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UPSC Mains Answer PYQ 2022: PSIR Paper 2 (Section- A) | PSIR Optional for UPSC (Notes) PDF Download

SECTION ‘A’

Write on the following in about 150 words each :      (10 x 5 = 50)

a) Discuss the main limitations of the comparative method to the study of Political Science.       (10 Marks)

The comparative method is an essential tool in political science, as it enables researchers to systematically analyze and compare different political systems, institutions, actors, and processes. However, there are several limitations to the comparative method that can hinder its effectiveness in studying political science. Some of the main limitations are:
1. Selection bias: One of the primary limitations of the comparative method is the potential for selection bias. Researchers may consciously or unconsciously select cases that support their hypotheses, leading to skewed results. For instance, if a researcher wants to examine the relationship between economic development and democracy, they may choose to focus only on developed countries with stable democracies, thereby ignoring cases that do not fit this pattern.
2. Lack of control over variables: The comparative method often involves comparing complex political systems with numerous variables at play. It can be difficult to isolate the effect of a single variable or establish a clear causal relationship between variables. For example, when comparing the political systems of India and Pakistan, there are numerous factors such as colonial history, religion, ethnicity, and geography that may influence political outcomes, making it difficult to attribute differences to a single factor.
3. Difficulty in operationalizing concepts: Political science concepts can be abstract and difficult to measure. While some aspects of political systems can be quantified, such as the number of political parties or the level of voter turnout, others are more qualitative and open to interpretation, such as political culture or the quality of democracy. This can make it challenging to compare different political systems consistently and objectively.
4. Time and resources: Conducting comparative research can be time-consuming and resource-intensive, especially when dealing with a large number of cases or collecting data from multiple sources. This may limit the scope of comparative studies and force researchers to focus on a small number of cases, which could lead to less generalizable findings.
5. Historical and cultural context: Comparative studies often overlook the historical and cultural context of the political systems being analyzed, which may lead to an oversimplification of complex political phenomena. For example, comparing the democratic systems of the United States and India without taking into account their unique historical and cultural backgrounds may lead to misleading conclusions.
6. Lack of comprehensive data: In some cases, reliable and comprehensive data for comparative research may be unavailable, particularly for developing countries or countries with authoritarian regimes. This can limit the scope of comparative studies and potentially bias the findings.
7. Ethnocentrism: Researchers may inadvertently impose their own cultural and political biases on the study, leading to ethnocentric interpretations of political systems. This can be particularly problematic when comparing political systems from different cultural and historical backgrounds, such as Western democracies and non-Western political systems.
Despite these limitations, the comparative method remains a valuable tool for political scientists. By being aware of these limitations and incorporating strategies to mitigate them, researchers can enhance the validity and reliability of their comparative studies. 

b) What are the main challenges faced by the developing countires in the era of globalisation?       (10 Marks)

The era of globalization has brought unprecedented opportunities for developing countries to integrate into the global economy, enhance their growth prospects, and reduce poverty levels. However, it has also posed several challenges for these countries as they strive to catch up with the developed world. Some of the main challenges faced by developing countries in the era of globalization include:
1. Unequal distribution of resources and benefits: Globalization has led to the concentration of wealth and resources in the hands of a few developed countries and multinational corporations. This has further widened the economic gap between developed and developing countries, leading to issues such as income inequality and social unrest.
For example, as per the World Bank, the Gini coefficient (a measure of income inequality) of India increased from 0.45 in 1990 to 0.48 in 2017, indicating a rising income inequality in the country.
2. Loss of policy autonomy: The integration of developing countries into the global economy has resulted in a significant loss of policy autonomy. They often have to comply with international norms, regulations, and agreements that may not necessarily be in their best interests.
For instance, the World Trade Organization (WTO) rules often restrict developing countries from implementing protectionist measures to protect their domestic industries, which might be essential for their economic growth and development.
3. Vulnerability to external shocks: Developing countries are more vulnerable to external economic shocks due to their dependence on foreign capital and technology, as well as their reliance on primary commodities for export earnings.
For example, during the 2008 global financial crisis, many developing countries, such as Brazil and South Africa, experienced a sharp decline in economic growth due to a drop in commodity prices and a reduction in foreign investment.
4. Brain drain and loss of skilled labor: Globalization has also led to the migration of skilled labor from developing countries to developed countries in search of better opportunities. This has resulted in a brain drain, leaving developing countries with a shortage of skilled professionals to drive their development initiatives.
For instance, according to the United Nations, between 2000 and 2017, the number of African migrants with tertiary education living in OECD countries increased by 64%.
5. Cultural erosion: The spread of global culture and values has led to a gradual erosion of local culture, traditions, and languages in developing countries. This has raised concerns about the loss of cultural identity and the homogenization of global culture.
For example, the rapid spread of Western fast-food chains in countries like India and China has led to concerns about the erosion of traditional food habits and the loss of indigenous culinary practices.
6. Environmental degradation: Rapid industrialization and urbanization in developing countries, driven by globalization, have led to increased pollution, deforestation, and depletion of natural resources. This poses a significant challenge to sustainable development and the wellbeing of future generations.
For example, according to the World Health Organization, 91% of the global population living in areas with air pollution levels exceeding WHO guidelines are from low- and middle-income countries.
In conclusion, while globalization has undoubtedly brought several benefits to developing countries, it has also created significant challenges that need to be addressed. To ensure that the benefits of globalization are more equitably distributed, developing countries must implement sound policies and strategies that promote inclusive growth, social development, and environmental sustainability. 

