GS Paper - II Model Answers (2019) - 2 | UPSC Mains Answer Writing: Practice PDF Download

Q11: On what grounds a people's representative can be disqualified under the representation of people act, 1951? Also, mention the remedies available to such person against his disqualification. (UPSC GS2 2019)
Ans:

Introduction
The act is pivotal in preventing criminals being elected as representatives, is always quoted by Supreme Court and High Court in various judgments. Sections 7 to 11 of the act deal with disqualification of representatives.
A person can be disqualified on below grounds: 

• Disqualification on conviction for certain election offences and corrupt practices in the election. (Section 8) 
• Disqualification on conviction for certain offences. 
• Disqualification on ground of corrupt practices.(section8A). 
• Disqualification for dismissal for corruption or disloyalty.(Section9). 
• Disqualification for Government contracts, etc.(Section9A) 
• Disqualification for office under Government company(section10) 
• Disqualification for failure to lodge account of election expenses.(section 10 A) Section 8 of Representation of Peoples Act 1951: Section 8 deals with Disqualification of representatives on conviction for certain offences.

This section states that: 

• 1 A person convicted of an offence punishable under certain acts of Indian Penal Code, Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955, Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967, Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, Prevention of Terrorism Act 2002 etc. shall be disqualified, where the convicted person is sentenced to — (i) only fine, for a period of six years from the date of such conviction; (ii) imprisonment, from the date of such conviction and shall continue to be disqualified for a further period of six years since his release. 
• 2 A person convicted for the contravention of—(a) any law providing for the prevention of hoarding or profiteering; or (b) any law relating to the adulteration of food or drugs; or (c) any provisions of the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961. 
• 3 A person convicted of any offence and sentenced to imprisonment for not less than two years [other than any offence referred to in sub-section (1) or sub-section (2)] shall be disqualified from the date of such conviction and shall continue to be disqualified for a further period of six years since his release. 
• The controversial Section 8(4) clause of the Representation of Peoples Act which was struck down by the Supreme Court calling the Act ultra-vires of the Constitution and providing for disqualification of MPs/MLAs on the day of their conviction in July 2013: SC upholds Patna high court judgment debarring persons in judicial and police custody from contesting elections (section 62 (5) of the representation of the people act 1951). 
• Convicted or not, rule applies to those in jail and police custody; not applicable to those out on bail. The Bench said: “We have heard counsel for the political parties and we do not find any infirmity in the findings of the High Court in the impugned common order that a person who has no right to vote by virtue of the provisions of Section 62 (5) of the Representation of the People Act 1951 is not an elector and is therefore not qualified to contest the election to the House of the People or the Legislative Assembly of a State. 
• The remedies available to such person against his disqualification: The Representation of the People Act, 1951 specifies the qualifications and the disqualifications of Members of Parliament and state legislatures. In particular, the first three subsections of Section 8 list various offences, and state that anyone who has been convicted of these offences is disqualified. 
• The remedies lie in the appeal to court but it has also two issues involved: Subsection (4) carves out an exception for sitting legislators: it states that the disqualification for sitting legislators will not take effect for three months from the date of conviction, and if the convicted person files an appeal within this period, the disqualification will not be effective until the superior court decides the appeal. In effect, if a person is not a legislator, then he is immediately disqualified from contesting elections. 
• On the other hand, if he is a sitting legislator, his disqualification kicks in with a lag, which could be as long as the court takes to decide his appeal. 

Conclusion

• There have been various objections to this differential treatment. In January 2005, while examining a different issue related to this Section, a five-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court also looked into the question of whether this non-uniform treatment violated Article 14 of the Constitution, which guarantees equality before law.
• The Court said that the objective of including this provision was not to protect the rights of a sitting member but to protect the “very existence and continuity of a House democratically constituted”. They pointed out two undesirable consequences if a sitting member were to be disqualified immediately on conviction and sentencing. If the government had a “razor-edge thin majority”, a disqualification could “have a deleterious effect on the functioning of the government”. 
• Also, the disqualification may lead to a bye-election, which may be a futile exercise if the convicted member is acquitted by a superior court. They said that it was legitimate for the legislature to make two classes for the purpose of disqualification, if had nexus with a public purpose that was sought  to be achieved. Therefore, such classification could not be judged as impermissible under Article 14.

