Backward Castes in Post-colonial Electoral Politics | History Optional for UPSC (Notes) PDF Download

Introduction

The caste system has historically played a crucial role in determining people's access to power in society. Upper caste groups enjoy greater advantages, gaining significantly more economic and political power compared to lower caste groups, who face limitations in accessing these powers.

Backward Classes/Castes vs. Scheduled Castes (SCs)

• The issue of Backward Classes or Castes, highlighted by the Mandal report and the anti-Mandal agitation in 1990, differs from the situation of Scheduled Castes (SCs).
• Backward Castes, also known as intermediate castes, occupy a position in the ritual hierarchy below Brahmins and Kshatriyas but above Dalits.
• While they faced some ritual disabilities compared to upper castes, they typically had access to land and economic resources, unlike SCs, who endured untouchability.
• The category of Backward Castes includes significant disparities, with some castes being economically and socially powerful while others are disadvantaged.

Economic Empowerment of Backward Castes

Sociologists have observed that certain Backward Castes, such as Ahirs, Yadavas, Kurmis, Vokkaligas, Lingayats, and Lodhas, have gained economic advantages through post-independence land reforms that granted land rights to ex-tenants of zamindars. This newfound strength has translated into increased political clout and representation, allowing them to seek greater advantages in jobs, education, and other areas.

Other Backward Classes (OBCs)

OBCs, constituting nearly half of India’s electorate, are a highly diverse group.

• Some jaatis (sub-castes) within the OBC category, such as Yadavs and Kurmis in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, and Vokkaligas in Karnataka, have significant land ownership but represent a smaller portion of the population.
• This group is defined as upper OBCs.
• In contrast, lower OBCs, including groups like Badhais, Lohars, Kewats, and others, have traditionally held a smaller share of the rural economy and make up about two-thirds of the OBC population.

Political affiliations among OBCs vary, with nearly half of both lower and upper OBCs not identifying as traditional supporters of any political party, similar to other social groups in the country. However, there are distinctions between lower and upper OBCs in this regard. For instance, nearly one in four upper OBC voters identify as traditional supporters of regional parties, while about one in five lower OBC voters identify as traditional supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Caste-Based Politics During British Rule

Even during British rule, caste-based politics was evident, with figures like B.R. Ambedkar, Jagjeevan Ram, and the Justice Party playing significant roles.

Justice Party

• Originally known as the ‘South Indian Liberation Federation,’ the Justice Party was founded in 1916-17 in Madras.
• The party represented the interests of non-Brahmins and was opposed to the Brahmin-dominated Indian National Congress (INC).
• It advocated for separate representation for non-Brahmins, a demand welcomed by the British, leading to separate representation in Madras Province by the 1919 Act.
• In 1920, the party came to power in Madras Province, securing 28 reserved seats.
• The party’s name was changed to Dravid Kazhagam (DK) in 1944, under the leadership of E.V. Ramaswamy Naikar, known as ‘Periyar.’
• After a split in 1949, the Dravid Munetra Kazhagam (DMK) emerged under C.N. Annadurai’s leadership.
• DMK became a significant political force in Tamil Nadu, promoting anti-North, anti-Brahmin, and anti-Hindi sentiments, and glorifying Dravidian consciousness and culture.
• DMK played an active role in anti-Hindi agitations in the 1960s and mobilized non-Brahmins.
• After Nehru’s death in 1964, DMK came to power in 1967.
• Under M. Karunanidhi, who succeeded Annadurai in 1969, DMK continued similar politics.
• In 1972, a split in DMK led to the formation of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) under M.G. Ramachandran.
• AIADMK shared some ideas with DMK but was less rigid.
• After Karunanidhi’s death in 2018, his son M.K. Stalin became DMK president, leading the party in the 2019 general election as part of the Secular Progressive Alliance under the United Progressive Alliance (UPA).

Numerous regional political parties based on OBC support have emerged, such as the Rashtriya Janata Dal in Bihar, the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh, and the Janata Dal (Secular) in Karnataka.

Phases of Affirmative Action Politics for Backward Classes

The politics surrounding affirmative action for backward classes in post-independence India has gone through various phases, with evolving demands and responses from the government. This journey is marked by significant events and reports, particularly the Mandal Commission Report.

