Linguistic Ethnicity in India - 2 | Anthropology Optional for UPSC PDF Download

Punjabi Suba Movement

• The most significant linguistic movement in the north dates back to 1919. Central Sikh League was set up in December, 1919. This was followed by the formation of Shiromani Akali Dal in 1920, Started as an organization for the protection of religious shrine, it soon became a religio - political organization, fighting for the interests of the Sikh community. By the end of 1946, communal pattern of politics was distinctively visible. On August 18th, 1947, Punjab was divided on communal lines according to Radcliffe Award. Hindus who constituted only 30% in the united Punjab became a majority recording 70% of the total population. 
• 15% of Sikh population of un-partition Punjab now registered 30% and became the only significant minority in post-partition Punjab. Muslims were reduced to insignificant members. Migrations from newly formed Pakistan resulted in the concentration of Hindus in the south Eastern Districts and Sikhs in the Central District. This resulted in general refugee tension acquiring a communal shade, rural urban cleavages emerged among the Sikh settled and migrant populations. Local Hindu population of region felt that the more advanced people of erstwhile Punjab exploited them.
• Migrant Sikhs and majority of local Sikhs were rooted in the soil. They were peasant proprietors whose love for land is legendary. The refugee Sikhs population was the worst victim of partition. Because of easy identification, they suffered heavy losses. Large number of their sacred shrines and cultural centres were left in Punjab. The Hindu population, both refugees and original inhabitants were by and large traders. They were, with some efforts able to re-establish themselves. Their cultural roots were intact. There was a Pan Hindu Culture and they could easily mesh into it. 
• The politics of early partition days was turbulent. The landed peasantry and urban sikhs aligned themselves with Congress. Efforts of the Akali Dal to force a political unity among Sikhs proved futile on 18th March, 1948 all the elected MLA’s joined the Congress. However, Akali leadership outside the legislature continued a vocal struggle for the protection of Sikh identity. While the constitution of India was taking its shape, Akali Dal demanded constitutional safeguards, and recognition of Punjabi language in Gurmukhi Script.

Box 12.05
On 15"' November, 1948 at the behest of Master Tara Singh, Twenty three Akali legislators asserted that if five statutory safeguards in their demands were not accepted, they should be allowed to form a separate province comprising of seven Districts of Ludhiana, Ferozepur, Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur. Punjabi Suba was given as an alternative slogan. But in April, 1949, Sikh convention declared Punjabi Suba as its sole objective. The demands for separate electorate and reservation of seats for Sikhs in the legislature were out rightly rejected by the then constituent assembly. For adoption of Punjabi language, Bhim Singh Sacchar, then Chief Minister of Punjab evolved a formula. According to this formula, the province was divided into two zones - the Hindi Zone and the Punjabi Zone.    

• Punjabi written in Gurmukhi Script was to become the language of the Punjab Zone, and Hindi written in Devnagri Script was to become to language of the Hindi Zone, not to retain the bilingual character of the State, it was imperative that people leamt both languages. This formula ran in trouble. The Arya Samaj Schools refused to subscribe to it, Soon enough, Sacchar lost support. Akali disenchantment with the state widened. As a follow-up of this chain of events; on 10th October, 1949, Master Tara Singh stated. 
• The Sikhs have a culture different from the Hindu language of the Sikhs is different their traditions and histories were different, their heroes were different, their social order was different, their there has no reason, why they should not claim the right of self determination for themselves. (Akali Patrika, 11th October, 1949).

