Question based on the following passage. The following passage is adapted from Oscar Wilde, The Canterville Ghost, published in 1887. When Mr. Hiram B. Otis, the American Minister, bought Canterville Chase, everyone told him that the place was haunted. Indeed, Lord Canterville himself, a man of punctilious (5) honor, felt it his duty to mention the fact to Mr. Otis when they came to discuss terms. “We have not cared to live in the place ourselves,” said Lord Canterville, “since the Dowager Duchess of Bolton was frightened into (10) a fit by two skeleton hands on her shoulders as she was dressing for dinner. The ghost has been seen by several members of my family, as well as by the Rev. Augustus Dampier, a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge.” (15) “My Lord,” answered the Minister, “I will take the furniture and the ghost at a valuation. I come from a modern country, and I reckon that if there were such a thing as a ghost in Europe, we’d have it at home in a very short time in one of our (20) public museums.” “I fear that the ghost exists,” said Lord Canterville, smiling, “though it may have resisted the overtures of your enterprising impresarios. It has been well known for three centuries, since (25) 1584 in fact, and always makes its appearance before the death of any member of our family.” “Well, so does the family doctor for that matter, Lord Canterville. But there is no such thing, sir, as a ghost, and I guess the laws of (30) Nature are not going to be suspended for the British aristocracy.” After the purchase was concluded, the Minister and his family went down to Canterville Chase. Mrs. Otis, who, as Miss Lucretia R. Tappan (35) had been a celebrated New York belle, was now a very handsome, middle-aged woman. Her eldest son, christened Washington by his parents in a moment of patriotism, was a fair-haired, rather good-looking young man. (40) Standing on the steps to receive them was old Mrs. Umney, the housekeeper, whom Mrs. Otis, at Lady Canterville's earnest request, had consented to keep on in her former position. Following her into the library, they found tea laid out for them, (45) sat down and began to look round. Suddenly Mrs. Otis caught sight of a dull red stain on the floor just by the fireplace and said to Mrs. Umney, “I am afraid something has been spilt there.” (50) “Yes, madam,” replied the old housekeeper in a low voice, “blood has been spilt on that spot.” “How horrid,” cried Mrs. Otis; “I don't at all care for bloodstains in a sitting-room. It must be removed at once.” (55) The old woman answered in the same low, mysterious voice, “It is the blood of Lady Eleanore de Canterville, who was murdered on that spot by her husband, Sir Simon de Canterville, in 1575. His guilty spirit still haunts the Chase. The blood- (60) stain has been much admired by tourists and others, and cannot be removed.” “That is all nonsense,” cried Washington; “Pinkerton's Champion Stain Remover will clean it up in no time,” and before the terrified (65) housekeeper could interfere he was rapidly scouring the floor. In a few moments no trace of the blood-stain could be seen. “I knew Pinkerton would do it,” he exclaimed triumphantly, as he looked round at his admiring (70) family. A terrible flash of lightning lit up the somber room, a fearful peal of thunder made them all start to their feet, and Mrs. Umney fainted. “What a monstrous climate!” said the American Minister calmly. “I guess the old (75) country is so overpopulated that they have not enough decent weather for everybody. I have always been of opinion that emigration is the only thing for England.” “My dear Hiram,” cried Mrs. Otis, “what can (80) we do with a woman who faints?” “Charge it to her like breakages,” answered the Minister; “she won't faint after that;” and in a few moments Mrs. Umney certainly came to. There was no doubt, however, that she was upset, (85) and she sternly warned Mr. Otis to beware of some trouble coming to the house. “Many and many a night,” she said, “I have not closed my eyes in sleep for the awful things that are done here.” Mr. Otis, however, and his (90) wife warmly assured the honest soul that they were not afraid of ghosts, and, after invoking the blessings of Providence on her new master and mistress, and making arrangements for an increase of salary, the old housekeeper tottered (95) off to her own room. Q. Which choice best describes what happens in the passage?

An American family is horrified to discover that an estate they have recently purchased is haunted.

An honorable gentleman is dismayed to learn that his family estate was the sight of a horrible crime.

An American family displays nonchalance with regard to a strange revelation about its new estate.

An estate owner and his staff conspire to scare away the prospective new American owners.

