
tic desires of peoples in the Balkans. The Balkan War that resulted in the
Great War, or World War I, marked the beginning of a war-filled cen-
tury. Even though the First World War would draw to a close in 1919,
the issues that sparked the war never went away. The festering bitterness
and anger within Germany opened the door for Adolph Hitler. The poor
economic conditions following the war, highlighted by the Great
Depression, paved the way for the rise of other dictators in Russia and in
Italy. After Europe failed to keep these dictators in check, the world would
find itself bogged down in yet another world war just before the mid-
point of the twentieth century.
Though the fighting ended in 1945, the continent stood divided
into two camps—the East and the West. For the next several decades, the
Soviet-backed Eastern bloc battled the U.S.-backed Western European
nations of NATO in a war of wills and words known as the Cold War.
While the two sides never engaged in real warfare, they did use satellite
nations to conduct proxy wars in places like North and South Korea and
North and South Vietnam. As the Cold War drew to a close in the 1970s
and 1980s, communism lost its grip on Europe. By the late 1980s and
early 1990s, Europeans threw off the chains of communism and tried
their hand at more democratic forms of government. The initial
economic success of the political reforms was limited, however.
The end of the twentieth century looked much like the beginning:
trouble in the Balkans. War and ethnic cleansing marked the fighting there
and once again drew the world’s attention to the region. As the twentieth
century passed and gave way to the twenty-first century, East versus West
no longer defined the struggles of Europe. Rather, issues surrounding
economic and political unity and the politically-charged War on Terror
took center stage. Additionally, all eyes focused on the papacy with the
changing of the guard in Rome in 2005. Looking ahead, the European
Union, human rights, and energy concerns almost certainly will be top-
ics of concern and debate for Europe in the early twenty-first century.
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905
Russia’s industrialization in the late nineteenth century left laborers upset
with their working conditions, much the same way other European workers
felt in the early nineteenth century. The Russian factory workers organized
an illegal labor movement and sought the reforms other European nations
had granted earlier in the century. The governmental reforms of the nine-
teenth century, which failed to provide a constitution and a representative
assembly, left them completely unsatisfied. To make matters worse, Japan
defeated Russia in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and prevented Russia
from expanding too far into the east. These events and conditions contrib-
uted to a climate of political unrest in Russia.
In 1905, workers in St. Petersburg peacefully assembled in front of
the Winter Palace to appeal to the czar, Nicholas II (1868–1918, czar
1894–1917), for relief from the poor conditions. Little did the workers
know that the czar had already left St. Petersburg. On that cold Sunday in
January, the czar’s troops opened fire on the demonstrators. A thousand
men, women, and children were killed on what became known as Bloody
Sunday. That summer, fueled by resentment for the czar, workers and peas-
ants alike held strikes, mutinies, and small revolts. Finally, in October
1905, the czar gave in and issued the October Manifesto, which granted
civil rights for the people and created a duma, or popularly elected legisla-
ture. Many people were satisfied, but the Social Democrats rejected the
Manifesto. The Social Democrats staged a violent uprising in December
that was eventually put down. The following year, the government
unveiled its new constitution. It left a great deal of power for the czar and
not as much for the duma and the upper house of the legislature. Many
members of the duma were unhappy and uncooperative. Nicholas dis-
missed that duma only to have a more radical one elected in 1907. Again,
Nicholas dismissed the duma. Nicholas and his advisers rewrote the laws
so that the propertied classes had more votes, and because of that legisla-
tion, the duma became much more loyal to the czar. Shortly thereafter,
Peter Stolypin (1862–1911) introduced his “wager on the strong” legisla-
tion that encouraged modernization, especially among the peasants.
THE CAUSES AND OUTBREAK OF WORLD WAR I
(1914–1918)
World War I marked the beginning of the end for many European power-
houses, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire,
Germany, and Russia. The causes of the Great War are very complicated
and include nationalism, imperialism, militarism, and bitter rivalries
between nations and military alliances.
