This chapter focuses on the agrarian structure, social dynamics, and interactions between peasants, zamindars, and the Mughal state during the 16th and 17th centuries. Below is a concise Q&A set to help you prepare for class tests, school exams, or board-level assessments with key, repetitive questions.
The Ain-i-Akbari was authored by Abul Fazl, who served as the court historian for Emperor Akbar. This work is the third volume of the Akbarnama and provides a comprehensive account of:
Completed in 1598, the Ain-i-Akbari is a vital resource for understanding the Mughal Empire during Akbar's reign.
The Ain-i-Akbari is a significant historical document compiled by Abu'l Fazl under the direction of Emperor Akbar. Completed in 1598, it serves as a comprehensive account of the Mughal Empire's administration and society.
The Ain-i-Akbari is part of a larger work called the Akbar Nama, which consists of three books.
The Ain is the third book, focusing on:
It includes detailed descriptions of:
The document is divided into five books (daftars):
Abu'l Fazl aimed to present a vision of a harmonious society under a strong ruling class.
The Ain provides valuable insights into the Mughal Empire, although it reflects a centralised perspective.
In addition to these terms, sources occasionally use kisan or asami for peasants. Thus, Mughal records recognise raiyats (peasants) and typically distinguish two kinds: resident and migratory cultivators
The Ain-i-Akbari mentions two main agricultural seasons:
In some regions, thanks to irrigation and fertile land, it was possible to grow three crops. Areas with abundant water supply, either from canals or heavy rainfall, could support this. The Mughal agrarian policy focused on a two-season cropping cycle, which allowed for a diverse range of produce.
5. What was the role of zamindars in the Mughal agrarian system?
Zamindars played a crucial role in the Mughal agrarian system. Their responsibilities included:
Jins-i-Kamil refers to 'perfect crops' that were highly valued in Mughal India. These crops included:
The Mughal state promoted the cultivation of Jins-i-Kamil because:
The classification of land during Akbar's administration included:
The revenue for Polaj and Parauti was set at one-third of the average produce over ten years. This was based on:
Both categories were further divided into three quality grades: good, middling, and inferior. The average yield from these grades determined the state’s share, which was one-third of the medium yield. Revenue collectors averaged expected yields over a decade, demanding about one-third of that average as tax, payable in either cash or kind. The Chachar and Banjir lands were typically taxed separately when brought back into cultivation.
The Zabt (Bandobast) system, introduced under Akbar (circa 1580), was a land-measurement-based tax assessment. Its key features were:
Measurement of land: Every village was surveyed and field sizes measured accurately (using bamboo rods called tanab instead of ropes).
Fixed crop rates: Based on soil productivity and crop prices, officials fixed (in cash) an official rate (dastur) for each crop in each locality. This was calculated from a ten-year average of yields and prices (daśsalā assessment).
Cash collection: The revenue demand was collected mostly in cash (though peasants could pay in kind if needed).
Stable share: Typically, the state’s demand was one-third of the average produce of Polāj/Pārauti land.
Record-keeping: Detailed village accounts were maintained, and fixed receipts were issued on payment.
The Zabt system ensured a systematic, verifiable revenue assessment: land was measured, yields averaged, and a fixed (approximately one-third) share in cash was set for the treasury
Kankut was a method used to estimate agricultural produce based on sample measurements and observations. The term is derived from two words: kan (meaning grain) and kut (meaning estimate).
Bātāi (also called bhāoli) was a crop-sharing system of revenue. Under standard Bātāi, the harvested crop was divided between the cultivator and the state after reaping. Two common variants were:
Khet-Bātai: The share was agreed and marked when the crop was still standing in the field. A line (khatt) would demarcate the portion to be given to the state.
Lang-Bātai: The crop was cut and stacked without separating grain from chaff; the stacks were then divided. For example, if the state’s share was set at half, half the stacks (every second pile) would go to the treasury.
Zamindars were the apex of the village pyramid: they held fiscal responsibility (tax collection), maintained order (through armed strength), and played a patronage role in the countryside. While sometimes exploitative, they also provided loans and security to peasants, acting as local chieftains under Mughal authority.
Multiple sources emphasize that land revenue was the Mughal state’s economic backbone. Abul Fazl explicitly noted that a ruler could in theory demand even all possessions of his subjects, but just sovereigns limited revenue to what was needed.