c) Discuss the commonalities between the Marxist and Realist approach to the study of International Politics.       (10 Marks)

The Marxist and Realist approaches to the study of International Politics share some commonalities, despite having significant differences in their core assumptions and analytical frameworks. Both approaches have been influential in the development of the field of International Relations and have shaped the way we understand and analyze global politics. Here, we will discuss the commonalities between the two approaches, with examples.
1. Emphasis on power and power relations: Both Marxist and Realist approaches emphasize the importance of power and power relations in the study of international politics. While Realists primarily focus on the role of military and economic power in shaping global politics, Marxists emphasize the importance of economic power and class relations. Both approaches assert that power enables states or social classes to pursue their interests and dominate others.
2. Structural analysis: Both approaches adopt a structural perspective in their analysis of international politics. Realists argue that the structure of the international system, characterized by anarchy and the absence of a central authority, shapes state behavior and leads to competition for power and security. Marxists, on the other hand, attribute the structure of the global political economy to the capitalist mode of production, which leads to the domination of the bourgeoisie over the working class and perpetuates global inequality.
3. Focus on material factors: Both Marxist and Realist approaches prioritize the role of material factors in shaping international politics. For Realists, states are primarily motivated by material interests, such as security and economic well-being. Marxists, too, emphasize the centrality of material factors, such as the mode of production and class relations, in shaping the global political economy.
4. Pessimism about international cooperation: Both approaches are generally pessimistic about the prospects for international cooperation. Realists argue that the anarchic nature of the international system and the self-interest of states make cooperation difficult to achieve and sustain. Marxists, on the other hand, contend that global capitalism inherently generates conflict and exploitation, which undermines the prospects for genuine international cooperation.
5. Critical of liberal internationalism: Both Marxist and Realist approaches are critical of liberal internationalism, which emphasizes the role of international institutions, norms, and values in fostering cooperation and promoting peace. Realists argue that such institutions and norms are often ineffective in constraining the behavior of powerful states, while Marxists assert that they often serve the interests of the dominant capitalist class.
Examples:
1. The Cold War: Both Marxist and Realist approaches can provide insights into the dynamics of the Cold War. Realists emphasize the role of power competition and the security dilemma between the United States and the Soviet Union, while Marxists focus on the ideological conflict between capitalism and communism and the struggle for global economic dominance.
2. Global inequality: Both approaches can help explain the persistence of global inequality. Realists argue that powerful states often use their economic and military power to exploit weaker states and maintain their privileged position, while Marxists highlight the structural aspects of global capitalism that perpetuate inequality and exploitation.
3. The rise of China: The rise of China as a global power can be understood through both Realist and Marxist lenses. Realists focus on China's growing military and economic power and its implications for the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region, while Marxists examine China's integration into the global capitalist system and the consequences for global class relations.
In conclusion, despite their differences, the Marxist and Realist approaches share some commonalities in their understanding of power, structure, material factors, and skepticism towards international cooperation. Both approaches have contributed to our understanding of international politics and continue to offer valuable insights to the study of global politics. 

d) Bipolar structure of the world is more stable than the multipolar one. Comment.       (10 Marks)