Question based on the following passage. The following passage is adapted from Oscar Wilde, The Canterville Ghost, published in 1887. When Mr. Hiram B. Otis, the American Minister, bought Canterville Chase, everyone told him that the place was haunted. Indeed, Lord Canterville himself, a man of punctilious (5) honor, felt it his duty to mention the fact to Mr. Otis when they came to discuss terms. “We have not cared to live in the place ourselves,” said Lord Canterville, “since the Dowager Duchess of Bolton was frightened into (10) a fit by two skeleton hands on her shoulders as she was dressing for dinner. The ghost has been seen by several members of my family, as well as by the Rev. Augustus Dampier, a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge.” (15) “My Lord,” answered the Minister, “I will take the furniture and the ghost at a valuation. I come from a modern country, and I reckon that if there were such a thing as a ghost in Europe, we’d have it at home in a very short time in one of our (20) public museums.” “I fear that the ghost exists,” said Lord Canterville, smiling, “though it may have resisted the overtures of your enterprising impresarios. It has been well known for three centuries, since (25) 1584 in fact, and always makes its appearance before the death of any member of our family.” “Well, so does the family doctor for that matter, Lord Canterville. But there is no such thing, sir, as a ghost, and I guess the laws of (30) Nature are not going to be suspended for the British aristocracy.” After the purchase was concluded, the Minister and his family went down to Canterville Chase. Mrs. Otis, who, as Miss Lucretia R. Tappan (35) had been a celebrated New York belle, was now a very handsome, middle-aged woman. Her eldest son, christened Washington by his parents in a moment of patriotism, was a fair-haired, rather good-looking young man. (40) Standing on the steps to receive them was old Mrs. Umney, the housekeeper, whom Mrs. Otis, at Lady Canterville's earnest request, had consented to keep on in her former position. Following her into the library, they found tea laid out for them, (45) sat down and began to look round. Suddenly Mrs. Otis caught sight of a dull red stain on the floor just by the fireplace and said to Mrs. Umney, “I am afraid something has been spilt there.” (50) “Yes, madam,” replied the old housekeeper in a low voice, “blood has been spilt on that spot.” “How horrid,” cried Mrs. Otis; “I don't at all care for bloodstains in a sitting-room. It must be removed at once.” (55) The old woman answered in the same low, mysterious voice, “It is the blood of Lady Eleanore de Canterville, who was murdered on that spot by her husband, Sir Simon de Canterville, in 1575. His guilty spirit still haunts the Chase. The blood- (60) stain has been much admired by tourists and others, and cannot be removed.” “That is all nonsense,” cried Washington; “Pinkerton's Champion Stain Remover will clean it up in no time,” and before the terrified (65) housekeeper could interfere he was rapidly scouring the floor. In a few moments no trace of the blood-stain could be seen. “I knew Pinkerton would do it,” he exclaimed triumphantly, as he looked round at his admiring (70) family. A terrible flash of lightning lit up the somber room, a fearful peal of thunder made them all start to their feet, and Mrs. Umney fainted. “What a monstrous climate!” said the American Minister calmly. “I guess the old (75) country is so overpopulated that they have not enough decent weather for everybody. I have always been of opinion that emigration is the only thing for England.” “My dear Hiram,” cried Mrs. Otis, “what can (80) we do with a woman who faints?” “Charge it to her like breakages,” answered the Minister; “she won't faint after that;” and in a few moments Mrs. Umney certainly came to. There was no doubt, however, that she was upset, (85) and she sternly warned Mr. Otis to beware of some trouble coming to the house. “Many and many a night,” she said, “I have not closed my eyes in sleep for the awful things that are done here.” Mr. Otis, however, and his (90) wife warmly assured the honest soul that they were not afraid of ghosts, and, after invoking the blessings of Providence on her new master and mistress, and making arrangements for an increase of salary, the old housekeeper tottered (95) off to her own room. Q. Which choice best describes the tone and developmental pattern of the passage?

A somber analysis of social traditions

An ominous introduction of two nemeses

A farcical recounting of a bizarre anecdote

A humorous parody of British formality

Question based on the following passage. The following passage is adapted from Oscar Wilde, The Canterville Ghost, published in 1887. When Mr. Hiram B. Otis, the American Minister, bought Canterville Chase, everyone told him that the place was haunted. Indeed, Lord Canterville himself, a man of punctilious (5) honor, felt it his duty to mention the fact to Mr. Otis when they came to discuss terms. “We have not cared to live in the place ourselves,” said Lord Canterville, “since the Dowager Duchess of Bolton was frightened into (10) a fit by two skeleton hands on her shoulders as she was dressing for dinner. The ghost has been seen by several members of my family, as well as by the Rev. Augustus Dampier, a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge.” (15) “My Lord,” answered the Minister, “I will take the furniture and the ghost at a valuation. I come from a modern country, and I reckon that if there were such a thing as a ghost in Europe, we’d have it at home in a very short time in one of our (20) public museums.” “I fear that the ghost exists,” said Lord Canterville, smiling, “though it may have resisted the overtures of your enterprising impresarios. It has been well known for three centuries, since (25) 1584 in fact, and always makes its appearance before the death of any member of our family.” “Well, so does the family doctor for that matter, Lord Canterville. But there is no such thing, sir, as a ghost, and I guess the laws of (30) Nature are not going to be suspended for the British aristocracy.” After the purchase was concluded, the Minister and his family went down to Canterville Chase. Mrs. Otis, who, as Miss Lucretia R. Tappan (35) had been a celebrated New York belle, was now a very handsome, middle-aged woman. Her eldest son, christened Washington by his parents in a moment of patriotism, was a fair-haired, rather good-looking young man. (40) Standing on the steps to receive them was old Mrs. Umney, the housekeeper, whom Mrs. Otis, at Lady Canterville's earnest request, had consented to keep on in her former position. Following her into the library, they found tea laid out for them, (45) sat down and began to look round. Suddenly Mrs. Otis caught sight of a dull red stain on the floor just by the fireplace and said to Mrs. Umney, “I am afraid something has been spilt there.” (50) “Yes, madam,” replied the old housekeeper in a low voice, “blood has been spilt on that spot.” “How horrid,” cried Mrs. Otis; “I don't at all care for bloodstains in a sitting-room. It must be removed at once.” (55) The old woman answered in the same low, mysterious voice, “It is the blood of Lady Eleanore de Canterville, who was murdered on that spot by her husband, Sir Simon de Canterville, in 1575. His guilty spirit still haunts the Chase. The blood- (60) stain has been much admired by tourists and others, and cannot be removed.” “That is all nonsense,” cried Washington; “Pinkerton's Champion Stain Remover will clean it up in no time,” and before the terrified (65) housekeeper could interfere he was rapidly scouring the floor. In a few moments no trace of the blood-stain could be seen. “I knew Pinkerton would do it,” he exclaimed triumphantly, as he looked round at his admiring (70) family. A terrible flash of lightning lit up the somber room, a fearful peal of thunder made them all start to their feet, and Mrs. Umney fainted. “What a monstrous climate!” said the American Minister calmly. “I guess the old (75) country is so overpopulated that they have not enough decent weather for everybody. I have always been of opinion that emigration is the only thing for England.” “My dear Hiram,” cried Mrs. Otis, “what can (80) we do with a woman who faints?” “Charge it to her like breakages,” answered the Minister; “she won't faint after that;” and in a few moments Mrs. Umney certainly came to. There was no doubt, however, that she was upset, (85) and she sternly warned Mr. Otis to beware of some trouble coming to the house. “Many and many a night,” she said, “I have not closed my eyes in sleep for the awful things that are done here.” Mr. Otis, however, and his (90) wife warmly assured the honest soul that they were not afraid of ghosts, and, after invoking the blessings of Providence on her new master and mistress, and making arrangements for an increase of salary, the old housekeeper tottered (95) off to her own room. Q. Lord Canterville mentions the titles of Augustus Dampier in line 13 in order to emphasize

the status of Lord Canterville’s family.

