Linguistic Ethnicity in India - 1 | Anthropology Optional for UPSC PDF Download

Introduction  

• It was in 1953, that the 'word' ethnicity found its accorded use, to describe the character or quality of an ethnic group. Ethnic Group in turn is derived &om the Greek word Ethnos that refers to a category of people, who can be distinguished on the basis of their culture, religion, race, or language. Any group using one or more of these characteristics for identifying its-self need not be using these identification markers for discrimination. Individuals participating in these categories may assert these criteria for accentuating in group solidarity. Language remains on of the most significant medium of establishing this cohesiveness, and it is this feeling of intra group solidarity experienced by a group of people speaking the same dialect or using the same language that we define as Linguistic Ethnicity. 
• In India, over the years more than 1500 mother tongues have been identified. Hindi as you are aware is identified as the National language, followed by fourteen regional languages identified by the Eighth Schedule of the constitution. All other languages are not accorded any official status. 1000 or more individuals each speak approximately 105 languages. Historically. there is little concurrence among the linguistic experts about the total number of languages spoken in India. In the Linguistic Survey of India conducted by George Crierson; 544 dialects and 179 major languages were recorded. The first linguistic census survey conducted in the nineteenth century recorded that 'language changes' every 20 miles in India'. 
• The 1961 census recorded 1652 spoken languages, of which 1549 were indigenous of India. It was further assumed that out of 1549 indigenous languages, about 572 covered nearly 99 percent of India's entire population. The 15 languages initially recognized by the constitution, accounted for 387 spoken dialects, and it was claimed that they cover 95 percent of India's total population, India's multi lingual nature was acknowledged by the State Reorganisation Commission at the time of independence. Restructuring of states on the basis of linguistic and cultural homogeneity was an endorsement of the polyglot nature of the India democratic nation state. 
• Eight major language groups, Assames, Bengali, Kaulada, Kashmiri, Malayalm. Telgu and Tamil were given independent Status by 1956. Gujarati and Marathi were given independent Status by 1966 and in 1966 Punjabi acquired specific state recognition. Along with five Hindi Speaking State by 1966 all the fifteen recognized languages except Sanskrit, Urdu and Sindhi, had a State Status. Deliberately or inadvertently language became a legitimate mode of re-organisation of States in Independent India. 

History of Language in India

• Anthropologists studying India Tribals concur that most of the indigenous inhabitants are of Austro-Asiatic origin belonging of sub family Muda. Their languages were in affinity with the Mon-Khamer language, particularly Wietnamese that stretch from Chota Nagpur, eastward to Indo-China. Aryans speaking Indo-European languages arived hi 1500 BC from the northwest. By Vedic period (approx. 1500-500 BC) Sanskrit was spoken all over large parts of Northern India. Sanskrit secured as Lingua francs of India prior to Muslim invasion in its various spoken form. The oldest form of Middle Indo -Aryan language varieties known as Prakrits developed hi this period. Linguists suggest those Indo-man languages, Sanskrit and its Prakrits were spoken from north India to Deccan and Dravidian language were spoken in Sought India to lower reaches of Deccan plateau. 
• Language historians have often talked about great divide between an Indo-Aryan North India and Dravardian South India (reder to map in Appendix). India's right linguistic tradition enriched itself as a sequel to its extensive cultural heritage. Recorded evidence suggest that literary excellence in the Tamil, dates to second century B.C.. Kannada to the fourth centry A.D., Malayalam to tenth century A.D. and the Telugu dates from the seventh century A.D. It is interesting to note here that the written records English and Gentlemen date from the fifth century A.D. Caryapada the old Buddhist hymn were composed in Bengali/Assamese/Oriya between A.D. 1000 and 1200. Sanskrit along with other regional languages served as the language of administration till Persian in lslamic India, particularly in northern India replaced its. Even though politically marginalized, India's rich language diversity continued to thrive as an instrument of emotional and individual expression.