Bipolar structure refers to a world order where two major powers dominate the global geopolitical landscape, as seen during the Cold War era with the United States and the Soviet Union. Multipolar structure, on the other hand, refers to a world order where multiple major powers coexist and compete for influence, as seen during the early 20th century with the major European powers. Stability in this context refers to the prevalence of peace, absence of wars, and the predictability of international relations.
The argument that a bipolar structure is more stable than a multipolar one can be attributed to the following factors:
1. Balance of power: In a bipolar world, the balance of power between the two major powers acts as a deterrent against any aggressive move, as seen during the Cold War. Both the US and the USSR had the capability to inflict massive destruction on each other, which prevented them from engaging in direct military confrontations. In a multipolar world, the balance of power is usually more fragile and prone to fluctuations, making the international system more unpredictable and susceptible to conflicts.
2. Alliances and blocs: In a bipolar world, alliances and blocs are relatively more stable and predictable, as smaller states usually align themselves with one of the two major powers for protection and economic benefits. This was evident during the Cold War, where countries aligned themselves with either the US-led NATO or the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact. In a multipolar world, alliances tend to be more fluid and prone to shifting, making the international landscape more uncertain and potentially leading to conflicts.
3. Clear rules of engagement: During the bipolar era, the US and the USSR established clear rules of engagement, such as the concept of mutually assured destruction (MAD), which prevented them from engaging in direct military confrontations. In a multipolar world, the rules of engagement are often more ambiguous, and conflicts can arise due to misunderstandings and miscalculations.
4. Crisis management: A bipolar system allows for more effective crisis management, as the two major powers can work together to resolve potential conflicts and maintain stability. This was evident during the Cuban Missile Crisis, where the US and the USSR managed to reach a peaceful resolution. In a multipolar world, crisis management becomes more complex, as multiple powers with differing interests have to negotiate and cooperate, increasing the possibility of conflicts.
However, it is essential to note that bipolar stability has its own limitations and potential risks:
1. Proxy wars: While direct military confrontations between the major powers were avoided during the Cold War, numerous proxy wars took place in different parts of the world, such as Vietnam, Korea, and Afghanistan. These conflicts caused immense suffering and loss of life, questioning the stability of the bipolar system.
2. Arms race and proliferation: A bipolar structure often leads to a massive arms race between the two major powers, as seen during the Cold War. This can lead to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and increase the risk of accidental or unauthorized use of such weapons.
In conclusion, while a bipolar structure may provide relative stability compared to a multipolar world, it is not devoid of risks and uncertainties. A stable international order requires not just the balance of power between major states but also effective global governance mechanisms, the respect for international law, and the promotion of dialogue and cooperation among nations. 

e) National Interest is an essentially contested concept. Comment.       (10 Marks)

The term "essentially contested concept" was introduced by W.B. Gallie in 1956 to describe certain concepts that are inherently vague, open to multiple interpretations, and subject to dispute and disagreement. National interest is one such concept, as it is subject to multiple interpretations and contestations. National interest refers to the goals and objectives that a nation seeks to achieve in its relations with other nations and international actors. It is a complex and multifaceted construct that encompasses various aspects such as security, economic prosperity, and cultural identity, among others. The concept is essentially contested for several reasons.
1. Varying interpretations: The meaning of national interest varies from one nation to another and from one political ideology to another. For instance, a liberal democracy may prioritize the protection of human rights, international cooperation, and free trade, while an authoritarian regime may seek to exercise control over its population and expand its territorial influence. Thus, the definition of national interest is subject to interpretation, making it an essentially contested concept.
2. Changing nature: National interest is not a static concept; it evolves over time as a country's priorities, values, and circumstances change. For example, during the Cold War, the national interest of the United States was primarily focused on containing the spread of communism and maintaining global stability. In the post-Cold War era, the focus has shifted to combating terrorism, promoting democracy, and maintaining economic competitiveness. This fluidity makes it difficult to pin down a precise definition of national interest.
3. Conflicting interests: National interest often involves conflicting goals and objectives. For example, a country may have an interest in promoting free trade for its economic growth while also wanting to protect its domestic industries from foreign competition. Similarly, a nation may seek to maintain good relations with multiple countries that are at odds with each other, leading to dilemmas in formulating foreign policy. These conflicts make the concept of national interest highly contested.
4. Domestic politics: National interest is often influenced by domestic political considerations, which can lead to disagreements and contestations. Different political parties and interest groups may have diverse views on what constitutes the national interest, leading to debates and disputes. For example, in the context of India's foreign policy, the ruling party may prioritize strategic partnerships with the United States to counter China's influence, while opposition parties may argue for a more non-aligned approach.
5. Subjectivity: National interest is often shaped by the subjective beliefs, values, and perceptions of a nation's leaders and policymakers. This subjectivity allows for multiple interpretations and contestations, as different actors may have divergent views on what is in the best interest of the nation. For instance, some may argue that maintaining a strong military presence in the Middle East is in the national interest of the United States, while others may see this as a costly and counterproductive endeavor.
In conclusion, national interest is an essentially contested concept because it is subject to varying interpretations, is dynamic and changing, involves conflicting interests, is influenced by domestic politics, and is shaped by the subjective beliefs and values of national actors. As a result, it is difficult to reach a consensus on what constitutes the national interest, leading to ongoing debates and contestations in the realm of international relations and foreign policy. 

Q.2. Answer the following:

a) How has the electrol democracy augmented the participation of people in the democratic process?       (20 Marks)

Electoral democracy has significantly augmented the participation of people in the democratic process in various ways. By providing a platform for citizens to express their opinions and elect their representatives, it has led to increased involvement in the political sphere. 