Page 3


EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
AND BEYOND
OVERVIEW
The arms race of the nineteenth century, combined with a sense of com-
petition and paranoia created by the entangling Bismarckian system of
alliances, created a powder keg just waiting to explode in the twentieth
century. The spark that would ignite the powder keg was the nationalis-
tic desires of peoples in the Balkans. The Balkan War that resulted in the
Great War, or World War I, marked the beginning of a war-filled cen-
tury. Even though the First World War would draw to a close in 1919,
the issues that sparked the war never went away. The festering bitterness
and anger within Germany opened the door for Adolph Hitler. The poor
economic conditions following the war, highlighted by the Great
Depression, paved the way for the rise of other dictators in Russia and in
Italy. After Europe failed to keep these dictators in check, the world would
find itself bogged down in yet another world war just before the mid-
point of the twentieth century.
Though the fighting ended in 1945, the continent stood divided
into two camps—the East and the West. For the next several decades, the
Soviet-backed Eastern bloc battled the U.S.-backed Western European
nations of NATO in a war of wills and words known as the Cold War.
While the two sides never engaged in real warfare, they did use satellite
nations to conduct proxy wars in places like North and South Korea and
North and South Vietnam. As the Cold War drew to a close in the 1970s
and 1980s, communism lost its grip on Europe. By the late 1980s and
early 1990s, Europeans threw off the chains of communism and tried
their hand at more democratic forms of government. The initial
economic success of the political reforms was limited, however.
The end of the twentieth century looked much like the beginning:
trouble in the Balkans. War and ethnic cleansing marked the fighting there
and once again drew the world’s attention to the region. As the twentieth
century passed and gave way to the twenty-first century, East versus West
no longer defined the struggles of Europe. Rather, issues surrounding
economic and political unity and the politically-charged War on Terror
took center stage. Additionally, all eyes focused on the papacy with the
changing of the guard in Rome in 2005. Looking ahead, the European
Union, human rights, and energy concerns almost certainly will be top-
ics of concern and debate for Europe in the early twenty-first century.
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905
Russia’s industrialization in the late nineteenth century left laborers upset
with their working conditions, much the same way other European workers
felt in the early nineteenth century. The Russian factory workers organized
an illegal labor movement and sought the reforms other European nations
had granted earlier in the century. The governmental reforms of the nine-
teenth century, which failed to provide a constitution and a representative
assembly, left them completely unsatisfied. To make matters worse, Japan
defeated Russia in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and prevented Russia
from expanding too far into the east. These events and conditions contrib-
uted to a climate of political unrest in Russia.
In 1905, workers in St. Petersburg peacefully assembled in front of
the Winter Palace to appeal to the czar, Nicholas II (1868–1918, czar
1894–1917), for relief from the poor conditions. Little did the workers
know that the czar had already left St. Petersburg. On that cold Sunday in
January, the czar’s troops opened fire on the demonstrators. A thousand
men, women, and children were killed on what became known as Bloody
Sunday. That summer, fueled by resentment for the czar, workers and peas-
ants alike held strikes, mutinies, and small revolts. Finally, in October
1905, the czar gave in and issued the October Manifesto, which granted
civil rights for the people and created a duma, or popularly elected legisla-
ture. Many people were satisfied, but the Social Democrats rejected the
Manifesto. The Social Democrats staged a violent uprising in December
that was eventually put down. The following year, the government
unveiled its new constitution. It left a great deal of power for the czar and
not as much for the duma and the upper house of the legislature. Many
members of the duma were unhappy and uncooperative. Nicholas dis-
missed that duma only to have a more radical one elected in 1907. Again,
Nicholas dismissed the duma. Nicholas and his advisers rewrote the laws
so that the propertied classes had more votes, and because of that legisla-
tion, the duma became much more loyal to the czar. Shortly thereafter,
Peter Stolypin (1862–1911) introduced his “wager on the strong” legisla-
tion that encouraged modernization, especially among the peasants.
THE CAUSES AND OUTBREAK OF WORLD WAR I
(1914–1918)
World War I marked the beginning of the end for many European power-
houses, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire,
Germany, and Russia. The causes of the Great War are very complicated
and include nationalism, imperialism, militarism, and bitter rivalries
between nations and military alliances.
EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND BEYOND
The nineteenth century saw the rise of a nationalistic spirit across
Europe that led individual countries to believe in their own sovereignty
and superiority. But not all Europeans seeking their own independent state
had achieved sovereignty. Slavic peoples in the Balkans and in the Austro-
Hungarian Empire strongly desired their own states, free of outside influ-
ences. Many European leaders were growing fearful of the increasingly
powerful influence of the socialists within their borders who threatened
internal stability by staging strikes and revolts.
The strong sense of nationalism also fostered the tendency to look
out only for a state’s own interests and not the interests of the interna-
tional community. It was precisely this that made imperialism such an
important factor in the unrest prior to World War I. With most of the
European powers scrambling to add foreign lands to their holdings,
foreign lands were bound to become a point of contention. The industri-
alization of the nineteenth century had increased Europe’s need to find
new foreign markets for its goods as well as new sources of raw materials.
As the majority of Africa was gobbled up by the hungry European impe-
rial powers, nations began to argue over the land. In 1905 and in 1911,
France and Germany almost went to war over Morocco. The brutality of
the new imperialism also prompted some European nations to denounce
the imperialistic actions of others, thus heightening tensions.
At the turn of the century, Germany possessed the most powerful
army on the continent, and Britain controlled the most powerful navy.
Germany rebuilt its navy and threatened Britain’s naval supremacy. Both
nations hurried to increase the size and power of their fleets and their
armies in an attempt not to be outdone. The powers of Europe grew
defensive and increased the production and storage of arms, further
escalating the already high tensions. With the growing emphasis on mili-
tary power came an increase in the influence of military leaders. These
leaders often saw the world from a different perspective than did the
political and diplomatic leaders of the era, and they exerted their influence
upon those with political power. This militarism left Europe ready to go
to war.
As the Great Powers amassed military weapons and technology, they
grew increasingly defensive and perhaps a little paranoid. Nations sought
strength in numbers, and they began forming alliances. During the nine-
teenth century, Otto von Bismarck worked hard to keep the peace by
encouraging alliances. He had built Germany into a mighty nation, and
he didn’t want that to be undone by a war. The alliances changed fre-
quently, though, during the last years of the nineteenth century and the
early years of the twentieth century. On the eve of the Great War, Europe
was divided between two powerful alliances: the Triple Entente and the
T riple Alliance. The T riple Entente, composed of Britain, France, and Rus-
sia, stemmed from the earlier Entente Cordiale between Britain and France
and the later agreement between Britain and Russia. The Triple Entente
Note
The Slavic nationalism of the
peoples who wanted an indepen-
dent Slavic state was known as
Panslavism.
Study Strategy
Consider the differences between
the old imperialism and the new
imperialism.  This would make
for a great essay question.
Page 4


EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
AND BEYOND
OVERVIEW
The arms race of the nineteenth century, combined with a sense of com-
petition and paranoia created by the entangling Bismarckian system of
alliances, created a powder keg just waiting to explode in the twentieth
century. The spark that would ignite the powder keg was the nationalis-
tic desires of peoples in the Balkans. The Balkan War that resulted in the
Great War, or World War I, marked the beginning of a war-filled cen-
tury. Even though the First World War would draw to a close in 1919,
the issues that sparked the war never went away. The festering bitterness
and anger within Germany opened the door for Adolph Hitler. The poor
economic conditions following the war, highlighted by the Great
Depression, paved the way for the rise of other dictators in Russia and in
Italy. After Europe failed to keep these dictators in check, the world would
find itself bogged down in yet another world war just before the mid-
point of the twentieth century.
Though the fighting ended in 1945, the continent stood divided
into two camps—the East and the West. For the next several decades, the
Soviet-backed Eastern bloc battled the U.S.-backed Western European
nations of NATO in a war of wills and words known as the Cold War.
While the two sides never engaged in real warfare, they did use satellite
nations to conduct proxy wars in places like North and South Korea and
North and South Vietnam. As the Cold War drew to a close in the 1970s
and 1980s, communism lost its grip on Europe. By the late 1980s and
early 1990s, Europeans threw off the chains of communism and tried
their hand at more democratic forms of government. The initial
economic success of the political reforms was limited, however.