1. Early Advocacy and the Formation of AIBCF

• The demand for reservations for backward classes in government jobs was initially raised in the Constituent Assembly by leaders like Punjab Rao Deshmukh, following Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's similar demand for Scheduled Castes.
• To address the reservation issue for backward classes, Deshmukh founded the All India Backward Classes Federation (AIBCF) on January 26, 1950.
• Within the AIBCF, differences emerged between those aligned with the Congress Party and those with the Socialist Lohiaites, leading to a split. Despite this, the demand for reservations persisted.

2. Kaka Kalelkar Commission

• The Kaka Kalelkar Commission was established in response to the demand from backward class leaders at the time of Independence.
• However, the Commission's recommendations, which focused on class as the criterion for identifying backward classes, were rejected by Parliament. This led to calls for another commission that would consider social and educational backwardness as the criteria.

3. Mandal Commission Report

• The Mandal Commission, appointed by the Janata Party government (1977-1979), was a response to the pressure from backward class leadership.
• Under the chairmanship of B.P. Mandal, the Commission submitted its report in December 1980, estimating that OBCs (Other Backward Classes) constituted around 52 percent of the total population. However, this finding faced criticism for being based on "fictitious data."
• Due to the legal constraint that the total reservation should not exceed 50 percent, the Mandal Commission recommended 27 percent reservation for OBCs in government jobs. Key recommendations included:
• Merit-based OBC Candidates:OBC candidates recruited on merit in an open competition should not be counted against the 27 percent reservation quota.
  • Promotion Quota: The reservation should also apply to promotion quotas at all levels.
  • Unfilled Quotas: Reserved quotas that remain unfilled should be carried forward for three years and then de-reserved.
  • Age Relaxation: Relaxation in the upper age limit for direct recruitment should be extended to OBC candidates, similar to SCs and STs.
  • Roster System: A roster system for each category of posts should be adopted for OBC candidates.
• The recommendations were implemented by the V.P. Singh government in 1990, making the 27 percent reservation for OBCs in central government jobs a national issue in Indian politics.
• The implementation of the Mandal Commission report did not resolve the reservation debate, as new groups continued to seek recognition as OBCs.

4. Legal and Constitutional Developments

• The V.P. Singh government's decision triggered widespread movements, often marked by violence, complicating the reservation issue and leading to judicial interpretations.
• In the Indira Sawhney case (1992), the Supreme Court introduced the concept of the creamy layer, distinguishing between those eligible for OBC benefits and those excluded due to higher socio-economic status.
• The National Commission for Backward Classes Act (1993) was enacted by Parliament, establishing a National Commission for Backward Classes to address issues related to OBC classification.
• The Supreme Court's direction in the Indira Sawhney case led to the formation of a permanent body, such as a Commission or Tribunal, to handle requests for inclusion and complaints of over-inclusion or under-inclusion in the OBC list.
• The 123rd Constitutional Amendment Bill (2018) and the 102nd Amendment to the Constitution transformed the National Commission for Backward Classes into a constitutional body under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.

Article 338B and the NCBC Recommendations

• Article 338B was added to the Indian Constitution by Bill.
• The National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC) proposed to divide Other Backward Classes (OBCs) into ‘backward,’ ‘more backward,’ and ‘extremely backward’ categories.
• It recommended distributing the 27% reservation quota among these groups based on their population to prevent more advantaged OBCs from monopolizing the benefits.

Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment:

• The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment is a part of the Government of India.
• It focuses on the welfare and empowerment of disadvantaged and marginalized groups in society, including Scheduled Castes (SCs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs), the disabled, the elderly, and victims of drug abuse.

Commission on OBC Sub-categorization:

• On October 2, 2017, the Government constituted a Commission led by Justice (Retd.) G. Rohini under Article 340 of the Constitution.
• The Commission was tasked with examining the sub-categorization of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and had the following terms of reference:
• Assess inequitable distribution of reservation benefits among castes or communities within the OBC category.
• Develop a scientific approach for sub-categorization within OBCs, including mechanisms, criteria, norms, and parameters.
• Identify and classify castes or communities in the Central List of OBCs into sub-categories.
• The Commission requested additional time to collect caste-wise data, leading to multiple extensions of its tenure by the government.
• Stay updated on current affairs for ongoing developments in backward caste electoral politics.