1. Universal Adult Suffrage: Electoral democracy has ensured that the right to vote is granted to all adult citizens, irrespective of their socio-economic background. This has led to a more inclusive political process, where the opinions and interests of a diverse population can be represented. For example, the Indian Constitution provides for universal adult suffrage, allowing every citizen above the age of 18 to participate in elections.

2. Regular Elections: Electoral democracies hold regular elections to ensure smooth functioning and continuity of the political process. This enables citizens to actively participate in shaping the policies and decisions of their government. For instance, in the United States, elections are held every two years for the House of Representatives, every four years for the President, and every six years for the Senate.

3. Political Parties and Campaigns: Electoral democracy has led to the formation of various political parties that represent different ideologies and interests. These parties act as a medium to mobilize the masses and encourage them to participate in the democratic process. Campaigns play a crucial role in raising awareness about the issues at stake and help citizens make informed choices.

4. Direct Democracy: In some electoral democracies, provisions for direct democracy, such as referendums and initiatives, are made available to the citizens. This allows people to directly participate in decision-making processes on specific issues, thereby enhancing their role in the democratic process. For example, in Switzerland, citizens can propose changes to the constitution or challenge federal laws through referendums.

5. Decentralization and Local Governance: Electoral democracy has also led to the decentralization of power and the establishment of local governance institutions. This has brought decision-making closer to the people, enabling them to participate actively in local issues. In India, the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments established Panchayati Raj Institutions and Urban Local Bodies, respectively, ensuring better participation of people at the grassroots level.

6. Technology and Social Media: The advent of technology and social media has further augmented the participation of people in the democratic process. Through platforms like Facebook and Twitter, citizens can voice their opinions, engage in debates, and interact with their elected representatives. This has led to increased transparency and accountability in the functioning of the government.

In conclusion, electoral democracy has played a crucial role in enhancing the participation of people in the democratic process. By providing opportunities for citizens to exercise their right to vote, voice their opinions, and engage in decision-making, it has ensured a more vibrant and inclusive political sphere.

b) Discuss the role of social movements in strengthening the democratic processess in developing societies.       (15 Marks)

Social movements play a crucial role in enhancing democratic processes in developing societies. They help in raising awareness, mobilizing people, and giving voice to the marginalized sections of society, thereby helping to shape the political agenda and promoting good governance. It is essential to understand the various dimensions of social movements and their impact on democratic processes. This can be done through the following points:
1. Inclusion and representation: Social movements often emerge as a response to the exclusion of certain groups from mainstream political processes. They help to bring the concerns of the marginalized sections to the forefront and ensure their representation in decision-making processes. For instance, the Indian Dalit Panther Movement in the 1970s raised awareness about the issues faced by the lower castes and contributed to their political mobilization.
2. Accountability and transparency: Social movements can play a significant role in holding governments accountable and making them more transparent. For example, the Right to Information (RTI) Movement in India led to the enactment of the Right to Information Act in 2005, which has been instrumental in exposing corruption and ensuring greater transparency in governance.
3. Policy formulation and implementation: Social movements can influence the formulation and implementation of policies by providing inputs from the grassroots level. This ensures that the policies address the needs and aspirations of the people. For instance, the Chipko Movement in India, which focused on the conservation of forests, played a significant role in influencing environmental policies in the country.
4. Political participation: Social movements can enhance political participation by encouraging people to engage in the democratic process. They often act as a platform for individuals to voice their concerns and participate in decision-making processes. For example, the Arab Spring, which began as a series of protests in Tunisia in 2010, led to increased political participation and the ousting of long-standing authoritarian regimes in several countries in the region.
5. Protection of human rights: Social movements can contribute to the protection of human rights by highlighting issues of discrimination, inequality, and injustice. They can help in the establishment of legal frameworks and institutions that protect the rights of citizens. For example, the Civil Rights Movement in the United States led to significant improvements in the rights of African Americans, including the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
6. Strengthening civil society: Social movements can help to strengthen civil society by fostering a culture of dialogue and debate. They can provide a platform for the exchange of ideas and promote cooperation among different groups in society. For example, the Anti-Corruption Movement in Brazil contributed to the strengthening of civil society organizations and led to the creation of several new institutions for fighting corruption.
In conclusion, social movements play a significant role in strengthening democratic processes in developing societies. They contribute to the inclusion and representation of marginalized groups, promote accountability and transparency in governance, influence policy formulation and implementation, enhance political participation, protect human rights, and strengthen civil society. To ensure the continued growth and development of democracy, it is essential to recognize and support the role of social movements in shaping the political landscape. 

c) Describe the composition of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Discuss its voluntary jurisdication.       (15 Marks)