The end of the twentieth century looked much like the beginning:
trouble in the Balkans. War and ethnic cleansing marked the fighting there
and once again drew the world’s attention to the region. As the twentieth
century passed and gave way to the twenty-first century, East versus West
no longer defined the struggles of Europe. Rather, issues surrounding
economic and political unity and the politically-charged War on Terror
took center stage. Additionally, all eyes focused on the papacy with the
changing of the guard in Rome in 2005. Looking ahead, the European
Union, human rights, and energy concerns almost certainly will be top-
ics of concern and debate for Europe in the early twenty-first century.
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905
Russia’s industrialization in the late nineteenth century left laborers upset
with their working conditions, much the same way other European workers
felt in the early nineteenth century. The Russian factory workers organized
an illegal labor movement and sought the reforms other European nations
had granted earlier in the century. The governmental reforms of the nine-
teenth century, which failed to provide a constitution and a representative
assembly, left them completely unsatisfied. To make matters worse, Japan
defeated Russia in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and prevented Russia
from expanding too far into the east. These events and conditions contrib-
uted to a climate of political unrest in Russia.
In 1905, workers in St. Petersburg peacefully assembled in front of
the Winter Palace to appeal to the czar, Nicholas II (1868–1918, czar
1894–1917), for relief from the poor conditions. Little did the workers
know that the czar had already left St. Petersburg. On that cold Sunday in
January, the czar’s troops opened fire on the demonstrators. A thousand
men, women, and children were killed on what became known as Bloody
Sunday. That summer, fueled by resentment for the czar, workers and peas-
ants alike held strikes, mutinies, and small revolts. Finally, in October
1905, the czar gave in and issued the October Manifesto, which granted
civil rights for the people and created a duma, or popularly elected legisla-
ture. Many people were satisfied, but the Social Democrats rejected the
Manifesto. The Social Democrats staged a violent uprising in December
that was eventually put down. The following year, the government
unveiled its new constitution. It left a great deal of power for the czar and
not as much for the duma and the upper house of the legislature. Many
members of the duma were unhappy and uncooperative. Nicholas dis-
missed that duma only to have a more radical one elected in 1907. Again,
Nicholas dismissed the duma. Nicholas and his advisers rewrote the laws
so that the propertied classes had more votes, and because of that legisla-
tion, the duma became much more loyal to the czar. Shortly thereafter,
Peter Stolypin (1862–1911) introduced his “wager on the strong” legisla-
tion that encouraged modernization, especially among the peasants.
THE CAUSES AND OUTBREAK OF WORLD WAR I
(1914–1918)
World War I marked the beginning of the end for many European power-
houses, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire,
Germany, and Russia. The causes of the Great War are very complicated
and include nationalism, imperialism, militarism, and bitter rivalries
between nations and military alliances.
EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND BEYOND
The nineteenth century saw the rise of a nationalistic spirit across
Europe that led individual countries to believe in their own sovereignty
and superiority. But not all Europeans seeking their own independent state
had achieved sovereignty. Slavic peoples in the Balkans and in the Austro-
Hungarian Empire strongly desired their own states, free of outside influ-
ences. Many European leaders were growing fearful of the increasingly
powerful influence of the socialists within their borders who threatened
internal stability by staging strikes and revolts.
The strong sense of nationalism also fostered the tendency to look
out only for a state’s own interests and not the interests of the interna-
tional community. It was precisely this that made imperialism such an
important factor in the unrest prior to World War I. With most of the
European powers scrambling to add foreign lands to their holdings,
foreign lands were bound to become a point of contention. The industri-
alization of the nineteenth century had increased Europe’s need to find
new foreign markets for its goods as well as new sources of raw materials.
As the majority of Africa was gobbled up by the hungry European impe-
rial powers, nations began to argue over the land. In 1905 and in 1911,
France and Germany almost went to war over Morocco. The brutality of
the new imperialism also prompted some European nations to denounce
the imperialistic actions of others, thus heightening tensions.