Box 12.01 
Those aspiring for higher positions in administration equipped themselves with Persian and its later-version Urdu, nationalist in conformance with their nationalistic and patriotic needs produced rich literature in regional dialects and languages. Oral tradition became the most significant tool for protecting rich cultural and linguistic heritage of each ethnic group. Orientalists admit that the literature available in native India languages in far richer than the produce of English Language, which rules the roost in the world today. English made inroads into Indian cultural fabric as a vector for modernization and political empowerment. In the post independence period, it came to be projected as the language for the powerful and rich, it also acquired natural acceptance in the early period of language riots. 

Linguistic Ethnicity: Re-Organization of States 

• Robert D. King, an eminent linguist and expert of Asian studies, is of the opinion that the idea of nations of states corresponding of language boundaries is a recent phenomenon in geo politics and dates back to 19^th century. Being a monoglot certainly has advantages as communication becomes easier, but that polyglot societies are essentially fissiparous, is not true. Assumption that isomorphic, homogeneous societies have greater political viability and sustainability has been consistently undermined by India's ability to thrive as a democratic political union. 
• However, it has had its teething problems. Linguistic ethnicity and reorganization of states on this principle was one of them. Prior to India’s independence, state boundaries were arbitrary'. Except the states of Punjab, Bengal and Sind, no other State conformed to the norms of historical organicity based on ethnography, culture, language, and use, religion or any other ingredient of slurred ethnicity. Take for example, Madras Presidency - it ranged from Cape. Camorin on the South Eastern decline 1.0 Jagannatlipuri Temple and touched Bay of Bengal hi the east and the Arabian Sea along die Malabar Coast in the West. T he major languages spoken in this constituency were Qriya, Malayalam, Telgu, Tamil and Kannada. 
• It is interesting to record here that in 1931, 6.03% of the population of Madras residency spoke a language other than Tamil. Similarly 57.2 percent people residing in Bombay Presidency spoke a language other than Marathi, namely, Gujrati, Sindhi and Kannada. The presidency of Bengal comprised of 70,000,000 people and included present day states of Bihar mid Orissa, extending upto river Sutlej in the nrothwest. Lord Curzen decided to split the Bengal Presidency in two halves, creating a province of eastern Bengal mid Assam with a approximate population of 31,000,000. 
• Two important languages spoken in the region were Bengali and Assamese. The other province consisted of Western Bengal, Orissa mid Bihar with three languages namely Bengali, Biliari, Hindi mid Oriya. Historians have argued that though the reasons for this partition y were apparently administrative, they actually aimed at creating a Muslim dominated eastern Bengal and a largely Hindu dominated Western Bengal. In this reorganization religious ethnicity was overplayed mid linguistic constituents were underscored. Herbert Risely aclaimed Anthropologist did suggest that this would solve the question of Oriya Language over and for all”. The report of the State Reorganization Commission (1955) says.
• "The linguistic principle was, however, pressed into service on these occasions only as mi measure of administrative convenience mid to the extent it fitted into a general pattern which was determined by political exigencies. In actual effect, the partition of Bengal involved a flagrant violation of linguistic affinities. The settlement of 1912 also showed little respect for the linguistic principle, in that it drew clear distinction between the Bengal Muslims mi the Bengali Hindus. Both these partitions thus ran counter to the assumption that different linguistic groups constituted distinct units of social feeling with common political and economic interest”. (SRC report PP. 10-11).

Linguistic Ethnicity and the State

• British administrators never saw linguistic etlinicity of political organization of a state.  Most of the states hi the Prc British period and also during British administration were by and large historical accidents. Inadvertently, reorganization of Bengal was instrumental in promoting the policy of State restructure by India National Congress on the basis of vernacular. It was in the Montagu Chemsford report 1918, that first evidence of vernacular movement in India were recorded. Despite this paradigm shift,-the Government of India Act 1919 made no significant move to promote regional languages.
• In 1920, Mahatma Gandhi favoured formation of linguistic provinces, even though he was apprehensive that favouring formation of linguistic provinces may interfere with his plans to promote Hindustani, as a national language. However, Gandhi’s tactical nod mid Nehru’s grudging approval led to the reorganization of Indian National Congress on linguistic provincial basis. Twenty-one provincial congress committee were created. By 1927, Congress passed a resolution asking for creating of linguistic provinces for Andhra, Utkal (Orissa), Sind . and Kamatka.