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations (UN). Established in 1945 by the UN Charter, the ICJ is located in The Hague, Netherlands. Its primary purpose is to settle legal disputes between states and provide advisory opinions on legal questions submitted by authorized international organizations.
Composition:
The ICJ consists of 15 judges, elected for a term of nine years by the UN General Assembly and the Security Council. The judges are chosen from a list of candidates nominated by the national groups in the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The court ensures representation of the main forms of civilization and legal systems in the world. No two judges can be nationals of the same country, and the judges are required to be independent and not engage in any political or administrative activities.
Voluntary Jurisdiction:
The ICJ's jurisdiction is based on the consent of the parties involved in a dispute. The states must voluntarily accept the court's jurisdiction before the ICJ can hear a case. This can be done in three ways:
1. Through a special agreement: Parties to a dispute can agree to submit a specific case to the ICJ for adjudication.
2. Through a compromissory clause: States can include a clause in their treaties or agreements that any disputes arising from the interpretation or application of the treaty will be submitted to the ICJ.
3. Through a declaration recognizing the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ: States can make a declaration accepting the court's jurisdiction as compulsory in all legal disputes within the scope of the ICJ Statute.
However, the ICJ's jurisdiction is limited in certain cases, such as disputes between states and non-state actors, or when a state has not accepted the court's compulsory jurisdiction.
Examples of ICJ cases:
1. The Aerial Incident of 10 August 1999 (Pakistan v. India): This case was brought to the ICJ by Pakistan after the shooting down of a Pakistani aircraft by Indian forces. India argued that the court did not have jurisdiction over the case due to a reservation in its declaration accepting the court's compulsory jurisdiction. The ICJ ruled that it did not have jurisdiction to adjudicate the dispute.
2. Maritime Delimitation in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean (Costa Rica v. Nicaragua): In this case, Costa Rica and Nicaragua agreed to submit their maritime boundary disputes to the ICJ. The court delivered its judgment in 2018, delimiting the maritime boundaries between the two countries.
3. Advisory Opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons (1996): The UN General Assembly requested an advisory opinion from the ICJ on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons under international law. The court held that the use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to international law, but it could not definitively conclude whether the use of nuclear weapons would be legal or illegal in an extreme circumstance of self-defense.
In conclusion, the International Court of Justice plays a crucial role in maintaining international peace and security by addressing legal disputes between states. However, its jurisdiction is based on the voluntary acceptance of the states involved in a dispute, which can sometimes limit the court's ability to adjudicate certain cases. 

Q.3. Answer the following:

a) Critically examine the rise of People's Republic of China (PRC) as a great power and its implications on Asian Political order.       (20 Marks)

The rise of the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a great power has been one of the most significant geopolitical developments in recent years. Its rapid economic growth, military expansion, and assertive foreign policy have transformed the political order in Asia and have global implications. This essay will critically examine the factors contributing to China's rise, its impact on the Asian political order, and the challenges it poses to other regional powers.

Firstly, the economic rise of China has been a major driver of its emergence as a great power. Since the late 1970s, China has pursued economic liberalization and market-oriented reforms under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping. This has led to an impressive average annual GDP growth rate of around 9.5% from 1978 to 2018. China is now the world's second-largest economy, and its economic clout has provided it with the resources to expand its military capabilities and exert influence in regional and global affairs.

Secondly, China's military modernization has been a key part of its rise as a great power. Beijing has steadily increased its defense spending, which now ranks second globally. It has also invested in the development of advanced weapon systems, such as stealth fighter jets, aircraft carriers, and ballistic missiles. This military buildup has enabled China to project power beyond its borders and assert its claims in the South China Sea and East China Sea, leading to tensions with other regional powers such as Japan, India, and the United States.

Thirdly, China's assertive foreign policy has also contributed to its rise as a great power. Beijing has pursued a more proactive diplomatic approach in recent years, engaging in regional and global initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). These initiatives have allowed China to expand its influence in Asia and beyond, often at the expense of traditional Western powers.

The implications of China's rise on the Asian political order are multifaceted. On one hand, China's growing economic and military power has led to concerns about regional stability and the potential for conflict. Tensions in the South China Sea and East China Sea, as well as China's border disputes with India, have raised the risk of military confrontation with other regional powers. Moreover, China's willingness to use its economic leverage to pressure countries into supporting its political objectives, such as the case with South Korea over the deployment of the THAAD missile defense system, has generated anxiety about Beijing's intentions.

On the other hand, China's rise also presents opportunities for regional cooperation and integration. Initiatives such as the BRI and AIIB have the potential to boost economic growth and infrastructure development across Asia, which could enhance regional connectivity and interdependence. Additionally, China's engagement in multilateral institutions like the SCO and the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area could contribute to the development of a more inclusive and multipolar regional order.