At the turn of the century, Germany possessed the most powerful
army on the continent, and Britain controlled the most powerful navy.
Germany rebuilt its navy and threatened Britain’s naval supremacy. Both
nations hurried to increase the size and power of their fleets and their
armies in an attempt not to be outdone. The powers of Europe grew
defensive and increased the production and storage of arms, further
escalating the already high tensions. With the growing emphasis on mili-
tary power came an increase in the influence of military leaders. These
leaders often saw the world from a different perspective than did the
political and diplomatic leaders of the era, and they exerted their influence
upon those with political power. This militarism left Europe ready to go
to war.
As the Great Powers amassed military weapons and technology, they
grew increasingly defensive and perhaps a little paranoid. Nations sought
strength in numbers, and they began forming alliances. During the nine-
teenth century, Otto von Bismarck worked hard to keep the peace by
encouraging alliances. He had built Germany into a mighty nation, and
he didn’t want that to be undone by a war. The alliances changed fre-
quently, though, during the last years of the nineteenth century and the
early years of the twentieth century. On the eve of the Great War, Europe
was divided between two powerful alliances: the Triple Entente and the
T riple Alliance. The T riple Entente, composed of Britain, France, and Rus-
sia, stemmed from the earlier Entente Cordiale between Britain and France
and the later agreement between Britain and Russia. The Triple Entente
Note
The Slavic nationalism of the
peoples who wanted an indepen-
dent Slavic state was known as
Panslavism.
Study Strategy
Consider the differences between
the old imperialism and the new
imperialism.  This would make
for a great essay question.
hoped to check the power of the Triple Alliance between Germany,
Austria, and Italy. With ties firmly in place, any aggression toward a
nation who was part of an alliance meant aggression toward all the
members of the alliance. The two alliances sat ready to provoke or be
provoked into war.
The spark that ignited the war came from the Balkans in 1914. On
June 28, 1914, a Serbian nationalist named Gavrilo Princip (1895–1914)
assassinated the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke Francis
Ferdinand (1863–1914), and his wife while they were visiting Sarajevo.
Sarajevo was the capital of the Austrian province of Bosnia. Princip operated
with the cooperation of the Black Hand, a radical Serbian nationalist group
with members in the army and in the government. Princip and the other
Serbian nationalists sought their own state, independent of Austro-
Hungarian control. The Austro-Hungarians, of course, resisted this
movement in order to preserve their empire. Because Princip was loosely
associated with the Serbian government, Austria issued an ultimatum to Serbia
that would bring them under Austrian control. Germany offered a “blank
check” to Austria, promising them basically anything they might need in
order to crush the Serbians. Russia backed Serbia, and Austria knew this.
Austria also knew that war with Serbia meant war with Russia, too. In order to
remain sovereign, Serbia rejected the ultimatum. In response to Serbia and
prodded by Germany, Austria declared war on Serbia on July 28, 1914.
Russia immediately began to mobilize its forces. Germany reacted to
the Russians with an ultimatum of their own. Germany demanded that
Russia cease mobilization within 12 hours. The Russians ignored the
ultimatum, and Germany declared war on Russia on August 1, 1914.
Germany immediately put into action the Schlieffen Plan, a military strat-
egy that was based on a scenario of war with Russia and France, Russia’s
ally. The plan was to deploy some troops to Russia while the bulk of the
forces went to France via Belgium. On August 2, Germany demanded
that Belgium allow German troops to pass through Belgium into France.
The next day, Germany declared war on France. In response to German
aggression toward Belgium, a neutral nation, Britain declared war on
Germany. German aggression toward Belgium also enraged the United
States. After August 4, all the powers of Europe, except Italy, had become
entangled in a war that would have unforeseen consequences on not only
Europe but also on the world. Italy remained neutral until 1915, when it
separated from the Triple Alliance and declared war on Austria-Hungary.
Also in 1915, Bulgaria joined the Central Powers. The European nations
each believed their cause was right and that they or their allies had been
wronged. As a result, each nation eagerly entered the war and sent their
troops to battle with great celebration.