the extent of Lord Canterville’s learning.

the gravity of Lord Canterville’s warning.

the credibility of Lord Canterville’s claim.

Question based on the following passage. The following passage is adapted from Oscar Wilde, The Canterville Ghost, published in 1887. When Mr. Hiram B. Otis, the American Minister, bought Canterville Chase, everyone told him that the place was haunted. Indeed, Lord Canterville himself, a man of punctilious (5) honor, felt it his duty to mention the fact to Mr. Otis when they came to discuss terms. “We have not cared to live in the place ourselves,” said Lord Canterville, “since the Dowager Duchess of Bolton was frightened into (10) a fit by two skeleton hands on her shoulders as she was dressing for dinner. The ghost has been seen by several members of my family, as well as by the Rev. Augustus Dampier, a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge.” (15) “My Lord,” answered the Minister, “I will take the furniture and the ghost at a valuation. I come from a modern country, and I reckon that if there were such a thing as a ghost in Europe, we’d have it at home in a very short time in one of our (20) public museums.” “I fear that the ghost exists,” said Lord Canterville, smiling, “though it may have resisted the overtures of your enterprising impresarios. It has been well known for three centuries, since (25) 1584 in fact, and always makes its appearance before the death of any member of our family.” “Well, so does the family doctor for that matter, Lord Canterville. But there is no such thing, sir, as a ghost, and I guess the laws of (30) Nature are not going to be suspended for the British aristocracy.” After the purchase was concluded, the Minister and his family went down to Canterville Chase. Mrs. Otis, who, as Miss Lucretia R. Tappan (35) had been a celebrated New York belle, was now a very handsome, middle-aged woman. Her eldest son, christened Washington by his parents in a moment of patriotism, was a fair-haired, rather good-looking young man. (40) Standing on the steps to receive them was old Mrs. Umney, the housekeeper, whom Mrs. Otis, at Lady Canterville's earnest request, had consented to keep on in her former position. Following her into the library, they found tea laid out for them, (45) sat down and began to look round. Suddenly Mrs. Otis caught sight of a dull red stain on the floor just by the fireplace and said to Mrs. Umney, “I am afraid something has been spilt there.” (50) “Yes, madam,” replied the old housekeeper in a low voice, “blood has been spilt on that spot.” “How horrid,” cried Mrs. Otis; “I don't at all care for bloodstains in a sitting-room. It must be removed at once.” (55) The old woman answered in the same low, mysterious voice, “It is the blood of Lady Eleanore de Canterville, who was murdered on that spot by her husband, Sir Simon de Canterville, in 1575. His guilty spirit still haunts the Chase. The blood- (60) stain has been much admired by tourists and others, and cannot be removed.” “That is all nonsense,” cried Washington; “Pinkerton's Champion Stain Remover will clean it up in no time,” and before the terrified (65) housekeeper could interfere he was rapidly scouring the floor. In a few moments no trace of the blood-stain could be seen. “I knew Pinkerton would do it,” he exclaimed triumphantly, as he looked round at his admiring (70) family. A terrible flash of lightning lit up the somber room, a fearful peal of thunder made them all start to their feet, and Mrs. Umney fainted. “What a monstrous climate!” said the American Minister calmly. “I guess the old (75) country is so overpopulated that they have not enough decent weather for everybody. I have always been of opinion that emigration is the only thing for England.” “My dear Hiram,” cried Mrs. Otis, “what can (80) we do with a woman who faints?” “Charge it to her like breakages,” answered the Minister; “she won't faint after that;” and in a few moments Mrs. Umney certainly came to. There was no doubt, however, that she was upset, (85) and she sternly warned Mr. Otis to beware of some trouble coming to the house. “Many and many a night,” she said, “I have not closed my eyes in sleep for the awful things that are done here.” Mr. Otis, however, and his (90) wife warmly assured the honest soul that they were not afraid of ghosts, and, after invoking the blessings of Providence on her new master and mistress, and making arrangements for an increase of salary, the old housekeeper tottered (95) off to her own room. Q. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?

Lines 50–51 (“Yes . . . spot”)

Line 59 (“His guilty . . . the Chase”)

Lines 62–64 (“That is all . . . no time”)

Lines 70–72 (“A terrible . . . fainted”)