However, the challenges posed by China's rise cannot be ignored. Other regional powers, such as Japan, India, and the United States, have been increasingly concerned about Beijing's assertiveness and have sought to balance its influence through various means. For instance, Japan has pursued closer strategic ties with India and Australia, while the United States has sought to strengthen its alliances with Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. Furthermore, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) involving the US, Japan, India, and Australia has been revived as a potential counterbalance to China's influence in the Indo-Pacific region.

In conclusion, the rise of the PRC as a great power has significant implications for the Asian political order. Its economic growth, military modernization, and assertive foreign policy have reshaped the geopolitical landscape, generating both opportunities and challenges for regional stability and cooperation. The response of other regional powers to China's rise will be crucial in determining the future of the Asian political order, with implications for global peace and security.

b) Discuss the conceptual dimensions of collective security.       (15 Marks)

Collective security is a concept in international relations that aims to maintain peace, stability, and security among nations by working together to prevent aggression, resolve conflicts, and promote cooperation. The idea is that by working together, nations can reduce the likelihood of war and create a safer, more peaceful world for all. This concept can be understood through various dimensions, which include the following:
1. Political Dimension: Collective security relies on the cooperation and commitment of member states to uphold the principles of the international system, such as respect for sovereignty, non-aggression, and peaceful resolution of disputes. For example, the United Nations (UN) is an international organization that seeks to maintain international peace and security by facilitating cooperation among its member states.
2. Military Dimension: Collective security can involve the pooling and sharing of military resources, joint exercises, and coordinated action to deter or respond to aggression. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is an example of a military alliance that was established for collective security against potential threats, particularly from the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
3. Legal Dimension: International law and treaties play an essential role in establishing the rules and norms for collective security. The UN Charter, for instance, enshrines the principles of non-aggression and the right to collective self-defense. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is another example of a legal instrument aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons and promoting disarmament.
4. Economic Dimension: Economic cooperation and interdependence can contribute to collective security by creating shared interests and reducing the incentives for conflict. The European Union (EU) is an example of an economic integration project that has helped to maintain peace and stability among its member states, in part by fostering economic interdependence and cooperation.
5. Diplomatic Dimension: Diplomacy plays a crucial role in facilitating dialogue, negotiation, and conflict resolution, which are essential components of collective security. The UN Security Council, for instance, is a primary forum for diplomatic efforts to address threats to international peace and security.
6. Humanitarian Dimension: Collective security also involves the protection and promotion of human rights, as well as efforts to address humanitarian crises and prevent mass atrocities. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is a principle that emphasizes the role of the international community in preventing genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.
In conclusion, collective security is a multifaceted concept that encompasses various dimensions, including political, military, legal, economic, diplomatic, and humanitarian aspects. By understanding these dimensions, we can better appreciate the complexity and importance of collective security in maintaining peace, stability, and security in the international system.

c) Discuss the efficacy of global conventions to combat international terrorism.       (15 Marks)

Global conventions play a crucial role in combating international terrorism by providing a platform for countries to collaborate, share intelligence, and develop joint strategies. These conventions aim to address the root causes of terrorism and strengthen the global counter-terrorism architecture. However, their efficacy has been inconsistent, and in some cases, limited due to various factors such as political differences, lack of proper implementation, and non-binding nature of the conventions.
1. Legal framework: Global conventions provide an international legal framework to define and criminalize terrorist acts. For instance, the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (1999) obliges states to criminalize the financing of terrorism and develop measures to freeze and seize terrorist assets. This framework has facilitated the prosecution of terrorists and their supporters in various countries, thereby enhancing global efforts to combat terrorism.
2. International cooperation: Global conventions foster international cooperation among states by promoting the exchange of information, intelligence, and best practices. The United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy (2006) encourages member states to enhance regional and international cooperation to prevent and combat terrorism effectively. This has led to several successful operations against terrorist groups, such as the dismantling of the Al-Qaeda network in Afghanistan.
3. Capacity building and technical assistance: Global conventions also provide a platform for capacity building and technical assistance to member states that lack the resources to combat terrorism effectively. For instance, the Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF) under the United Nations provides assistance to countries in implementing counter-terrorism measures.
Despite these benefits, the efficacy of global conventions in combating international terrorism has been hindered by several challenges:
1. Political differences: The lack of consensus on the definition of terrorism has impeded the adoption of a comprehensive global convention on terrorism. This disagreement stems from political differences among states, which often view terrorism through the lens of their national interests. As a result, some states may be reluctant to cooperate fully in the global fight against terrorism.
2. Non-binding nature: Many global conventions on terrorism are not legally binding, which means that states are not obligated to implement them. This undermines the effectiveness of these conventions, as member states may choose to implement only those measures that align with their national interests.
3. Uneven implementation: The implementation of global conventions on terrorism varies across countries, depending on their capacities and priorities. This has led to gaps in the global counter-terrorism architecture, allowing terrorist groups to exploit these weaknesses and continue their activities.
Examples:
1. The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001) – This resolution, adopted in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, called on states to adopt a series of measures to prevent and combat terrorism. However, its implementation has been uneven, with some states lacking the capacity or political will to comply with its provisions.
2. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) – This intergovernmental body develops policies to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. Its recommendations have been instrumental in strengthening the global financial system against the threats posed by terrorism. However, the FATF's effectiveness has been limited by the non-binding nature of its recommendations and the varying levels of compliance among its member states.
In conclusion, global conventions play a crucial role in the fight against international terrorism by providing a platform for cooperation, intelligence sharing, and capacity building. However, their efficacy has been limited by political differences, non-binding nature, and uneven implementation. To enhance the effectiveness of global conventions in combating terrorism, there is a need for greater political consensus, stronger enforcement mechanisms, and more robust implementation efforts by member states. 