Q12: "Parliament's power to amend the constitution is a limited power and it cannot be enlarged into absolute power". In the light of this statement explain whether parliament under article 368 of the constitution can destroy the basic structure of the constitution by expanding its amending power? (UPSC GS2 2019)
Ans:

Introduction
The idea behind ‘Constitution as a living document’ highlights the necessity of making amendments in the constitution to make it more adaptive with time and to ensure that it doesn’t lose it relevance asthe social, economic and political conditions of the people keeps on changing. Whereas on the other side, too many changes in the constitution would lead to the loss of it’s essence. So, the pioneers of our constitution made sure to maintain the balance between a rigid and a flexible amendment process to the constitution.
Article 368 and Doctrine of Basic structure: 

• Article 368 of the constitution deals with the powers of parliament to amend the constitution and its procedure. It states that the Parliament may, in exercise of its constituent power, amend by way of addition, variation or repeal any provision of the constitution in accordance with the procedure laid down for the purpose. 
• However the parliament cannot amend those provisions which form the “basic structure” of the constitution. This was ruled by the Supreme Court in the Kesavananda Bharti case 1973. If the Judiciary feels to review the any amendment made by the parliament, it has the power to do so and if the Judiciary thinks that the amendment is unlawful or against any provision or against public morality, it has the power to make that amendment null and void. 
• In the Shankari Prasad case 1951, the Supreme Court ruled that the power of Parliament to amend the constitution under article 368 also includes the power to amend the fundamental rights. In Golak nath case 1967, the Supreme Court reversed its earlier stand and ruled that Fundamental rights are given a transcendental and immutable position and hence Parliament cannot abridge or take away any of these rights. The Parliament reacted to SC’s judgment by enacting 24th amendment act 1971 and stated the Parliament has the power to abridge any of the fundamental rights under article 368. 

Limitations on Parliament to amend the constitution: 

• However in Kesavananda Bharti case 1973, the Supreme court over ruled its judgment in Golak Nath case. It upheld the validity in of 24th Amendment act and stated that the parliament is empowered to abridge any of the fundamental rights. At the same time, it laid down a new doctrine of the ‘basic structure ‘of the constitution. It ruled that constituent power of the parliament under article 368 doesn’t enable it to alter the basic structure of the constitution. 
• Parliament reacted to it by enacting 42nd amendment where it declared that there’s no limitation on the constituent power of Parliament and no amendment can be questioned in any court of law. 
• However, the Supreme Court in Minerva Mills case 1980 invalidated this provision as it excluded judicial review which is a basic feature of the question. Conclusion: From various judgments, Unity and Integrity of the nation, judicial review, parliamentary system, free and fair elections, independence of judiciary etc. have emerged as the elements or ingredients of the basic structure. These cannot be amended by using the constituent amending power of the constitution under the article 368, thus limiting Parliament’s power to amend the constitution.

Q13: The reservation of seats for women in the institution of local self government has had a limited impact on the patriarchal character of the Indian political processes. (UPSC GS2 2019)
Ans:

Introduction
Given its far reaching consequences, the 73rd Amendment along with 74th is called a silent revolution. The most revolutionary provision is said to be the reservation of one-third of the seats for women in local bodies (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging the SC’s and ST’s). Further not less than one-third of the total number of offices of chairpersons in the panchayats at each level shall be reserved for women.
Impact of amendment on patriarchal character of Indian political processes: 