Question based on the following passage. The following passage is adapted from Oscar Wilde, The Canterville Ghost, published in 1887. When Mr. Hiram B. Otis, the American Minister, bought Canterville Chase, everyone told him that the place was haunted. Indeed, Lord Canterville himself, a man of punctilious (5) honor, felt it his duty to mention the fact to Mr. Otis when they came to discuss terms. “We have not cared to live in the place ourselves,” said Lord Canterville, “since the Dowager Duchess of Bolton was frightened into (10) a fit by two skeleton hands on her shoulders as she was dressing for dinner. The ghost has been seen by several members of my family, as well as by the Rev. Augustus Dampier, a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge.” (15) “My Lord,” answered the Minister, “I will take the furniture and the ghost at a valuation. I come from a modern country, and I reckon that if there were such a thing as a ghost in Europe, we’d have it at home in a very short time in one of our (20) public museums.” “I fear that the ghost exists,” said Lord Canterville, smiling, “though it may have resisted the overtures of your enterprising impresarios. It has been well known for three centuries, since (25) 1584 in fact, and always makes its appearance before the death of any member of our family.” “Well, so does the family doctor for that matter, Lord Canterville. But there is no such thing, sir, as a ghost, and I guess the laws of (30) Nature are not going to be suspended for the British aristocracy.” After the purchase was concluded, the Minister and his family went down to Canterville Chase. Mrs. Otis, who, as Miss Lucretia R. Tappan (35) had been a celebrated New York belle, was now a very handsome, middle-aged woman. Her eldest son, christened Washington by his parents in a moment of patriotism, was a fair-haired, rather good-looking young man. (40) Standing on the steps to receive them was old Mrs. Umney, the housekeeper, whom Mrs. Otis, at Lady Canterville's earnest request, had consented to keep on in her former position. Following her into the library, they found tea laid out for them, (45) sat down and began to look round. Suddenly Mrs. Otis caught sight of a dull red stain on the floor just by the fireplace and said to Mrs. Umney, “I am afraid something has been spilt there.” (50) “Yes, madam,” replied the old housekeeper in a low voice, “blood has been spilt on that spot.” “How horrid,” cried Mrs. Otis; “I don't at all care for bloodstains in a sitting-room. It must be removed at once.” (55) The old woman answered in the same low, mysterious voice, “It is the blood of Lady Eleanore de Canterville, who was murdered on that spot by her husband, Sir Simon de Canterville, in 1575. His guilty spirit still haunts the Chase. The blood- (60) stain has been much admired by tourists and others, and cannot be removed.” “That is all nonsense,” cried Washington; “Pinkerton's Champion Stain Remover will clean it up in no time,” and before the terrified (65) housekeeper could interfere he was rapidly scouring the floor. In a few moments no trace of the blood-stain could be seen. “I knew Pinkerton would do it,” he exclaimed triumphantly, as he looked round at his admiring (70) family. A terrible flash of lightning lit up the somber room, a fearful peal of thunder made them all start to their feet, and Mrs. Umney fainted. “What a monstrous climate!” said the American Minister calmly. “I guess the old (75) country is so overpopulated that they have not enough decent weather for everybody. I have always been of opinion that emigration is the only thing for England.” “My dear Hiram,” cried Mrs. Otis, “what can (80) we do with a woman who faints?” “Charge it to her like breakages,” answered the Minister; “she won't faint after that;” and in a few moments Mrs. Umney certainly came to. There was no doubt, however, that she was upset, (85) and she sternly warned Mr. Otis to beware of some trouble coming to the house. “Many and many a night,” she said, “I have not closed my eyes in sleep for the awful things that are done here.” Mr. Otis, however, and his (90) wife warmly assured the honest soul that they were not afraid of ghosts, and, after invoking the blessings of Providence on her new master and mistress, and making arrangements for an increase of salary, the old housekeeper tottered (95) off to her own room. Q. Mr. Otis dismisses the claims that Canterville Chase is haunted because

he does not trust the people who have made those claims.

he believes that the British ghost will defer to the American owners and leave.

he thinks that the existence of ghosts would violate scientific principles.

he knows that Lord Canterville is delusional.

Question based on the following passage. The following passage is adapted from Oscar Wilde, The Canterville Ghost, published in 1887. When Mr. Hiram B. Otis, the American Minister, bought Canterville Chase, everyone told him that the place was haunted. Indeed, Lord Canterville himself, a man of punctilious (5) honor, felt it his duty to mention the fact to Mr. Otis when they came to discuss terms. “We have not cared to live in the place ourselves,” said Lord Canterville, “since the Dowager Duchess of Bolton was frightened into (10) a fit by two skeleton hands on her shoulders as she was dressing for dinner. The ghost has been seen by several members of my family, as well as by the Rev. Augustus Dampier, a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge.” (15) “My Lord,” answered the Minister, “I will take the furniture and the ghost at a valuation. I come from a modern country, and I reckon that if there were such a thing as a ghost in Europe, we’d have it at home in a very short time in one of our (20) public museums.” “I fear that the ghost exists,” said Lord Canterville, smiling, “though it may have resisted the overtures of your enterprising impresarios. It has been well known for three centuries, since (25) 1584 in fact, and always makes its appearance before the death of any member of our family.” “Well, so does the family doctor for that matter, Lord Canterville. But there is no such thing, sir, as a ghost, and I guess the laws of (30) Nature are not going to be suspended for the British aristocracy.” After the purchase was concluded, the Minister and his family went down to Canterville Chase. Mrs. Otis, who, as Miss Lucretia R. Tappan (35) had been a celebrated New York belle, was now a very handsome, middle-aged woman. Her eldest son, christened Washington by his parents in a moment of patriotism, was a fair-haired, rather good-looking young man. (40) Standing on the steps to receive them was old Mrs. Umney, the housekeeper, whom Mrs. Otis, at Lady Canterville's earnest request, had consented to keep on in her former position. Following her into the library, they found tea laid out for them, (45) sat down and began to look round. Suddenly Mrs. Otis caught sight of a dull red stain on the floor just by the fireplace and said to Mrs. Umney, “I am afraid something has been spilt there.” (50) “Yes, madam,” replied the old housekeeper in a low voice, “blood has been spilt on that spot.” “How horrid,” cried Mrs. Otis; “I don't at all care for bloodstains in a sitting-room. It must be removed at once.” (55) The old woman answered in the same low, mysterious voice, “It is the blood of Lady Eleanore de Canterville, who was murdered on that spot by her husband, Sir Simon de Canterville, in 1575. His guilty spirit still haunts the Chase. The blood- (60) stain has been much admired by tourists and others, and cannot be removed.” “That is all nonsense,” cried Washington; “Pinkerton's Champion Stain Remover will clean it up in no time,” and before the terrified (65) housekeeper could interfere he was rapidly scouring the floor. In a few moments no trace of the blood-stain could be seen. “I knew Pinkerton would do it,” he exclaimed triumphantly, as he looked round at his admiring (70) family. A terrible flash of lightning lit up the somber room, a fearful peal of thunder made them all start to their feet, and Mrs. Umney fainted. “What a monstrous climate!” said the American Minister calmly. “I guess the old (75) country is so overpopulated that they have not enough decent weather for everybody. I have always been of opinion that emigration is the only thing for England.” “My dear Hiram,” cried Mrs. Otis, “what can (80) we do with a woman who faints?” “Charge it to her like breakages,” answered the Minister; “she won't faint after that;” and in a few moments Mrs. Umney certainly came to. There was no doubt, however, that she was upset, (85) and she sternly warned Mr. Otis to beware of some trouble coming to the house. “Many and many a night,” she said, “I have not closed my eyes in sleep for the awful things that are done here.” Mr. Otis, however, and his (90) wife warmly assured the honest soul that they were not afraid of ghosts, and, after invoking the blessings of Providence on her new master and mistress, and making arrangements for an increase of salary, the old housekeeper tottered (95) off to her own room. Q. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?