A Separate Linguistic State

• Master Tara Singh, by July, 1950 started demanding a separate linguistic state for people speaking Punjabi and writing in Gurumukhi Script. He also wanted internal autonomy for the province as was granted to Kashmir. Historical evidence as recorded by Harcharan Singh Bajwa, a member of the Akali Dal Working Committee from 1931 to 1960 record that demand for a linguistic state was an outcome of Dr. Ambedkar’s advise. Following suggestions are attributed to Dr. Ambedkar by certain Akali leaders:
• If you had cast lots with Pakistan, you would have been a minority there. In joint Punjab, you were a minority except in two Tehsils, which too were not contagious. In Eastern Punjab too, you are a minority. If you clamour for a Sikh State, it will be a ay' in the wilderness. Why don’t you ask for a Punjabi speaking state? Congress is committed to linguistic basis for reorganization of the states. They can defer satisfaction of this demand but they cannot oppose it for long. You can have a Sikh State in the name of "Punjabi Suba”.
• Bajwa says this suggestion opened the path to have a de-facto Sikh State. The movement further acquired momentum because of opposition from Hindus. This resulted in the 1951 census debacle. Majority of the Punjabi speaking Hindus reported Hindi as their mother tongue. The urban Punjabi Hindu put forward their demand for a Maha Punjab comprising of territories of Punjab, PEPSU, Himachal Pradesh, Delhi and some Districts of Uttar Pradesh, in opposition to demand for “Punjabi Suba’. However, Hindus in the South Eastern part of Punjab, now known as Haryana, were not receptive to the idea. They wanted their own separate state. 
• The Akali Dal submitted an eighteen page memorandum to the sate reorganization commission for the demarcation of Punjabi Suba. They also mobilized support of rural Sikhs. The Sikh religion was evoked as commandment for political participation. The state re-organisaion commission rejected demands of Akali Dal. Instead, a formula was proposed for the integration of Punjab, the PEPSU and Himachal Pradesh into one administrative unit. However, on the personal intervention of Pt. Jawahar Lai Nehru, February, 1956, the following regional formula was proposed:
  • Himachal Pradesh to be kept out of Punjab (contrary to the SRC’s recommendation) and PEPSU to be merged with the Punjab.
  • The new State of the Punjab was to be demarcated from the Punjabi and Hindi speaking regions. Both Punjabi and Hindi were to be declared the regional languages of the State.
  • The Punjab was to remain a bilingual State and Punjabi (in Gurmukhi Script) and Hindi (in Devnagri Script) were to be the official languages of the State.
  • for administrative and development puiposes, the two regions would have two regional committees consisting of the elected members of the Assembly (including the ministers from each region). The final decision, however, in each case was to be taken by the State Cabinet. In case of difference in the views of the Regional Committees, the Governor was to take the final decision.

The Nehru-Master Pact

• This arrangement was followed by Nehru- Master Pact. In accordance with this pact the Akali Dal merged with the Congress, on 30th September, 1956, the Working Committee of Akali Dal declared; “ Dal would concentrate on the protection and promotion of educational religious, cultural and economic interest of the Panthi”. But this arrangement was not satisfactory for Urban Punjabi Hindus. They felt their power was eroded. The Punjabi-Hindus resisted teaching of Punjabi in Gurmukhi Script to Punjabi Hindus.
• Though 'Save Hindi Agitation’ died by December, 1957, Pratap Singh Kairon then Chief Minister of Punjab realised its consequences. Thus he never implemented the Regional formula. On 15th September, 1958, Master Tara Singh re-opened the demand for Punjabi Suba. The demand received legitimacy because of bifurcation for Bombay into States of Mahatrashtra and Gujarat.
• This left Punjab as the only bilingual state. Encashing this fresh support, the Akali Dal contested Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhanadhak Committee (SGPC) election on the issue of 'Punjabi Suba’. They won 132 out of 139 total seats contested. On 22nd May, 1960 a Punjabi Suba convention was held at Amritsar. The demand for a separate Punjabi Speaking State in this convention was also supported by leaders of Swantatra Party, Samvkat Socialist Party (SSP), Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and freedom fighters like Saifudin Kitchloo and Pandit Sunder Lai. A formal agitation for a separate Punjabi State was launched in May 1960. 
• After the arrest of Master Tara Singh, Fateh Singh, Vice President of Akali Dal at that time, took over the leadership. He firmly asserted that they wanted only a Punjabi Linguistic State. Whether Hindus constituted a majority of Sikhs was not their priority. Subsequently political realignments tookplace. Communists now supported Akalis in their demand. Congress strengthened its mass base among the rural Sikhs. Jansangh became popular with urban Hindus and a small section of urban Sikhs.

Box 12.06

Political scientists like Paul Brass have suggested that it was the process of the elite formation that gave momentum to Punjab Struggle. This period also witnessed a split in Akali Dal. Master Tara Singh and Sant Fateh Singh’s stand on creating a linguistic state within the territorial boundaries of India nation state was vindicated. Sant Fateh Singh temporarily suspended the movement at the time of Chinese aggression in 1962. The movement resurrected itself alter the death of Kairon and Pt. Nehru in 1964. Lai Bahadur Shastri’s regime also continued to resist the demand for ‘Punjabi Suba’. After the failure of talks with Shastri Government, Sant Fateh Singh announced from Akal Takht on 16lh August, 1965 that if his demands were not met, he would fast unto death from 10"1 September, 1965. He further emotionalised his demand saying that if he survived the fast for fifteen days, he would immolate himself on the fifteenth day. On 5"’ September, 1965, Indo-Pak War started. During War, Sikhs proved their valour once again.