Q.4. Answer the following:

a) Identify and evaluate the reasons for deadlock in the WTO negotiations on fisheries between the developing and developed countries.       (20 Marks)

The World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations on fisheries aim to establish a global framework for regulating subsidies in the fisheries sector, to promote sustainable fishing practices and to address the issue of overfishing. However, these negotiations have been deadlocked due to disagreements between developed and developing countries on various aspects of the proposed framework. The reasons for deadlock can be categorized into four key areas:
1. Differential treatment for developing countries:
Developing countries argue that they should receive special and differential treatment in the negotiations, considering their socio-economic conditions and limited capacities to implement new regulations. They emphasize the need to preserve their policy space in order to develop their domestic fisheries sectors and support their coastal communities. On the other hand, developed countries argue that special treatment for developing countries could undermine the overall effectiveness of the agreement in achieving its objectives of sustainable fishing practices.
Example: India has long been advocating for special and differential treatment for developing countries in terms of subsidy limits and implementation timelines, as India's artisanal fishers depend largely on government subsidies for their livelihood.
2. Exemptions for artisanal fishing and food security concerns:
Developing countries emphasize the need to protect their artisanal fishing communities and prioritize their food security concerns. They argue that any new regulations should allow for exemptions for small-scale, subsistence, and artisanal fisheries. Developed countries, on the other hand, are concerned that such exemptions may end up providing cover for large-scale industrial fishing operations that contribute to overfishing.
Example: In the case of Indonesia, the government provides fuel subsidies to small-scale fishers to promote livelihoods and food security. They argue that such subsidies should not be restricted under the new agreement as they do not contribute to overfishing.
3. Ambitious subsidy reduction targets and enforcement mechanisms:
Developed countries are pushing for ambitious targets in reducing subsidies that contribute to overfishing and illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. They also emphasize the need for strong enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance with the new rules. Developing countries, however, are concerned that stringent targets and enforcement mechanisms could put undue pressure on their domestic industries and infringe upon their sovereignty.
Example: The European Union has been pushing for a complete prohibition of subsidies that contribute to overfishing and IUU fishing, whereas developing countries like India have been advocating for more flexible targets.
4. Lack of trust and transparency in negotiations:
The negotiations have been marred by a lack of trust and transparency between the developed and developing countries. Many developing countries feel that their concerns and priorities are not being adequately addressed, leading to a deadlock in the negotiations.
Example: The African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) group of countries have expressed concerns about the lack of transparency in the negotiations and have called for a more inclusive and transparent process.
In conclusion, the deadlock in the WTO negotiations on fisheries is primarily due to differences in priorities and concerns between developed and developing countries. Addressing these concerns and finding a balance between sustainability goals and the socio-economic priorities of the participating countries is crucial for reaching a consensus and achieving the objectives of the negotiations.

b) What is the realist prescription to the States to ensure their survival in an anarchical world?       (15 Marks)