Box 12.02

Ten years later (1937) Nehru accepted the idea of linguistic states. Prior to that in the report of all party conference, language was recognized as corresponding to a special variety of culture, literature, and tradition. It was also suggested that in a linguistic area these factors will, promote general progress of the province. These endorsements mark the beginning of rise of linguistic ethnicity as a social movement in the pre-independence and the early post independence history of India. It was in 1930 that the British started taking note of linguistic stirring and its political implications. Formation of the province of Orissa that had the approval of Joint Parliamentary Committee (Session 1932-33) is often hailed as the success of the first linguistic movement in India. Many historians helieve that creation of Orissa was not on linguistic consideration but was created to app&ase Hindu sentiments, while Sind was carved not for sindhi speaking people but to appease majority Muslim sentiment.

• However, congress continued to pursue its policy of linguistic province and demanded two more provinces of Andhra and Karnataka. Kerala followed suit in 1938 demanding tin autonomous linguistic province for Malayalam speaking people. Second World War provided a brief interlude to growing demand for linguistic provinces. In 1945-46, once again, in its election manifesto, congress retreated its view that administrative units should be constituted as far as possible on a linguistic and cultural basis. Some British historians in their postcolonial interpretations have talked about hidden and ulterior motives in these demands. According to Robert D. King; "the drive for linguistic states or provinces lay aspirations grounded not so much in language as in caste and communal rivalries, in grappling for privilege”: (1997:70).

Language and Modernization

• India, as a nation state in its nascent phase struggled resolving the paradox of having a common language for administration, without minimizing the importance of individual languages. Hindi was designated as the official language of India by the Constitution of India in 1950. Nevertheless, English remained the working language of the officials, academics and business. In the constitution English was given a lease of fifteen years to co exist along side Hindi as tire language for the union for official purposes. English is popularly accepted as a tool for modernization and global participation. This is the primary reason that even the diehard linguistic ethnocentric have accepted the popularity and prevalence of English without prejudice to the linguistic eduiicity.
• The Dravidian Indian especially Tamil heartland was opposed to Hindi. Indian nation slates attempt to define Hindi as a icon of India nationality and patriotism resulted in rebellion. In the Southern states R.N. Srivastva argued that die Dravida Kazliagon (DK) and later die Dravida Munnetra Kaztragam (DMK) were merely die extension of intensification of militant and dynamic anti-religious feelings. "Self respect movement of 1925" D.K. Naicker a DK leader promoted DK to organized a Ravan Leela on December 25, 1974 in which effigies of Ram Sita and Laxman were burnt. Anti Bralunanical feelings manifested itself in anti Hindi movement. Prior to diis, in 1956 die academy of Telugn convened a language convention in Madras. This convention vehemently protested against die imposition of Hindi on die Soudi.
• In 1958 again an all India Language Conference was held under die leadership of Rajagopalachari. In this conference, Frank Anthony stated: "The new Hindi today is a symbol of coinmunalism it is a symbol of religion, it is a symbol of language Chauvanism and worst of all, it is a symbol of oppression of die minority languages”. Rajagopalachari at this convention declares: ‘ Hindi is as much a foreign language to die non-Hindi speaking people as English to the protagonists of Hindi”. Spearheading tiiis movement, DMK organized die Madras State anti-Hindi conference on January 17, 1965. This conference declared January 26. 1965 as a day of mourning. A violent agitation followed. Number of students participated in die protest movement. 
• They later formed a Tamil Nadu students Anti Hindu Agitation Council. More tiian fifty thousand students of the Madras College took out a procession. These demonstrations took place all over South. Two students immolated diemsclves. In the prolonged agitation 70 people died. Following diis, an official language Amendment Act of 1967 was promulgated, litis act encourages bilingualism. States were given die choice to use Hindi or English in official matters, e.g. (a) resolutions, general order rules, notification etc. (b) administrative and other reports and (c) contracts, agreements, licenses, tender form etc. Translations of material supplied in Hindi to English were also made possible under die amendment.