• But has it really made a considerable impact towards improving the status of women is debatable issue. In spite of progressive nature of the constitution, traditional social structures that restricted women’s social participation were reinforced in which men hold primary power and predominate in roles of political leadership, moral authority, social privilege. 
• The reservation of seats in the panchayati raj institutions has enabled women to contest and win elections but lot of structural and procedural challenges restrict their capacity to become effective leaders. Women’s increased vulnerability to poverty, lower educational status and lack of financial independence are all compounded by the perpetuation of traditional and outdated social attitudes, which give preference to male leaders. 
• Inequality based on gender differences resulted in female literacy rates being lower at 65.46% than that of their male counterparts at 82.14%. Women are often assumed to be proxy for male family members who are not able to contest the seat due to reservation system and their capacity to make their independent decisions is completely questioned. 
• The violent nature of politics also has negative impact on women’s political participation and makes it difficult for them to exercise their power and decisions in today’s politics and continues to pose big challenges for them. 
• The women from ST SC categories have to face double burden of caste and gender discrimination due to which they mush more pushed towards the outskirts of mainstream Indian politics. The women from minorities also face the ill effects of patriarchy.

Following data shows that there is no major change in women participation in politics in India even after enactment of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act: 

• According to Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and UN Women report — Women in Politics 2017, the Lok Sabha had 64 (11.8 percent of 542 MPs) and Rajya Sabha 27 (11 per cent of 245 MPs) women MPs. 
• There are just 62 women among the 678 elected members of the Assemblies in the elections, as per data compiled by the Association for Democratic Reforms and the Centre for Policy Research. It was 77 in the previous election. The total number of women MLAs has come down to 9 per cent in 2018 from 11 per cent in 2013. 
• In India, between 2010 and 2017 women’s share rose 1 percentage point in its Lower House (Lok Sabha) 
• Representation of women at local government levels varied from state to state.” There are 13.72 lakh elected women representatives (EWRs) in PRIs (Panchayati Raj Institutions) which constitute 44.2 per cent of total elected representatives (ERs) as on December, 2017 
• Women’s participation in political parties remained low in the 1990s with 10-12% membership consisting of women. From 1980-1970, 4.3% of candidates and 70% of electoral races had no women candidates at all. 

Conclusion 
In order to see effective results of all the efforts of constitutional and governmental efforts towards women empowerment and their increased participation in political sphere for a more inclusive social order, there is a need to address the several structural and institutional deficiencies which result in the limited success of the schemes and programmes of the government.

Q14: "The Attorney-General is the chief legal adviser and lawyer of the Government of India." Discuss (UPSC GS2 2019)
Ans:

Introduction
One part of the Attorney General’s role is that of a Cabinet Minister. In this capacity the Minister is responsible for representing the interests and perspectives of the Ministry at Cabinet, while simultaneously representing the interests and perspectives of Cabinet and consequently the Government to the Ministry and the Ministry’s communities of interest. 

• He is appointed by the President of India under Article 76(1) of the Constitution and holds office during the pleasure of the President. It shall be the duty of the Attorney-General to give advice to the Government of India upon such legal matters, and to perform such other duties of a legal character, as may from time to time be referred or assigned to him by the President, and to discharge the functions conferred on him by or under this Constitution or any other law for the time being in force.
  In the performance of his duties the Attorney-General shall have right of audience in all 
• courts The Attorney General as the Law Officer of the Executive Council because: He gives advice to the Government of India upon such legal matters, which are referred or assigned to him by the president. He performs such other duties of a legal character that are referred or assigned to him by the president. 
• He discharges the functions conferred on him by or under the Constitution or any other law. The Attorney General has a special role to play in advising Cabinet to ensure the rule of law is maintained and that Cabinet actions are legally and constitutionally valid. He shall advise the Government upon all matters of law connected with legislative enactments and upon all matters of law referred to him or her by the Government. 

Attorney General for India is primary lawyer in the Supreme Court of India because: 

• He appears on behalf of the government of India in all the cases in Supreme Court in which the Government of India is concerned. 
• He appears on behalf of the government of India in any reference made by the president to the Supreme Court under Article 143 of the constitution. 
• He appears on behalf of the government of India in any case in a high court in which the Government of India is concerned, if Government of India requires so. 