Note
Austria’s punitive measures
against Serbia were simply an
excuse to attack.
Page 5


EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
AND BEYOND
OVERVIEW
The arms race of the nineteenth century, combined with a sense of com-
petition and paranoia created by the entangling Bismarckian system of
alliances, created a powder keg just waiting to explode in the twentieth
century. The spark that would ignite the powder keg was the nationalis-
tic desires of peoples in the Balkans. The Balkan War that resulted in the
Great War, or World War I, marked the beginning of a war-filled cen-
tury. Even though the First World War would draw to a close in 1919,
the issues that sparked the war never went away. The festering bitterness
and anger within Germany opened the door for Adolph Hitler. The poor
economic conditions following the war, highlighted by the Great
Depression, paved the way for the rise of other dictators in Russia and in
Italy. After Europe failed to keep these dictators in check, the world would
find itself bogged down in yet another world war just before the mid-
point of the twentieth century.
Though the fighting ended in 1945, the continent stood divided
into two camps—the East and the West. For the next several decades, the
Soviet-backed Eastern bloc battled the U.S.-backed Western European
nations of NATO in a war of wills and words known as the Cold War.
While the two sides never engaged in real warfare, they did use satellite
nations to conduct proxy wars in places like North and South Korea and
North and South Vietnam. As the Cold War drew to a close in the 1970s
and 1980s, communism lost its grip on Europe. By the late 1980s and
early 1990s, Europeans threw off the chains of communism and tried
their hand at more democratic forms of government. The initial
economic success of the political reforms was limited, however.
The end of the twentieth century looked much like the beginning:
trouble in the Balkans. War and ethnic cleansing marked the fighting there
and once again drew the world’s attention to the region. As the twentieth
century passed and gave way to the twenty-first century, East versus West
no longer defined the struggles of Europe. Rather, issues surrounding
economic and political unity and the politically-charged War on Terror
took center stage. Additionally, all eyes focused on the papacy with the
changing of the guard in Rome in 2005. Looking ahead, the European
Union, human rights, and energy concerns almost certainly will be top-
ics of concern and debate for Europe in the early twenty-first century.
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905
Russia’s industrialization in the late nineteenth century left laborers upset
with their working conditions, much the same way other European workers
felt in the early nineteenth century. The Russian factory workers organized
an illegal labor movement and sought the reforms other European nations
had granted earlier in the century. The governmental reforms of the nine-
teenth century, which failed to provide a constitution and a representative
assembly, left them completely unsatisfied. To make matters worse, Japan
defeated Russia in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and prevented Russia
from expanding too far into the east. These events and conditions contrib-
uted to a climate of political unrest in Russia.
In 1905, workers in St. Petersburg peacefully assembled in front of
the Winter Palace to appeal to the czar, Nicholas II (1868–1918, czar
1894–1917), for relief from the poor conditions. Little did the workers
know that the czar had already left St. Petersburg. On that cold Sunday in
January, the czar’s troops opened fire on the demonstrators. A thousand
men, women, and children were killed on what became known as Bloody
Sunday. That summer, fueled by resentment for the czar, workers and peas-
ants alike held strikes, mutinies, and small revolts. Finally, in October
1905, the czar gave in and issued the October Manifesto, which granted
civil rights for the people and created a duma, or popularly elected legisla-
ture. Many people were satisfied, but the Social Democrats rejected the
Manifesto. The Social Democrats staged a violent uprising in December
that was eventually put down. The following year, the government
unveiled its new constitution. It left a great deal of power for the czar and
not as much for the duma and the upper house of the legislature. Many
members of the duma were unhappy and uncooperative. Nicholas dis-
missed that duma only to have a more radical one elected in 1907. Again,
Nicholas dismissed the duma. Nicholas and his advisers rewrote the laws
so that the propertied classes had more votes, and because of that legisla-
tion, the duma became much more loyal to the czar. Shortly thereafter,
Peter Stolypin (1862–1911) introduced his “wager on the strong” legisla-
tion that encouraged modernization, especially among the peasants.