Lines 15–16 (“My Lord . . . valuation”)

Lines 28–31 (“But there . . . aristocracy”)

Lines 74–76 (“I guess . . . everybody”)

Lines 76–78 (“I have . . . for England”)

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. Which situation best illustrates “Say’s Law of Markets” (lines 10–14)?

The annual cost of maintaining highways is increasing because the number of cars using those highways is increasing.

As a country expands its Internet capacity, businesses and individuals increase their Internet usage proportionally.

The supply of produce in supermarkets declines because temporary farm workers are unavailable to pick crops during harvest season.

The price of oil increases due to an embargo on petroleum-exporting nations during a political conflict.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. The author recognizes a potential objection to the position he takes in the passage by

admitting that some of the data he cites may be questionable.

conceding that he lacks particular expertise in civil engineering.

acknowledging an economic theory that contradicts his thesis.

questioning the feasibility of building more roads.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?

Lines 10–14 (“For . . . pointless”)

Lines 17–18 (“Traffic . . . years”)

Lines 41–44 (“From . . . accordingly”)

Lines 49–53 (“Places . . . traffic”)

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. The author discusses the Indiana Toll Road primarily to

give evidence that the U.S. may have reached “peak car.”

support the claim that road maintenance should be financed through taxes rather than tolls.

refute the suggestion that the privatization of roads is fiscally responsible.

criticize the process by which traffic data have been gathered in recent years.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. According to the graph, approximately how long did it take for the total number of vehicle miles driven annually in the U.S. to double from the baseline in 1971?

As of 2014 the total number of vehicle miles had not yet doubled from the 1971 baseline.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. The author suggests that many modern urbanists

hope to thwart plans to build more roads.

want to relieve congestion by building more roads.

see toll roads as a good source of revenue.

are working to make mass transit more affordable.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?

Lines 6–9 (“But while . . . policy”)

Lines 14–16 (“But if . . . all”)

Lines 65–67 (“Not . . . forecasts”)

Lines 71–73 (“Urbanists . . . car”)

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?

In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.

The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.

Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.

In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014. As traffic levels in the United States decline in defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a number of commentators have claimed that we've reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in (5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes to an end. But while this has been celebrated by many urbanists as undermining plans for more roads, we have yet to face the implications peak car has for public policy. (10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the supply of driving lanes only increases the number of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've (15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can build our way out of congestion after all. Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since. (20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994 levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel shows a marked reversal. These data are complemented by a slew of recent stories about the poor financial (25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part from traffic falling far below projections. On the Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt. (30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic growth in the past have largely been played out: household size declines, suburbanization, the entry of women into the workforce, one car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will (35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of how many more women will join the labor force. This is potentially very good fiscal news, especially given tight budgets. Clearly many (40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven by speculative demand should be revisited. From top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their forecasting models to better correspond to reality, and then revisit highway plans accordingly. (45) But we must also pay attention to the flip side of peak car. Although speculative highway expansion projects may be dubious, there may be good reasons now to build projects designed to alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like (50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which has great economic and social consequences, not the least of which is the value of untold hours lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's (55) worth building some of the planned freeway expansions there in light of peak car. In short, in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the argument for building or expanding roads. (60) On the other hand, many of the regional development plans designed to promote compact central city development and transit may be predicated on an analysis that assumes large future traffic increases in a “business as usual” (65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of regional planning are dependent on traffic forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just (70) highway building ones. Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes need to think about the full implications of peak car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should (75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more nuanced approach that neither overestimates demand, nor ignores the problems caused by rapid growth in some regions and pockets of congestion in others. Q. As used in lines 31–32, “been played out” most nearly means