Below mentioned are the Limitations placed on the Attorney General: 

• He should not advise or hold a brief against the Government of India. 
• • He should not defend accused persons in criminal cases without the permission of the government of India. 
• • He should not accept appointment as a director in any company without the permission of government. 

Conclusion 
It should be noted that the AG is not debarred from private legal practice. He is not a government servant as he is not paid fixed salary and his remuneration is decided by the president. The Attorney General is the chief law officer of the Executive Council. The responsibilities stemming from this role are unlike those of any other Cabinet member. The role has been referred to as “judicial-like” and as the “guardian of the public interest”.

Q15: Individual Parliamentarian's role as the national lawmaker is on a decline, which in turn, has adversely impacted the quality of debates and their outcome. Discuss. (UPSC GS2 2019)
Ans:

Introduction
The Constitution provides for the legislature to make laws, the government to implement laws, and the courts to interpret and enforce these laws. While the judiciary is independent from the other two branches, the government is formed with the support of a majority of members in the legislature. Therefore, the government is collectively responsible to Parliament for its actions. This also implies that Parliament (i.e. Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha) can hold the government accountable for its decisions, and scrutinize its functioning. This may be done using various methods including, during debates on Bills or issues on the floor of Parliament, by posing questions to ministers during Question Hour, and in parliamentary committees. Within this reference framework, role of Individual Parliamentarian as the national lawmaker assumes greater significance in the health and vitality of the Parliamentary democracy.
Parliamentarian’s role as the national lawmaker: 

• • MPs may raise issues of public importance in Parliament, and examine the government’s response to problems being faced by citizens through: 
  • a debate, which entails a reply by the concerned minister, or 
  • a motion which entails a vote. 
• Using these methods, MPs may discuss important matters, policies, and topical issues. The concerned minister while replying to the debate may make assurances to the House regarding steps that will be taken to address the situation. 
• Alternatively, MPs may move a motion for: 
  • discussing important issues (such as inflation, drought, and corruption), 
  • adjournment of business in a House in order to express displeasure over a government policy, or 
  • expressing no confidence in the government leading to its resignation. 
• To improve government accountability in Parliament, the opposition in some countries such as the UK, Canada, and Australia forms a shadow cabinet. Under such a system, opposition MPs track a certain portfolio, scrutinize its performance and suggest alternate programs. This allows for detailed tracking and scrutiny of ministries, and assists MPs in making constructive suggestions. Some of these countries also provide for days when the opposition parties decide the agenda for Parliament. 

However, given the dominance of parties, independence of MPs are rare. There are other causes as well which have led to the decline in the Individual Parliamentarian’s role as the national lawmaker: 

• Judicial activism by higher Judiciary (High Courts and the Supreme Court). 
• Brute Majority in the ruling government - giving little or no space for democratic dissent. 
• Instead of Lawmakers deciding on Policy matters and the formulation of law, these critical factors are inserted by the Party High Command. 
• Lack of Subject matter knowledge by the lawmakers leading to delegating the matter to the bureaucracy. 
• Avoidance of Pre - vetting process in the inner Party deliberations. 
• Penalizing MP/MLAs if they speak and vote their mind against Party lines in the Legislature under the anti defection law. 

Individual members have a great role to play in furthering our representative democracy by contributing to productive debates. Steps like, 

• Equipping them with relevant information 
• Unbiased role of speaker in allotting them time. 
• Freeing them from party whip 
• Maintaining the decorum of the house must be taken for them to fulfill their role. 