• The centre set-up a three member committee comprising of Y.B. Chawan, Indira Gandhi and Mahavir Tyagi; two days after the cease -fire to look into the demands for a Punjabi Suba’. This three member committee was asisted by 22 members parliamentary committee rmder the Chairmanship of Lok Sabha Speaker Sardar Hukam Singh. After the death of Shastri in January, 1966, Mrs. Gandhi convened a meeting of congress party 's working committee on 9th March, 1966. This committee passed the resolution requesting the Government to create a Punjabi speaking state. This was followed by parliamentary committee’s resolution on the same lives on 18th March 1966. 
• A Punjab State’s reorganization bill and appointment of Punjab boundary commission under the Chairmanship of Justice J.C. Shall followed these developments, die other two members of the commission were Subinal Datt and M.M. Philip. It was on I ’’ November 1966 diat die state was finally divided into Punjab and Haryana. The state of Punjab now comprised of 41% area and 55% of the total population of erstwhile Punjab. Majority of its population was now that of the Sikhs. The central Government kept its control over Chandigarh and Bhakhra and Beas Dam Project. However, most of the objections of Akali leadership were met. The Sikhs constituted a majority in eight of the eleven districts.
• Re-organization of Punjab using linguistic edinicity as its plank has not been without trouble. Many Punjabi speaking areas were left out in the process. Chandigarh sharing of river water diat led to post 1980’s problems continues to daunt die region. One may state here diat linguistic edmicity in Indian context has been used as a complement to religious, caste and other ethnies. It has never operated as an exclusive principle of re-organization.

Other linguistic Ethnicity movements in india

• Surendra Gopal argues that by the tendi century, the basic nationalities hi India had been formed. He lists these nationalities as the Assamese. Oriyas. Andliras, Punjabis. Gujaratis, Marathas, Bengalis, Kamiadigs, Tamils, Malayales, etc. and also asserts the fact that these nadonalities settled around the fertile Yamuna Ganga Doab region and its southern neighbour in the territory of central India. 
• These nadonalities emerged as strong etlino linguistic groups largely conforming to regional territories. Brij, Awadhi, Bhojpuri, Maithalli, and Chattisgiri developed in the Yamuna Doab region, commonly known as Aryavartli, Aryuradia, politically remained most significant. But it never acquired strong edmo linguistic identity. The language movement remained dormant as the local langauages were denied imperial patronage. It was sufi saint tradition perpetuated by Kabir, Malik Mohammad Jyasi, Vidyapati Tulsi and Surdas diat kept the local languages vibrant. Edmo linguisdc nationalities perpetuated under the Mughal Emperor Akbar.
• Akbar directed his empire into the provinces of Ajmer, Lahore, Gujarat, Bihar Bengal etc. die Rajput and jat edmo - linguistic groups asserted themselves in this period. The Maratha identity under Shiva jee was hi response to Mughals march to Penninsular India. The Kanada and Telugu identities surfaced at die time of annexation of Bijapur and Golkunda Kingdoms. Powerful etimo-linguistic nationalities crystalized in die Punjab, die Bengal and die Mysore by die end of die 18* century. It was primarily for diis reason that two most important etimo-linguistic movements in British India surfaced in Bengal and Punjab. Bodi diese movements were linked to regional aspirations, they acquired obvious national or ‘Swadeshi’ over tones to gatiier larger acceptance and legitimacy. The slogan "Pagri Sainbalo Jata” (beckoning Punjabi jats, to fight die Britishers) was symbolic of linguistic solidarity. This linguistic etimic solidarity absorbed widiin its fold Hindu,
• Muslim and Sikh individualities. Punjabi nationality also contributed to the formation of powerful Gaddar Party in America. Demands for a separate Punjabi nation state were also rife during this period for some time. It was at tiiis time that unionist parly with the support of British Government captured power in Punjab. The Sikh edmicity asserted itself under the leadership of Akali Dal Muslim edmicity was also nurtured by using Urdu as the link language for establishing religious and national identity.