reached the limit of their impact.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. Passage 1 is adapted from Radhika Singh, “Mice Utopias and the Behavioral Sink," published July 31, 2015 in the blog of The Borgen Project (borgenproject. org). Passage 2 is adapted from Frans de Waal, “Is it 'Behavioral Sink' or Resource Distribution?" published in Scientific American online July 21, 2010. Passage 1 In 1972, behavioral researcher John Calhoun introduced four breeding pairs of mice into a box 9-feet square and 4.5-feet high. It was a “perfect (5) universe:” the mice were safe from predators and disease and given ample food and water. They doubled in population every 55 days. However, within a year males stopped defending their territory, random violence broke (10) out, and female mice attacked their own offspring. Normal social bonds and interactions completely broke down. Infant abandonment soared, and mortality climbed. Cannibalism appeared, even though there was more than enough food. Fertile (15) females closed themselves off from society, and males of reproductive age—Calhoun called them the “beautiful ones”—did nothing but eat, sleep and groom. Calhoun called this breakdown the (20) “behavioral sink,” vand believed it came about when there were too many mice and a lack of important social roles for each one to play. Even when enough of the population died off so that only an optimal population remained, the mice (25) were not able to return to their natural behavior. This connection between a breakdown of social bonds and violence was observed by Emile Durkheim in the late 19th century. In traditional societies, where family expectations and religion (30) held sway, people enjoyed strong social bonds and had distinct social roles to fill. However, as they moved to cities, they found they were fighting for a place in society. In exasperation and a state of helplessness, many fell into poverty or (35) turned to crime, violence and even suicide. The fear of failing to be a productive member of society and fulfilling social roles can also push people, like the “beautiful ones,” into isolating themselves. For instance, Japanese “hikikomori” (40) refuse to leave their rooms, sometimes for years, because they feel shame for being unable to fulfill familial expectations. However, it is not clear that a high population density necessarily leads to a breakdown of (45) society and social roles. Humans might be able, with our ingenuity, to create social roles for everyone and avoid the behavioral sink. Some critics, such as psychologist Jonathan Freedam, suggested that it was not the density of (50) population that overwhelmed the mice but the large number of social interactions they had to deal with. Humans are able to avoid this, even while living in a highly dense area. Passage 2 In the 1960s, John Calhoun placed a group (55) of rats in a room and observed how the animals killed, sexually assaulted and, eventually, cannibalized one another. This behavioral deviancy led Calhoun to coin the phrase “behavioral sink.” (60) In no time, popularizers were comparing politically motivated street riots with rat packs and inner cities to behavioral sinks. Warning that society was heading for either anarchy or dictatorship, Robert Ardrey, a popular science (65) journalist, remarked in 1970 on the voluntary nature of human crowding and its ill effects. The negative impact of crowding became a central tenet of the voluminous literature on aggression. In extrapolating from rodents to people, (70) however, these writers were making a giant leap. Compare, for instance, the per capita murder rates with the number of people per square kilometer in different nations. There is in fact no statistically meaningful relation. Among free- (75) market nations, the U.S. has the highest homicide rate despite a low population density. To see how other primates respond to being packed together, we compared rhesus monkeys in crowded cages with those roaming free (80) on Morgan Island in South Carolina. We also compared chimpanzees in indoor enclosures with those living on large forested islands. Nothing like the expected crowding effects could be found. If anything, primates become (85) more sociable in captivity, grooming each other more—probably in an effort to counter the potential of conflict, which is greater the closer they live together. Primates are excellent at conflict resolution. (90) For the future of the world this means that crowding by itself is perhaps not the problem it is made it out to be. Resource distribution seems the real issue. This was already true for Calhoun's rats, the violence among them could be explained (95) by concentrated food sources and competition. Also for humans, I would worry more about sustainability and resource distribution than population density. Phase A: Days 1–104 (Social Adjustment): Mice are introduced (4 males and 4 females). Nests are established. Phase B: Days 105–315 (Rapid growth): Population doubles every 55 days. Male strength corresponds to frequency of reproduction. As crowding develops, immature males begin to proliferate within the population. Phase C: Days 316–560 (Stagnation): Population doubles every 145 days. Male ability to defend territory declines. Nursing females become more aggressive, even towards own offspring. By midway point in Phase C, virtually all young are prematurely rejected by their mothers. Although 20% of nest sites are unoccupied, there is severe overcrowding in other sites. Withdrawn males become more violent toward each other. Phase D: Days 561–1588 (Death): Population begins to decline on Day 561. Incidences of pregnancy decline rapidly with no young surviving. The last 1000 mice born grow up with no social skills or ability to defend territory. The males become withdrawn and obsessed with their own grooming. Q. Which choice best describes the relationship between the two passages?

They propose alternate theories about how humans can avoid the behavioral sink.

They each critique different aspects of John Calhoun’s rat study.

They present contradictory viewpoints on the relevance of rat studies to human behavior.