Some unknown facts 

• Nearly half of the newly-elected Lok Sabha members have criminal charges against them, a 26% increase as compared to 2014, according to the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR). 
• Of the 539 winning candidates analysed by the ADR, as many as 233 MPs or 43% have criminal charges. 
• The BJP has 116 MPs or 39% of its winning candidates with criminal cases, followed by 29 MPs (57%) from the Congress, 13 (81%) from the JDU, 10 (43%) from the DMK and nine (41%) from the TMC, the ADR said. 
• In 2014, 185 Lok Sabha members (34%) had criminal charges and 112 MPs had serious criminal cases against them. In 2009, 162 (nearly 30%) out of the 543 Lok Sabha MPs had criminal charges and 14% had serious criminal charges, it said. 
• In the new Lok Sabha, nearly 29% of the cases are related to rape, murder, attempt to murder or crime against women. Pragya Singh Thakur, the newly-elected BJP MP from Bhopal, faces terror charges in connection with the 2008 Malegaon blasts 
• About 75 per cent of MPs in the Lok Sabha have at least a graduate degree, while 10 per cent are only matriculates, according to a report by PRS Legislative Research. 
• The percentage of MPs elected in the 2014 general elections who do not have a matriculate degree is significantly higher (13 per cent) in comparison to the 15th Lok Sabha (3 per cent). 

Conclusion
India’s citizens need a more robust legislative system that offers public representatives — our MPs, Ministers and the Prime Minister — a greater sense of authority. However, one must stand wary against rank populism infecting our body politic. Parliament should be a space for policy and not for politics. According to a 2014 survey among national voters to study the perception of voters regarding MPs in their respective constituencies; an MP’s own high education may not be a guarantee for promotion of literacy and education in his constituency. In the survey, views on 21 most educated members of the 15th Lok Sabha, those with a PhD, did not reflect any better performance in promotion of literacy. Only 10 out of these 21 MPs scored above the national average when it came to better schooling in.

Q16: ‘In the context of neo-liberal paradigm of development planning, multilevel planning is expected to make operations cost effective and remove many implementation blockages.’ Discuss.
Ans: Neoliberalism: is a policy model that promotes free-market capitalism and private sector control over economic factors. In this context, multi-level planning (MLP) becomes important as it involves the participation of local institutions at all levels of the planning process.

Multi-Level Planning: MLP is a more integrative approach to planning that seeks to involve all hierarchies of administrative, geographical, political, and regional levels in the process. It involves the active participation of lower levels in information generation, data collection, policy suggestions, plan implementation, and monitoring of developmental activities. levels of MLP in India: Centre, States, Districts, Blocks and Villages.

The implementation of multi-level planning (MLP) in the context of the neo-liberal paradigm of developmental planning has several potential benefits. The following are some of the benefits of MLP in the neo-liberal paradigm:

• Relevant policies: MLP involves decision-makers at all spatial levels in the planning process through negotiations, deliberations, and consultations. This helps to create policies that are more relevant to the needs of the people.
• People’s participation: MLP involves active participation from the people who are the intended beneficiaries of the policies. This helps to ensure that their interests are adequately articulated and factored into policy proposals.
• Cost-effective operations: MLP is expected to make operations cost-effective by providing better linkages between relevant sectors and ready access to required information, which would remove many implementation blockages. copyright©iasexpress.net
• Reduction of regional disparities: MLP is expected to reduce regional disparities and bring more equity in development by providing an opportunity for local development planners to tailor the macro plan to the specific needs of their area.
• Fight against corruption: MLP is expected to address the problem of corruption in developmental programs by improving the identification of beneficiaries and articulating their needs through local bodies.
• Revival of local self-governments: MLP involves the establishment of local self-governments which is expected to have a positive impact on the investment climate and renew local administration.

Despite the potential benefits of MLP, there are also some issues that need to be addressed. One of the major problems is the division of powers and functions between the state and sub-state levels. In order to ensure effective multi-level planning, there is a need to take into account not only planning requirements but also social, political, and administrative structures. There is also a need for constitutional provisions to ensure continuity and authenticity to such arrangements, particularly in regard to elections for bodies at the sub-state levels.

In conclusion, the implementation of MLP in the neo-liberal paradigm of developmental planning has the potential to make operations cost-effective, remove many implementation blockages, reduce regional disparities, fight against corruption, and revive local self-governments. However, it is important to address the issues related to the division of powers and functions between the state and sub-state levels in order to ensure effective multi-level planning.