Reorganization of States

• The organization of states of independent India on die principle of linguistic affinity, witnessed dismemberment of large regional entities. Madras and Central Provinces provide one example. On a similar pattern small states were integrated. Madhya Bharat, Patiala and East Punjab were integrated. The same process also resulted in linguistic strife’s in different parts of the nascent democracy. Demand for linguistic nationality resulted in the splitting of Bombay into Maharashtra and Gujarat. Maha Punjab was divided into states of Himachal Pradesh, Haryana and Punjab.
• Regional and linguistic solidarity has also been responsible for the emergence of regional political parties. The rise of DMK, AIADMK, Telgu desam, Akali Das, Assam Gana Parished, Maharashtrawadi Gomanatak Dal National Liberation Front, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha etc. are all expressions of political ambitions of provincial ethno-linguistic nationalities. Interriational aspects of linguistic nationality issue constantly assert that India has successfully dealt with its linguistic diversity issues. A detailed examination in a historical perspective suggests that, it these were violent linguistic movements in the part, there are strong under currents in certain pockets even now.

Tribal  linguistic movements

• Out of 1965 mother tongues recorded by the 1961 census, approximately 500 were ' reported from tribal regions. The Santhali, Gondi and Khasi are major linguistic groups, Tribal linguistic groups in the India arc classified as (i) Dravidian (ii) Austric (iii) Tibeto Chinese. The diversity of tribal languages were crushed in the process of re-organization of state structure. A case study of language scenario from Orissa makes it explicit. In the 1961 census state of Orissa recorded only 15 million Oriya Speakers. In 1981 this figure dramatically doubled to 30 million, while the number of Kharia and Bhumiji speaking people declined from 1.4 lac and 91,000 (1961, 1971 census) to 49,000 and 28,208 respectively in the 1981 census.
• It is surprising that none of the tribal languages are recognised by the eighth schedule of tire constitution, even though they are spoken by a large segment of Indian population. Santhali is spoken by 36 lakh, Bhili by 12.5 lakh, Lammi by 12 lacs, yet they find no official recognition. Inadvertent hierarchy of languages created by the eighth scheduled of the constitution, and state patronage granted to the official state language under the three language formula has further alienated the original inhabitants of our motherland. With the rising levels of literacy among the tribals, the awareness of he their ethnic attributes is also heightened. This has led to some significant linguistic ethnicity movements among them. I am referring to only three of them here placed in the eighth schedule of the constitution.

The Santhali Language Movement

• Santhali identity assertion movements are recorded since the beginning of the 19* century with the Khervar movement. Essentially a social mobility movement, Santhals wanted to register their presence as an important segment of larger Hindu population. They acquired Sanskrit traits and started wearing the sacred thread. The Janeodhari Santhals distinguished them from non Janeadhari and did not intermarry. But by 1938, Adabasi movement started consolidation itself in the Santhal Paragona region.
• They started demanding a separate province for the original tribes of Chota Nagpur area, sought representation in the Bihar assembly and demanded introduction of Santhali and other aboriginal languages as medium of instruction in schools. The Sarna Dhorma Samlet started by Ragnath Murmu was started as part of the Jharkhand Movement to express tribal solidarity. This organization is perpetuating santhali original scripts and scriptures.
• An icon callec Guru Gomke is created. Guru is the original creator the Kherwar Bir, which is an equivalent of Mahabharta. The santhals who constitute a larger linguistic group then the Sindhis and Kashmiris assert their identity. However there are division with tire movement. One segment supports Roman script comprising of converted Christians, another group supporting A1 Child Santhali. The leaders of the Jharkhand movement have tried to minimise this difference in order to consolidate their demand for a separate state. Santhali is now introduced as a medium of instruction at primary school level but has fttiled to acquire a place in the eighth schedule of the constitution.

The Language Movement of the Mishings

• The Mishings or Miri, original inhabitants of Siang and Subandshree districts of Arunachal Pradesh are the second largest scheduled tribe of Assam. They number approximately three lakhs. The Mishings have vehemendy defended their traditional boundaries and original dialect. In 1968, a group of enlightened Miris formed die "Mishing Agam Kebang” that in Mishing implies language Association and adopted Roman Script for Mishing language. The Government of Assam initially resisted native Mishings attempts for recognition of Mishi language; but has now given in; under increasing pressure. Efforts are still on to introduce Mishi at primary school level. Government of Assam, has in principle agreed to appoint Mishi language teachers in predominantly Mishi Schools.