The realist prescription for states to ensure their survival in an anarchical world can be summed up in the following points:
1. Power maximization: Realists argue that states must focus on maximizing their power to ensure their survival. This includes increasing their military capabilities, economic strength, and political influence. For example, the U.S. has consistently focused on maintaining a strong military and economic presence globally.
2. Balance of power: States should aim to create a balance of power in the international system, either through alliances or by maintaining their own power capabilities. This helps prevent any single state from dominating the system and threatening other states' security. An example is the NATO alliance, which was created to counterbalance the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
3. Deterrence: States should develop strong deterrent capabilities to discourage potential adversaries from attacking or threatening them. For instance, the possession of nuclear weapons by the U.S. and Russia serves as a deterrent to any potential aggressor considering a large-scale attack.
4. Self-help: In an anarchical world, states cannot rely on international organizations or other states for their security. They must rely on their own capabilities and be prepared to defend themselves. This is evident in the behavior of countries like Israel, which has developed a strong military to defend itself against potential threats in a volatile region.
5. Security dilemma: States must be aware of the security dilemma, wherein actions taken to ensure their own security may inadvertently cause other states to feel threatened and respond with similar actions. To mitigate this, states should engage in confidence-building measures and transparent communication with other states. The establishment of hotlines and regular meetings between the U.S. and Russia during the Cold War is an example of such measures.
6. Realpolitik: States should be guided by pragmatic considerations of national interest rather than ideological or moral concerns. This may involve making alliances with rival states or adopting policies that may appear contradictory to stated principles. For example, the U.S. and China have engaged in cooperation and competition simultaneously, driven by their respective national interests.
7. Diplomacy and negotiation: Realism emphasizes the importance of diplomacy and negotiation to manage conflicts and ensure survival. States should be open to engaging with adversaries to resolve disputes peacefully and prevent escalation. The diplomatic efforts between the U.S. and North Korea to address the latter's nuclear program is one such example.
8. Hedging strategies: States should adopt hedging strategies to protect themselves against uncertainties and potential threats. This may involve diversifying alliances, developing multiple capabilities, and engaging in regional and international institutions. ASEAN countries, for instance, have pursued hedging strategies by engaging with both the U.S. and China while maintaining their own regional organization.
In conclusion, the realist prescription for state survival in an anarchical world involves a mix of power maximization, balance of power, deterrence, self-help, diplomacy, and strategic hedging. By adopting these measures, states can enhance their security and navigate the complexities of international relations. 

c) Russian-Ukraine crisis has cast a dark shadow on the energy needs of the member states of the European Union (EU). Comment.       (15 Marks)

The Russian-Ukraine crisis has indeed cast a dark shadow on the energy needs of the European Union (EU) member states. The crisis has exposed the vulnerabilities of the EU's energy security strategy and the dependence on Russian gas supplies, which accounts for around 40% of the EU's natural gas imports. The situation has forced the EU to re-evaluate its energy policies and explore alternative sources to reduce its reliance on Russia. There are several ways in which the crisis has impacted the EU's energy security:
1. Supply disruptions: The crisis has led to fears of potential supply disruptions, as Russia could use its dominant position in the European gas market as a political tool. This has already been witnessed in the past when Russia cut off gas supplies to Ukraine in 2006, 2009, and 2014, which affected several European countries as the gas pipelines passed through Ukraine.
2. Price volatility: The tensions between Russia and Ukraine have led to increased volatility in energy prices. The uncertainty created by the crisis has caused fluctuations in the prices of natural gas and oil, which affects the EU's economies and consumers.
3. Diversification challenges: The crisis has emphasized the need for the EU to diversify its energy sources and reduce its dependence on Russian gas. However, this is a challenging task as alternative sources such as liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the US or the Middle East are more expensive and less accessible due to geopolitical factors.
4. Impact on renewable energy: The crisis has also affected the EU's push for renewable energy, as countries heavily dependent on Russian gas have been slow to invest in alternative energy sources. The high dependence on fossil fuels also undermines the EU's ambitious climate change goals.
In response to these challenges, the EU has taken several measures to enhance its energy security:
1. Investment in infrastructure: The EU has invested in energy infrastructure projects, such as the construction of new LNG terminals and interconnectors, to facilitate the import of gas from alternative sources and improve the internal energy market.
2. Strengthening energy solidarity: The EU has emphasized the importance of energy solidarity among member states, which entails mutual support in case of supply disruptions. For example, the EU has established the gas stress test mechanism to assess the resilience of member states in the event of a supply crisis.
3. Promoting renewable energy: The EU has set ambitious targets for increasing the share of renewable energy in its energy mix, which would reduce its dependence on fossil fuels and enhance its energy security.
4. Diplomatic efforts: The EU has engaged in diplomatic efforts with key energy-producing countries, such as the US, Qatar, and Azerbaijan, to secure alternative gas supplies and reduce its reliance on Russian gas.
In conclusion, the Russian-Ukraine crisis has highlighted the vulnerabilities of the EU's energy security and the need to reduce its dependence on Russian gas supplies. While the EU has taken steps to address these challenges, further efforts are needed to ensure a diversified and secure energy supply for its member states. It is crucial to understand the geopolitical implications of such crises on regional and global politics, as well as the potential solutions and policy measures that can be adopted to mitigate the risks. 

The document UPSC Mains Answer PYQ 2022: PSIR Paper 2 (Section- A) | PSIR Optional for UPSC (Notes) is a part of the UPSC Course PSIR Optional for UPSC (Notes).
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