They provide different explanations for why human societies are susceptible to the behavioral sink.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. Passage 1 is adapted from Radhika Singh, “Mice Utopias and the Behavioral Sink," published July 31, 2015 in the blog of The Borgen Project (borgenproject. org). Passage 2 is adapted from Frans de Waal, “Is it 'Behavioral Sink' or Resource Distribution?" published in Scientific American online July 21, 2010. Passage 1 In 1972, behavioral researcher John Calhoun introduced four breeding pairs of mice into a box 9-feet square and 4.5-feet high. It was a “perfect (5) universe:” the mice were safe from predators and disease and given ample food and water. They doubled in population every 55 days. However, within a year males stopped defending their territory, random violence broke (10) out, and female mice attacked their own offspring. Normal social bonds and interactions completely broke down. Infant abandonment soared, and mortality climbed. Cannibalism appeared, even though there was more than enough food. Fertile (15) females closed themselves off from society, and males of reproductive age—Calhoun called them the “beautiful ones”—did nothing but eat, sleep and groom. Calhoun called this breakdown the (20) “behavioral sink,” vand believed it came about when there were too many mice and a lack of important social roles for each one to play. Even when enough of the population died off so that only an optimal population remained, the mice (25) were not able to return to their natural behavior. This connection between a breakdown of social bonds and violence was observed by Emile Durkheim in the late 19th century. In traditional societies, where family expectations and religion (30) held sway, people enjoyed strong social bonds and had distinct social roles to fill. However, as they moved to cities, they found they were fighting for a place in society. In exasperation and a state of helplessness, many fell into poverty or (35) turned to crime, violence and even suicide. The fear of failing to be a productive member of society and fulfilling social roles can also push people, like the “beautiful ones,” into isolating themselves. For instance, Japanese “hikikomori” (40) refuse to leave their rooms, sometimes for years, because they feel shame for being unable to fulfill familial expectations. However, it is not clear that a high population density necessarily leads to a breakdown of (45) society and social roles. Humans might be able, with our ingenuity, to create social roles for everyone and avoid the behavioral sink. Some critics, such as psychologist Jonathan Freedam, suggested that it was not the density of (50) population that overwhelmed the mice but the large number of social interactions they had to deal with. Humans are able to avoid this, even while living in a highly dense area. Passage 2 In the 1960s, John Calhoun placed a group (55) of rats in a room and observed how the animals killed, sexually assaulted and, eventually, cannibalized one another. This behavioral deviancy led Calhoun to coin the phrase “behavioral sink.” (60) In no time, popularizers were comparing politically motivated street riots with rat packs and inner cities to behavioral sinks. Warning that society was heading for either anarchy or dictatorship, Robert Ardrey, a popular science (65) journalist, remarked in 1970 on the voluntary nature of human crowding and its ill effects. The negative impact of crowding became a central tenet of the voluminous literature on aggression. In extrapolating from rodents to people, (70) however, these writers were making a giant leap. Compare, for instance, the per capita murder rates with the number of people per square kilometer in different nations. There is in fact no statistically meaningful relation. Among free- (75) market nations, the U.S. has the highest homicide rate despite a low population density. To see how other primates respond to being packed together, we compared rhesus monkeys in crowded cages with those roaming free (80) on Morgan Island in South Carolina. We also compared chimpanzees in indoor enclosures with those living on large forested islands. Nothing like the expected crowding effects could be found. If anything, primates become (85) more sociable in captivity, grooming each other more—probably in an effort to counter the potential of conflict, which is greater the closer they live together. Primates are excellent at conflict resolution. (90) For the future of the world this means that crowding by itself is perhaps not the problem it is made it out to be. Resource distribution seems the real issue. This was already true for Calhoun's rats, the violence among them could be explained (95) by concentrated food sources and competition. Also for humans, I would worry more about sustainability and resource distribution than population density. Phase A: Days 1–104 (Social Adjustment): Mice are introduced (4 males and 4 females). Nests are established. Phase B: Days 105–315 (Rapid growth): Population doubles every 55 days. Male strength corresponds to frequency of reproduction. As crowding develops, immature males begin to proliferate within the population. Phase C: Days 316–560 (Stagnation): Population doubles every 145 days. Male ability to defend territory declines. Nursing females become more aggressive, even towards own offspring. By midway point in Phase C, virtually all young are prematurely rejected by their mothers. Although 20% of nest sites are unoccupied, there is severe overcrowding in other sites. Withdrawn males become more violent toward each other. Phase D: Days 561–1588 (Death): Population begins to decline on Day 561. Incidences of pregnancy decline rapidly with no young surviving. The last 1000 mice born grow up with no social skills or ability to defend territory. The males become withdrawn and obsessed with their own grooming. Q. How would the author of Passage 2 most likely respond to the work of Emile Durkheim as described in Passage 1?

He would praise its foresight in predicting the problems of 21st century cities.

He would criticize its reliance on the work of John B. Calhoun.

He would note that it refutes the theory of the behavioral sink.