THE CAUSES AND OUTBREAK OF WORLD WAR I
(1914–1918)
World War I marked the beginning of the end for many European power-
houses, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire,
Germany, and Russia. The causes of the Great War are very complicated
and include nationalism, imperialism, militarism, and bitter rivalries
between nations and military alliances.
EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND BEYOND
The nineteenth century saw the rise of a nationalistic spirit across
Europe that led individual countries to believe in their own sovereignty
and superiority. But not all Europeans seeking their own independent state
had achieved sovereignty. Slavic peoples in the Balkans and in the Austro-
Hungarian Empire strongly desired their own states, free of outside influ-
ences. Many European leaders were growing fearful of the increasingly
powerful influence of the socialists within their borders who threatened
internal stability by staging strikes and revolts.
The strong sense of nationalism also fostered the tendency to look
out only for a state’s own interests and not the interests of the interna-
tional community. It was precisely this that made imperialism such an
important factor in the unrest prior to World War I. With most of the
European powers scrambling to add foreign lands to their holdings,
foreign lands were bound to become a point of contention. The industri-
alization of the nineteenth century had increased Europe’s need to find
new foreign markets for its goods as well as new sources of raw materials.
As the majority of Africa was gobbled up by the hungry European impe-
rial powers, nations began to argue over the land. In 1905 and in 1911,
France and Germany almost went to war over Morocco. The brutality of
the new imperialism also prompted some European nations to denounce
the imperialistic actions of others, thus heightening tensions.
At the turn of the century, Germany possessed the most powerful
army on the continent, and Britain controlled the most powerful navy.
Germany rebuilt its navy and threatened Britain’s naval supremacy. Both
nations hurried to increase the size and power of their fleets and their
armies in an attempt not to be outdone. The powers of Europe grew
defensive and increased the production and storage of arms, further
escalating the already high tensions. With the growing emphasis on mili-
tary power came an increase in the influence of military leaders. These
leaders often saw the world from a different perspective than did the
political and diplomatic leaders of the era, and they exerted their influence
upon those with political power. This militarism left Europe ready to go
to war.
As the Great Powers amassed military weapons and technology, they
grew increasingly defensive and perhaps a little paranoid. Nations sought
strength in numbers, and they began forming alliances. During the nine-
teenth century, Otto von Bismarck worked hard to keep the peace by
encouraging alliances. He had built Germany into a mighty nation, and
he didn’t want that to be undone by a war. The alliances changed fre-
quently, though, during the last years of the nineteenth century and the
early years of the twentieth century. On the eve of the Great War, Europe
was divided between two powerful alliances: the Triple Entente and the
T riple Alliance. The T riple Entente, composed of Britain, France, and Rus-
sia, stemmed from the earlier Entente Cordiale between Britain and France
and the later agreement between Britain and Russia. The Triple Entente
Note
The Slavic nationalism of the
peoples who wanted an indepen-
dent Slavic state was known as
Panslavism.
Study Strategy
Consider the differences between
the old imperialism and the new
imperialism.  This would make
for a great essay question.
hoped to check the power of the Triple Alliance between Germany,
Austria, and Italy. With ties firmly in place, any aggression toward a
nation who was part of an alliance meant aggression toward all the
members of the alliance. The two alliances sat ready to provoke or be
provoked into war.
The spark that ignited the war came from the Balkans in 1914. On
June 28, 1914, a Serbian nationalist named Gavrilo Princip (1895–1914)
assassinated the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke Francis
Ferdinand (1863–1914), and his wife while they were visiting Sarajevo.
Sarajevo was the capital of the Austrian province of Bosnia. Princip operated
with the cooperation of the Black Hand, a radical Serbian nationalist group
with members in the army and in the government. Princip and the other
Serbian nationalists sought their own state, independent of Austro-
Hungarian control. The Austro-Hungarians, of course, resisted this
movement in order to preserve their empire. Because Princip was loosely
associated with the Serbian government, Austria issued an ultimatum to Serbia
that would bring them under Austrian control. Germany offered a “blank
check” to Austria, promising them basically anything they might need in
order to crush the Serbians. Russia backed Serbia, and Austria knew this.