DMK Movement

• The north-south divide on the language issue dates back to tire days of early western scholars like Roberto diMobili (1577-1656) Constanius Beschi (1680-1743, Rev. Robert Caldwell (1819-1891). Caldwell was originally responsible for developing the theory that Sanskrit was brought to South India by Aryan Brahman colonists. They also developed a peculiar type of Hinduism, that encouraged idol worship. Tamil was cultivated by lire native inhabitants who were addressed as Sudras by the Brahmans. Inherent in this were traces of brahmanical dominance, because the original inhabints were infact Chieftains, Soldiers, Cultivators etc. Brahman inunigrants failed to conquer these Tamilians’. According to the locality, should be substituted, (cf. Eugene Jrschick 1969: 276). Tlius, it becomes obvious that the linguistic ethnicity in the South is rooted in caste politics.
• Mountstaurt Elphinstone Grant Duff, Governor of Madras in 1886, in his address to the graduates of the university of Madras said: it was these Sanskrit speakers, not Europeans, who lumped up the Southern races as Rakshusas demons. It was they who deliberately grounded all social distinctions on vama, colour”. Infering from these details Barnett concludes, "The ideological category “non Bralunian’” therefore, was proceeded by the development of a sense of a Dravidian cultural history separate, distinct, and perhaps superior to that of the South Indian Brahmins’. It was this cultural history that led to the formation of the Soudi Indian Liberal Federation (Justice Party) in 1916, started as a reactionary movement challenging supremacy of Brahmins in elite occupations, its political discourse remained in English and not in Tamil. From this one may interpret that post-independence linguistic movements were anti-Hindi and pro-English but not necessarily pro-Tamilian.

Box 12.03

The endoresement of Dravidian identity was central to the movement launched by the Justice party through its english language publication ‘Justice’; and Tamil weekly ‘Dravidian’. Initial attacks were on Varnasharma Dharma and Gandhi Ji’s early endoresement of Varnasharma came under scathing criticism. Pre-ponderance of Brahmins in elite social and political institutions widened the gulf between Brahmins and non-Brahmins in the South.

• Earliest reference to importance of Tamil language is found in an article published in Dravidan dated September 29, 1920 that expressed satisfaction in the proposal of setting a Tamil university. The decision was taken at the Trichanapoly non-Brahmin conference. The article argued; “Tamil in not properly encouraged in the present universities, and that many foreign Aryans, who wielded an influence in the university, brought the language to its present low condition. Tire article further stressed that the Tamilians will attain progress and acquire political influence only when the Tamil language is approved, (cf. Barnett: 1976, 27). 
• These anti-Brahmanical sentiments were further strengthened by the formation of Self Respect League in 1924 by E. V. Ramasami. The movement was ait attempt to develop viable cultural alternatives. It did radicalize social and political consciousness among non Brahmins. The importance of self-respect movement declined with the rise of pragmatic congress politics. The non brahmanical wing of the congress party became active in the 1930’s and 1940’s with the growing realization that congress will be the ruling party in independent India. The leading non-Brahmin Communities of Kammas and Kapoos was pro-congress. In 1936, Congress won the elections in Madras presidency, under the Government of India act 1935. C. Rajagopalacharia became the premier of Congress government. 
• It is at this point in history that the Dravidian independence movement was bom. The agitation was the result of introduction of Hindustani in certain schools as a compulsory subject. Kudi Arsu Revolt and Justice were opposing Hindi and Hindustani as northern Aryan languages since early 1920’s. The language issue thus became a convenient rallying point for the non-congress political parties. The intensive agitation followed. Political parties in opposition picketed outside 'Premier’s’ residence. Demonstrations were held outside certain high schools. This was followed by number of meetings and processions. The most provocative slogan used in these demonstrations was, "Down with the Brahmin Raj’. 
• A report prepared by the home department in 1939, recorded that 536 persons were arrested during this agitation. The agitation which was pronounced in 193 8, dimmed comparatively in 1939. Two significant events of this period were the rise of C.N. Amiaduri as a skilled agitationist mid the conference of tire title of Periiyar to E. V. Ramasami at the Tamil Nadu Women’s Conference held in Novennber 1939. Tamil speaking districts of Madras Presidency namely North Areot. Salem, Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Madurai and Ramnad. The demand Dravida Nadu separation day was proclaimed on July 1, 1939. E.V. Ramasami articulated the connection between the need for separation and the language issite. The slogan 'Dravida Nadu for Dravidians’ was earned as a response to Brahmincal political dominance mid penetration of Aryan ideas into Tamilian culture. 
• The anti-Hindustani agitation was interrupted due to second world war. The Congress organized 'Quit India’ movement mid did not support British was efforts. On the other hmid E.V. Ramasami openly came hi support of the British mid also met cripps commission and persisted with his demand for a separate Dravida Nadu. He also met Jimiah and Ambedkar with his proposal. Despite vigorous efforts made by Ramasami between 1939-1944; till the formation of the Dravida Kazliagam. he received very little support from the people. Barnett’s summation of this period is most emphatic.
• Radicalization of the Dravidimi ideology' occurred mainly in the 1930s, but had its roots in activities of E.V. Ramasami, reaching as for back as the 1924 founding of Kudi Arasu. During the 1930s, despite increasing congress popularity as manifested in die 1936 electoral victory and the cleavage between radicals and modrates in the Dravidian movement, "Dravidian” political identity remained salient.