(a) Land Revenue as the Principal Source of State Income
Land revenue (mal or kharaj) formed the backbone of the Mughal fiscal system, constituting a significantly higher share of state income than customs, excise, judicial fines, or tributes. Akbar, supported by his finance minister Raja Todar Mal, focused on reforming this system to stabilise the empire’s finances
(b) Development of a Formal Bureaucratic Structure
A systematic administrative framework for land revenue existed at every level—from Subahs (provinces) to Mahals (village clusters). Officials such as Diwans, Amils, Qanungos, Karoris, and Patwaris conducted land surveys, maintained settlement records, classified soils, and oversaw collections. This layered bureaucracy ensured efficient fiscal oversight.
(c) Introduction of the Zabti (Ain-i-Dahsala) System
Between 1570 and 1580, Todar Mal introduced the zabt system under Akbar, which assessed land based on a ten-year average of harvests and prices. Revenue demand was fixed as approximately one-third of the average produce, collected largely in cash. This method replaced earlier approximate systems, reducing corruption and aligning tax with actual productivity.
(d) Support for Agrarian Expansion and Monetary Flow
Mughal policies promoted cultivation of fallow land via tax concessions and encouraged cash payments, facilitating the growth of commercial crops like cotton, indigo and opium. The monetised revenue system fed into broader economic development and trade.
(e) Linkage with Mansabdari and Central Authority
Land revenue collections tied into the mansabdari system: land assignments (jagirs) were allocated to nobles and officers in exchange for service quotas, reinforcing the connection between fiscal resources and imperial military structure.
(f) Adaptability and Relief Mechanisms
Flexible provisions—like allowing payments in kind or cash, offering rebates during famines, and granting hereditary rights to zamindars—helped ease peasant burdens and guaranteed a reliable and humane revenue system.
(a) Integral Element of the Village Community
Mughal sources describe the village community as comprising three essential elements: the cultivators (peasants), the panchayat (council of elders), and the headman (muqaddam or mandal). The panchayat, as one of the three pillars, was central to village governance and social structure.
(b) Representative Council of Diverse Groups
The panchayat was typically a heterogeneous assembly of elders representing different caste groups and communities, except the poorest menials. By including key castes, it ensured that all significant sections of the village had a say in collective decisions.
(c) Institutional Headed by the Muqaddam
The headman—muqaddam or mandal—was chosen by village elders and often ratified by the zamindar. He oversaw daily administration, coordinated accounting with the patwari, and acted as intermediary between villagers and state authorities.
(d) Management of Communal Funds
Panchayats collected contributions from villagers into a common pool. These funds were allocated for community welfare, such as entertaining revenue officers, building canals or bunds, and responding to floods or droughts.
(e) Legal and Social Authority
The panchayat held judicial power at the village level. Its decisions on dispute resolution, caste regulation, land claims, marriages, and ritual precedence were binding on villagers and were respected by the state in non‑criminal matters.
(f) Regulation of Caste Norms and Social Order
One of its vital roles was enforcing caste boundaries. Panchayats levied fines and could expel members for social offences, thereby maintaining social cohesion and hierarchy.
(g) Platform for Grievance Redressal
Lower-caste villagers and artisans could appeal to the panchayat against unfair taxes, forced labour, or zamindar exactions. The body often mediated compromise; if this failed, villagers might desert the village to protest.
Akbar’s governance featured a structured central and provincial administration, with specialized ministries (Wazir, Mir Bakshi, etc.) and a tiered hierarchy (subah–sarkar–pargana–village). The mansabdari system, detailed in Ain-i-Akbari, combined civil and military roles, requiring nobles to maintain troops and horses under strict oversight.
Central Administration:
Provincial Administration:
Revenue Administration:
Mansabdari System & Army:
Military Logistics:
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1. What was the significance of the administrative organization under Akbar? | ![]() |
2. How did the relationship between peasants, zamindars, and the state evolve during Akbar's reign? | ![]() |
3. What were the key features of Akbar's revenue system? | ![]() |
4. In what ways did Akbar's policies impact the zamindars? | ![]() |
5. What strategies did Akbar employ to ensure loyalty among his officials and subjects? | ![]() |