Austria also knew that war with Serbia meant war with Russia, too. In order to
remain sovereign, Serbia rejected the ultimatum. In response to Serbia and
prodded by Germany, Austria declared war on Serbia on July 28, 1914.
Russia immediately began to mobilize its forces. Germany reacted to
the Russians with an ultimatum of their own. Germany demanded that
Russia cease mobilization within 12 hours. The Russians ignored the
ultimatum, and Germany declared war on Russia on August 1, 1914.
Germany immediately put into action the Schlieffen Plan, a military strat-
egy that was based on a scenario of war with Russia and France, Russia’s
ally. The plan was to deploy some troops to Russia while the bulk of the
forces went to France via Belgium. On August 2, Germany demanded
that Belgium allow German troops to pass through Belgium into France.
The next day, Germany declared war on France. In response to German
aggression toward Belgium, a neutral nation, Britain declared war on
Germany. German aggression toward Belgium also enraged the United
States. After August 4, all the powers of Europe, except Italy, had become
entangled in a war that would have unforeseen consequences on not only
Europe but also on the world. Italy remained neutral until 1915, when it
separated from the Triple Alliance and declared war on Austria-Hungary.
Also in 1915, Bulgaria joined the Central Powers. The European nations
each believed their cause was right and that they or their allies had been
wronged. As a result, each nation eagerly entered the war and sent their
troops to battle with great celebration.
Note
Austria’s punitive measures
against Serbia were simply an
excuse to attack.
EUROPE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND BEYOND
THE WAR
At the outbreak of war, fighting began on three European fronts: the
western, or Franco-Belgian, front; the eastern, or Russian, front; and the
southern, or Serbian, front. When Turkey joined the war on the side of
the Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary) in November 1914, some
fighting occurred in the Dardanelles as well. All nations involved in the
war anticipated a short war, one in which all the troops would be home by
Christmas. The war on the western front pitted the British and Belgian
forces against the Germans in Belgium and the French forces against the
Germans in France. In September 1914, the French government had left
Paris for fear of German occupation. The Germans crossed the Marne
River and ran into the French forces led by General Jacques Cesaire Joffre
(1852–1931). The French held off the Germans at the First Battle of the
Marne. After that battle, both sides dug in and held on. A war that was
hoped to be quick had deteriorated to trench warfare.
The first trenches were just ditches created for soldiers to hide in for a
small amount of time. Before long, though, huge trenches created by both
Central and Allied forces stretched almost the entire length of the French
border. The soldiers hid in the trenches and periodically emerged to run
across the territory in between, known as no man’s land, to attack enemy
trenches. With the introduction of artillery fire, poisonous gas, and tanks,
the trenches became death traps for the soldiers. The opposing sides
remained entrenched in their positions, and neither side gained any signifi-
cant amount of territory. Trench warfare accounted for an almost
inconceivable number of World War I casualties—literally in the millions—
and turned the Great War into an incredibly bloody war, the likes of which
no one had predicted. Offensives launched at Verdun, the Somme, and
Passchendaele were typical of the inefficient, inhumane warfare of
World War I.
Although no fewer lives were lost in the east, the warfare of the east-
ern front proved to be markedly different from that on the western front.
Because of the enormous size of the eastern theater, troops were much
more mobile than in the west. Early in the war, the Russian armies won
numerous victories over the Germans and Austro-Hungarians. However,
as the war stalled in the west, Germany redirected its forces to the east to
combat the Russians. Nearly bankrupt and running low on food and weap-
ons, Russia suffered huge, demoralizing losses. These losses would
contribute to the internal turmoil of Russia only a few years later. On the
southern front, the British attacked the T urks. In an attack orchestrated by
Winston Churchill (1874–1965), the British forces landed at Gallipoli in
1915. The British hoped to remove the T urks so that British forces could
supply the Russians via the Black Sea. After months of losses against the
fortified Turks, the British withdrew.
Study Strategy
If you have the opportunity, you
should read some (or all) of
Erich Remarque’s All Quiet on
the Western Front.  This book
provides a first-hand look at the
trench warfare of World War I.