Q17: The need for cooperation among various service sector has been an inherent component of development discourse. Partnership bridges bring the gap among the sectors. It also sets in motion a culture of ‘Collaboration’ and ‘team spirt’. In the light of statements above examine India’s Development process. 
Ans: The service sector has been the growth engine of India’s development story post LPG, contributing more than 50 percent of India’s GDP.

How the cooperation among various service sectors helps Indian development process:

• India has a huge demographic dividend and it has to be leveraged fruitfully over the next few decades. 
• The potential of our youth has to be realized through education, skill development, elimination of gender bias, employment and good health. 
• The resulting issue of job loss due to the technological interventions can be tackled better in Indian development and growth context.
• While India is among the top 10 World Trade Organization members in service exports and imports, the growth and export of services are less than that of the People’s Republic of China, and exports are competitive in only a few services and are concentrated in a few markets. Hence, close cooperation and collaboration is the need of the hour.
• Most of the poor in India do not have access to basic services such as healthcare and education, and infrastructure is weak so the cost of service delivery is high. If India needs to breach the gap between GDP growth and inclusive growth, then this cooperation is necessary.
• Research and development and ICT can play key roles in inclusive growth by ensuring access to cheaper technology and by disseminating knowledge

However, the lack of cooperation among service sectors has dented India’s growth to some extent.

• Disintegrated transport sector: Road and Rail transport are seen in vacuum by policymakers. The result is road development fails to take into account railways(frequent tussle between highway developers and railways for the demand of highways  of rail blocks by highway developers)
• Education and healthcare, especially for children, have suffered due to this lack of cooperation.
• SEBI IRDA conflict over ULIPs is a classic case of a dent in regulation due to a lack of cooperation among service regulators.
• Fragmentation: Multiple ministries and central government departments regulate services such as energy and transport while others like construction and retail do not have nodal ministries. 
• Non-Homogenous: The services sector is a highly non‐homogeneous sector comprising a wide range of activities. There are differences within the services sector with regard to the contribution of different sub-sectors to GDP and to employment. Services are inherently diverse; thus, it seems unreasonable to provide an integrated management framework that can apply to all industries.

However, of late many integrative measures have borne rich dividends.

• JAM trinity is a novel integration and cooperation between three services-Banking, Universal ID and mobile services. This lead to financial inclusion and inclusive development
• The concept of integrated multimodal transport is a very good way to extract the best of all modes and provide a reliable and cheap mode of the transportation system.
• The merger of water resources and drinking water ministry would synergize efforts of both the ministries, as well as bring out a kind of team spirit among them.
• Hence better cooperation must be sought after. Govt can devise a services council in line with the GST council so as to cooperate among federal service sectors as well. 

Way Forward

• There is an urgent need to focus on the service sector and to identify the key barriers faced by different types of services and then to undertake specific reforms. For instance, in road transport, reforms should focus on establishing a seamless supply chain by removing barriers to the interstate movement of goods. 
• In the case of industries like energy, various government departments should work together to design a policy that will facilitate equitable access at affordable prices. 
• Regulations should be transparent and non-discriminatory, should take into account the evolving nature of the service sector and its links with other service-related sectors, and should support its growth.
• The government can work with industry and with educational institutions in public-private partnerships to identify skill requirements and design appropriate courses and training programs to facilitate their better cooperation. 
• Focusing on vocational training and developing appropriate curricula will increase the employability of students in the service sector. The quality of education can be improved through proper collaboration with other service sectors at international standards. 

The service sector will be able to contribute to inclusive growth by enhancing investment, creating employment and human capital, developing infrastructure and lastly, by better cooperation & assimilation among themselves. It is important for a developing country like India with a large, young population to generate quality employment and to move up the value chain. If the reforms suggested here are implemented, they will enable better cooperation among sectors which in turn will enhance the productivity and efficiency of the sector and lead to inclusive growth.