Birth of DMK Movement

• The Dravida Kazhagam (DK) was founded at Party’s salem conference in 1944. Though Ramasamiwas elected as the president of the Justice party in 1938, after tire anti-Hindustani agitation, while he was in Jail, his ability to generate support was insignificant. When the party re-named itself as DK, Annadurai’s influence on the political agenda of the party became distinct, Annadurai realized that old Justice party lacked mass base, as it was perceived to be a party of the rich. He made consistent efforts to promote populist schemes for the uplift of now-growing anti-British feelings among the common people.
• However, Party President Ramasami and C. Annaduri publicity disagreed on Party’s political stand on the day of India’s independence, the August 15,1947 formal split occurred in DK. The DMK emerged as the new party and nearly 75,000 of DK members switched party loyalitics. Though the agenda of both the parties remained similar, DMK gained immense political mileage with the publication of Ary an illusion by C. Annaduri, which was banned in 1952 for being inflammatory.

Role of Universal Primary Education

• In July 1952, C. Rajagopalachari, Congress government’s chief-Minister promoted a programme of universal primary education. According to this programme: children were suppose to spend half-day in school and the other half of the day at their traditional occupations. This was labeled as ‘caste based education’ by DMK and a massive agitation was launched. Also at the same time, DMK started demanding change in lire name of the town Dalmiapuram to Kallakudi in Trichy district.
• This was demanded because Dalmia was a north-Indian cement magnate. These were the first post-independence period developments in which the dominance of the north in the Southern states was challenged. The protests were significantly violent. Hundreds of people were injured and at least nine demonstrators died.

Box 12.04
This period also recorded the rise of Kamraj faction within the Congress itself. In 1954, Kamraj on the advise of E.V. Ramasami of DK became the chief-Minister of the state. Ramasami called Kamraj “Pukka Tamizhan” (Pure Tamilian) as he came from a backward caste community, had little formal education and did not converse in fluent english like the other well-entrenched leaders. Kamraj ruled the state from 1954 to 1963. It was | during this period that DMK built its mass base.

• They included many Tamil scholars in their rank and file. Tamil literature and linguistics witnessed a renaissance with the publication of Mursoli, Mam Nadu, Dravida Nadu and Manram as party papers and magazines. Drama and other folk medium was used extensively to promote Tamil awareness. Poverty and alienation of Tamils was highlighted through plays like Parasakti which was.written by Karunanidhi in 1952 and in which Shivajee Ganeshan started. The mass appeal and the mass communication media carried DMK ideology to every household in Madrsas. It was under these influences that the Tamil language issue assumed violent proportions in 1965.