Ethno Linguistic Aspirations of the Jayantia

• Started in 1975, Jayantia language and literary association become active after Khasi (language used by Khasi Tribals) gained recognition as a medium of instruction in schools. Written in Romanscript Jayantia language may remain confined only to a small section of the Jayantia speaking populace. Thus a conscious effort was made to assert their linguistic identity. The Jayantia language and literary association regularly holds literary conferences, encourages debate and essay writing competitions. It also publishes literary work in Jayantia language.
• Independent India has witnessed number of tribal resurgence movements. Adibasi interests remained unregistered because tribals did not constitute a pressure group. One may argue that both development and deprivation are equally responsible for giving impetus to ethno-linguistic movements. Literacy, mobility, political participation are some of the factors that have made people aware of their distinct identity. Regiona 1 autonomy aspirations are directly related to levels of political awareness. Issues that have emerged in the demand for a separate Gorkaland, Bodoland, Jharkhand are significant pointers in this direction. These agitations are essentially asking for greater autonomy and regional power within the existing federal structure of Indian nation state. Emergence of Mizo Union (1946), Goa National Council (1946), Eastern Tribal Council (1952), APHLC (1960) are interpreted as middle class uprisings. Mizo Freedom Organization (1940), MNF (1961) were politically more vocal in their demands. 

Language and Culture

• In order to achieve their political ambitions, leadership invariably combined the issue of language and culture. Often, these resulted in fostering of group identify. This group identity and solidarity thus authenticated demand for a separate regional entity. The fusion of Gorkhali, Kumrali and Santali languages as workhold and Jharkhand movement is an interesting example of this foundation.
• Similarly, formation of Khaskura, now recognized as Garkhali language by the G.N.L.F. is a blending of various dialects of Nepali origin. Kurmali and Kuruli that were initially only oral languages acquired script and unite historically under the Jharkhand movement. It is important to note there that regional movements are often portrayed as negative and divisive. The fact that many of these regional linguistic movements have consolidated rich heritage available in the oral tradition remains understood.

Causes of Language movement

• Every ethno-linguistic community evolves a security net around itself. It takes upon itself the task of protecting its dwindling heritage. If threatened it resolves to organise it and launch protest movements. Regional language movements as an expression of ethnicity emerge, when they are threatened by:
  • On adoption of Hindi as an official language, small linguisti c communities were apprehensive that this move would restrict Government Jobs for their community members, subsequently their voice in the affairs of the government would become inaudible.
  • Middle class power elite was propagating continuation of English for official use. This bilingualism further reduced opportunities for those not conversant with either Hindi or English.
  • Consequently a north south divide occurred, since post independence leadership largely identified itself with northern India, primarily due to disproportionate size of the individual state, its affinity with Hindi was overplayed. Anti Hindi Movement that originated in the South interprets a Hindi domination as symbolic of Aryans and Brahmnical cultural domination.
  • Despite tall claims and protection given to linguistic minorities and languages under Articles 350, 29.1, 344 (I), 345, 346 and 347, language claim of the minorities are often ignored Article 350(a) of the constitution provides that every state authority should facilitate primary education in the mother tongue. But the common perception at the level of district administration and education empowerment is that such efforts would disintegrated the Indian nation state. They would encourage individuals ethno-linguistic aspirations, and thus isolate him. There is also apprehension that education in local dialects would deprive people from attaining higher and quality education. The inherent ambiguity in the constitution between 350 and 351, Hie former providing individual languages and the later supporting official use of Hindi, has promoted linguistic conflicts in India.

Conclusion

The linguistic diversity in India is vast, with languages belonging to several different families. The Austric family has two main subfamilies, Australasian and Austro-Asiatic, with the latter further divided into Mon-Khemer and Munda branches. The Karen and Man families are spoken in regions outside the Indian mainland, while the Tibeto-Chinese family includes the Tibeto-Burman subfamily, which has three branches: Tibeto-Himalayan, North Assam, and Assam-Burmese. The Dravidian family is primarily spoken by the Dravidian ethnic group and is divided into three groups: South, Central, and North Dravidian. Finally, the Indo-European family has three branches: Iranian, Dardic or Pisacha, and Indo-Aryan, with the latter being the most widely spoken branch in India and further divided into outer, intermediate, and inner sub-branches. This linguistic diversity showcases the rich cultural heritage of the Indian subcontinent.