Q18: Performance of welfare schemes that are implemented for vulnerable sections is not so effective due to absence of their awareness and active involvement at all stages of policy process – Discuss. 
Ans: India has implemented numerous welfare schemes for the vulnerable sections since its inception as a Welfare State. However, the performance of these schemes has often been underwhelming, largely due to the absence of awareness and active involvement of the beneficiaries.

Challenges:

• Lack of Awareness: The government often fails to build awareness of the schemes among the beneficiaries, leading to a lack of rights-based approach and accountability on the part of the bureaucracy and the executive. This makes the vulnerable sections hesitant participants, reducing the efficacy of the schemes.
• Lack of Active Participation: The lack of active participation of the vulnerable sections in the planning process results in gaps in the policy and lack of accountability. The uniform measures adopted by the policies fail to capture the diversity and disparities of the country, leading to suboptimal results.

Solutions:

• Encouraging Active Participation: Encouraging active participation of the people in governance is essential for democracy to succeed. Building awareness and encouraging active involvement of the beneficiaries will enhance the outcomes of welfare schemes.
• Social Audit: Social Audit is an effective way to ascertain the performance of various schemes and adopt necessary corrective actions. Building awareness among the target groups will help bridge the gap in performance evaluation and lead to robust corrective actions. copyright©iasexpress.net

Conclusion: Lack of awareness and active involvement of the vulnerable sections is a major hindrance to the performance of welfare schemes in India. Encouraging active participation and building awareness among the beneficiaries is crucial for the success of these schemes and the overall democratization process.

Q19: “The long-sustained image of India as a leader of the oppressed and marginalised Nations has disappeared on account of its new found role in the emerging global order” Elaborate 
Ans: In the post-World War 2 era, India was seen as a leader of the third world, championing the causes of oppressed and marginalized nations.

Changing Global Order and India’s New Role

• With the emergence of a multi-polar world and India’s rise as an economic power, India has taken on a new role in the emerging global order.
• Key examples of India’s new role include:
  • International Solar Alliance: India was a key player in the Paris climate deal negotiations and proposed the establishment of the International Solar Alliance to promote clean energy.
  • Operation Raahat: India’s successful evacuation of its citizens and nationals of other countries during the Saudi Arabian military intervention in Yemen in 2015 demonstrated India’s newfound role.
  • Strategic Forums: India is now a member of strategic forums like MTCR and is advocating for permanent membership in UNSC and NSG.
  • Indo-Pacific: India’s role in the Indo-Pacific region is gaining recognition and the world is looking for India to take a larger role in upholding peace and stability.
  • ISRO and Space Activities: India’s achievements in space, such as launching 104 satellites in one go and being the first country to succeed in a Mars mission, have made India a leader in space. 

India’s new role as a leader in the emerging global order is a result of its economic growth and increasing influence on the global stage. The country is now seen as a responsible global player and its actions are closely watched by the rest of the world. India’s transformation from a leader of the oppressed and marginalized nations to a leader in the multi-polar world is a testament to its growing importance in the global arena.

Q20: What introduces friction into the ties between India and the United States is that Washington is still unable to find for India a position in its global strategy, which would satisfy India's national self-esteem and ambitions'. Explain with suitable examples (UPSC GS2 2019)
Ans: The major shift in India’s relationship with the US came after India tested its nuclear weapons in Pokharan in 1998. This event was preceded by 2 other major changes in India’s domestic and foreign policy. Post-cold-war, the relevance of NAM stood challenged. In the absence of two blocs, the question of sidelining or remaining non-aligned didn’t make much sense.
Secondly, in the wake of simmering BoP crisis over a decade, India had to see off its strategy of autarky. It exchanged loans from IMF in return of SAPs which made opening up of economy imperative. These two landmark structural changes in the way India was going to engage with the outer world provided a basis of building relations with the US on firm foundations. Closed economy and NAM had restricted cooperation in key areas like defense, people to people contact, trade ties, technology transfer etc. So, coming back to nuclear test, the US was left with two options: one was sanctioning India and other was to engage constructively with India accepting it as a nuclear weapon state. The US experimented with the first and settled with the later.
Strategic partnership between India and the US 