The Language Issue

• By now, the language issue became very complex. It no longer restricted itself to DMK’s concern for Tamil language and the opposition of Tamil to Hindi, Tamil to Sanskrit, Hindi to English or Tamil to English. But in it were incorporated elements to student politics. (Barnett, 1976: 129). Regional identities assumed proportions of subnationalism. DMK pointed out that ‘Hindi speaking’ areas constituted only one region of the country. Dominance of a regional language and its compulsory knowledge for recruitment to government jobs created immense insecurity among the student community of the southern states.
• On January 26, 1969, when protest march was organised, a DMK supporter self-immolated, calling his actions a protest against the imposition of Hindi at the altar of Tamil. Between January 26 and February 12,h four more DMK supporters committed suicide. These self-immolations became highly patriotic events among the studnets in the state. Even though DMK leader C. Annadurai condmned these politically motivated self-immolation bids, the anti-Hindi ‘Martyars’ provided student leadership legitimacy for wider and open political participation. This encouraged the Tamil Nad students Anti-Hindi Agitation council to take an independent stand with or without DMK support.
• For the first time Dravid cultural movement found support outside DMK. Both Kamraj of the congress and Annadurai of DMK evoked the central congress leadership to reassure the students in the state, that the assurance given by Pt. Nehru in 1963, about the associate status of English will not be revoked. During this period about 900 arrests were made in Madras city and nearly 200 people arrested in Madurai. In Madras, a ban was imposed on Public meeting till February 15th.
• Schools and colleges were re-opened on February 8lh. But students refrained from attending classes on a call given by Tamil Nad student Anti-Hindi agitation. They demanded a constitutional amendment for retaining English as the language for official communication. Lawyers joined their cause on February 9th and refrained from attending courts. Violence followed. A bus was burnt in Trichy. Two post-offices attacked and the appeals made by Annadurai went unheared. From February 10 through 12, what followed was mayhem. Public buildings, Police Stations, Trains, Buses, Post-offices, factories were looted and burnt.
• According to official estimates 70 people died. This induded three children who were killed by Police firing. Ten thousand people were arrested. Property worth ten million rupees was destroyed. The lumpen elements from the slums and streets joined the mob-violence. Two constables in Madurai were beaten to death by the police. DMK’s role in these events was not hidden. Though openly they condemned the violence. The violence of 1965 ensured DMK popularity. It also opened vistas for DMK’s debacle. DMK now realised that they could no longer sustain a radical agenda which was based on separatist leanings. Hence, they moderated their stance on issues of political autonomy. Also, at the same time necessity of keeping language issue alive, by protecting Tamil interests was not lost sight of; and for this; law abiding citizens like lawyers were roped in for a movement of sustained protest.
• It was in the wake of these events, that Lai Bahadur Shastri, then Prime-Minister of India, in a nationwide broadcast on February 11,h 1963; reaffirmed Nehru’s assure re to the student community and made the following statements. “for an indefinite period ..... I would have English as an associates language ...... because I do not wish the people of non-Hindi areas to feel that certain doors of advancement are closed to them .... I would have it as an alternative
  language as long as people require it, and the decision for that I would leave not to the Hindi knowing but non Hindi knowing people....''  

Policy on Language Issue
Policy decisions stated by Shastri in this regard were:

• every state can transact its business in the language of its choices or English
• interestate communication could be in English or accompanied by an authentic translation.
• non-Hindi states could correspond with the center in English.
• transaction of business at the central level would be in English
• although recruitment exams for central service posts were in English, in 1960, it was decided that Hindi was to be permitted as an alternate. This was followed by a reassurance given by Shastri to non-Hindi speaking students that their interests would be protected at all expense.
• Shashi’s assurances were lauded by the anti-Hindi agitationists and they withdrew their protest on Febrary 22nd. This was also followed by numerous regret speeches stating that a peaceful demonstration was taken over by anti-social elements. However, this paved way for DMK to gain political supremacy and in 1967, DMK emerged as the ruling party in the state, it was dining DMK regime that on November, 27th 1967, an amendment Bill to the official languages act of 1963, section 3 was introduced in the the Lok Sabha.
• This Bill stipulated that English be used for certain purposes between the central government and the state governments of non-Hindi speaking states. This Bill also enabled Hindi speaking states to dispense states. This Bill also enabled Hindi speaking states to dispense with English altogether, if they so desired. DMK though disturbed decided to support the Bill if it was passed undiluted. That is if it granted statutory sanction for continued use of the English.