• It cannot be said that the US engaged with India out of its intent only but one must accept the role played by international situation that was there in first decade of new millennium. The 9/11 opened up new arenas of engagement for the US. 
• It came close to South Asia in its quest to deal with terrorism. Side by side, China was also rising. It was asserting itself in South China Sea. It was putting bizarre claims on islands, drawing arbitrary lines in waters to keep other countries out, flirting with territorial waters of other littoral countries, building military bases, creating ports etc. 
• Meanwhile, volume of trade through Indo-Pacific was competing with that through Atlantic waters. Developing countries were rising in South and South-East Asia. Rogue states like North Korea were also threatening global order.
• This was the overall situation in which the US saw its interests as a global hegemony threatened and understood that it needs to shift its focus from Atlantic and Middle East to Asia-Pacific. It needed to be present there. This was the substance that fuelled the global strategy of the US in past two decades. 

Global strategy of the US and India’s position in it 

• In this backdrop, India appeared to be a natural ally to the US. Since old inhibitions like NAM, closed economy etc. were gone and emerging necessities drove the relationship based on realist calculations. Keeping in mind aspirations of India as a rising power and having common stakes in peaceful rise of China and maintenance of a rule based order in Asia-Pacific, Indo-US rapprochement became logical. 
• Pakistan: USA slashed the aid that was disbursed to Pakistan to fight terrorism pushing FATF ban on Pakistan. The listing of Jaish-e-Mohammed leader Masood Azhar as an international terrorist by the UN is an example of uncritical American support to India. 
• In this direction, the US entered into civil nuclear agreement with India. It roped in India along with two other democracies of the region i.e. Australia and Japan to form a quadrilateral initiative. India was declared a Major Defense Partner of the US in 2016. 
• Certain agreements were signed like COMCASA, LEMOA etc. that provided defense and technological inputs equivalent to those available only to allies of America. It received a support to enter high tables like NSG, UNSC etc. Our position on international terrorism was almost similar. 
• India was till recently availing the benefits of GSP that made our exports more competitive in the US markets. All these steps bring the US and India closer physically and emotionally. There is great decline of cold war skepticism towards the US. 
• But everything is not as rosy as it appears. There are areas of contention between the US and India in almost all domains of strategic partnership. 
• In its dealings with Iran, India is hindered by the US sanctions on the former. Our economic policies in areas of agriculture, e-commerce, IPR regime, protection of domestic interests doesn’t go well with neo-liberal philosophy of America. 
• Recent withdrawal of USA from JCPOA, also called the Iran Nuclear deal and the imposition of sanctions on Iran, who is major exporter of oil to India and also a strategic partner of India ( Chabahar Port) with whom we enjoy civilization ties has adversely affected our relations with Iran. 
• We are not on same page in dealing with climate change. Trump’s America First Policy is keen to deprive us of benefits of GSP. Our Kashmir policy is not getting full support of America. 
• What one needs to appreciate is that these irritants in Indo-US relations are byproduct of misfit between global strategy of the US and interests of India. CAATSA humiliates India by questioning its strategic autonomy. 
• Pakistan is important for the US to deal with Afghanistan issue. Iran-US animosity if age old. By denying climate change, the US doesn’t want to lose its preeminent positions as an economic superpower. Protectionism of America is fuelled by a sense of transactional relationship spurred under Trump. Our public good approach towards agricultural products doesn’t find resonance with neo-liberal approach of the US. 

Conclusion 
Hence, what we conclude is that relations between the US and India are driven by areas where our interests converge. The US is ultimately protecting its national interests and so does India. Wherever they disagree, it’s the power of America that finds way. US policy has always been this realist. What India needs to realize is that foreign policies are driven by interests and not ideal.