He would say that it conflicts with recent studies of rhesus monkeys.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. Passage 1 is adapted from Radhika Singh, “Mice Utopias and the Behavioral Sink," published July 31, 2015 in the blog of The Borgen Project (borgenproject. org). Passage 2 is adapted from Frans de Waal, “Is it 'Behavioral Sink' or Resource Distribution?" published in Scientific American online July 21, 2010. Passage 1 In 1972, behavioral researcher John Calhoun introduced four breeding pairs of mice into a box 9-feet square and 4.5-feet high. It was a “perfect (5) universe:” the mice were safe from predators and disease and given ample food and water. They doubled in population every 55 days. However, within a year males stopped defending their territory, random violence broke (10) out, and female mice attacked their own offspring. Normal social bonds and interactions completely broke down. Infant abandonment soared, and mortality climbed. Cannibalism appeared, even though there was more than enough food. Fertile (15) females closed themselves off from society, and males of reproductive age—Calhoun called them the “beautiful ones”—did nothing but eat, sleep and groom. Calhoun called this breakdown the (20) “behavioral sink,” vand believed it came about when there were too many mice and a lack of important social roles for each one to play. Even when enough of the population died off so that only an optimal population remained, the mice (25) were not able to return to their natural behavior. This connection between a breakdown of social bonds and violence was observed by Emile Durkheim in the late 19th century. In traditional societies, where family expectations and religion (30) held sway, people enjoyed strong social bonds and had distinct social roles to fill. However, as they moved to cities, they found they were fighting for a place in society. In exasperation and a state of helplessness, many fell into poverty or (35) turned to crime, violence and even suicide. The fear of failing to be a productive member of society and fulfilling social roles can also push people, like the “beautiful ones,” into isolating themselves. For instance, Japanese “hikikomori” (40) refuse to leave their rooms, sometimes for years, because they feel shame for being unable to fulfill familial expectations. However, it is not clear that a high population density necessarily leads to a breakdown of (45) society and social roles. Humans might be able, with our ingenuity, to create social roles for everyone and avoid the behavioral sink. Some critics, such as psychologist Jonathan Freedam, suggested that it was not the density of (50) population that overwhelmed the mice but the large number of social interactions they had to deal with. Humans are able to avoid this, even while living in a highly dense area. Passage 2 In the 1960s, John Calhoun placed a group (55) of rats in a room and observed how the animals killed, sexually assaulted and, eventually, cannibalized one another. This behavioral deviancy led Calhoun to coin the phrase “behavioral sink.” (60) In no time, popularizers were comparing politically motivated street riots with rat packs and inner cities to behavioral sinks. Warning that society was heading for either anarchy or dictatorship, Robert Ardrey, a popular science (65) journalist, remarked in 1970 on the voluntary nature of human crowding and its ill effects. The negative impact of crowding became a central tenet of the voluminous literature on aggression. In extrapolating from rodents to people, (70) however, these writers were making a giant leap. Compare, for instance, the per capita murder rates with the number of people per square kilometer in different nations. There is in fact no statistically meaningful relation. Among free- (75) market nations, the U.S. has the highest homicide rate despite a low population density. To see how other primates respond to being packed together, we compared rhesus monkeys in crowded cages with those roaming free (80) on Morgan Island in South Carolina. We also compared chimpanzees in indoor enclosures with those living on large forested islands. Nothing like the expected crowding effects could be found. If anything, primates become (85) more sociable in captivity, grooming each other more—probably in an effort to counter the potential of conflict, which is greater the closer they live together. Primates are excellent at conflict resolution. (90) For the future of the world this means that crowding by itself is perhaps not the problem it is made it out to be. Resource distribution seems the real issue. This was already true for Calhoun's rats, the violence among them could be explained (95) by concentrated food sources and competition. Also for humans, I would worry more about sustainability and resource distribution than population density. Phase A: Days 1–104 (Social Adjustment): Mice are introduced (4 males and 4 females). Nests are established. Phase B: Days 105–315 (Rapid growth): Population doubles every 55 days. Male strength corresponds to frequency of reproduction. As crowding develops, immature males begin to proliferate within the population. Phase C: Days 316–560 (Stagnation): Population doubles every 145 days. Male ability to defend territory declines. Nursing females become more aggressive, even towards own offspring. By midway point in Phase C, virtually all young are prematurely rejected by their mothers. Although 20% of nest sites are unoccupied, there is severe overcrowding in other sites. Withdrawn males become more violent toward each other. Phase D: Days 561–1588 (Death): Population begins to decline on Day 561. Incidences of pregnancy decline rapidly with no young surviving. The last 1000 mice born grow up with no social skills or ability to defend territory. The males become withdrawn and obsessed with their own grooming. Q. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?

Lines 57–59 (“This . . . sink”)

Lines 69–70 (“In . . . leap”)

Lines 84–88 (“If . . . together”)

Lines 96–98 (“Also . . . density”)

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. Passage 1 is adapted from Radhika Singh, “Mice Utopias and the Behavioral Sink," published July 31, 2015 in the blog of The Borgen Project (borgenproject. org). Passage 2 is adapted from Frans de Waal, “Is it 'Behavioral Sink' or Resource Distribution?" published in Scientific American online July 21, 2010. Passage 1 In 1972, behavioral researcher John Calhoun introduced four breeding pairs of mice into a box 9-feet square and 4.5-feet high. It was a “perfect (5) universe:” the mice were safe from predators and disease and given ample food and water. They doubled in population every 55 days. However, within a year males stopped defending their territory, random violence broke (10) out, and female mice attacked their own offspring. Normal social bonds and interactions completely broke down. Infant abandonment soared, and mortality climbed. Cannibalism appeared, even though there was more than enough food. Fertile (15) females closed themselves off from society, and males of reproductive age—Calhoun called them the “beautiful ones”—did nothing but eat, sleep and groom. Calhoun called this breakdown the (20) “behavioral sink,” vand believed it came about when there were too many mice and a lack of important social roles for each one to play. Even when enough of the population died off so that only an optimal population remained, the mice (25) were not able to return to their natural behavior. This connection between a breakdown of social bonds and violence was observed by Emile Durkheim in the late 19th century. In traditional societies, where family expectations and religion (30) held sway, people enjoyed strong social bonds and had distinct social roles to fill. However, as they moved to cities, they found they were fighting for a place in society. In exasperation and a state of helplessness, many fell into poverty or (35) turned to crime, violence and even suicide. The fear of failing to be a productive member of society and fulfilling social roles can also push people, like the “beautiful ones,” into isolating themselves. For instance, Japanese “hikikomori” (40) refuse to leave their rooms, sometimes for years, because they feel shame for being unable to fulfill familial expectations. However, it is not clear that a high population density necessarily leads to a breakdown of (45) society and social roles. Humans might be able, with our ingenuity, to create social roles for everyone and avoid the behavioral sink. Some critics, such as psychologist Jonathan Freedam, suggested that it was not the density of (50) population that overwhelmed the mice but the large number of social interactions they had to deal with. Humans are able to avoid this, even while living in a highly dense area. Passage 2 In the 1960s, John Calhoun placed a group (55) of rats in a room and observed how the animals killed, sexually assaulted and, eventually, cannibalized one another. This behavioral deviancy led Calhoun to coin the phrase “behavioral sink.” (60) In no time, popularizers were comparing politically motivated street riots with rat packs and inner cities to behavioral sinks. Warning that society was heading for either anarchy or dictatorship, Robert Ardrey, a popular science (65) journalist, remarked in 1970 on the voluntary nature of human crowding and its ill effects. The negative impact of crowding became a central tenet of the voluminous literature on aggression. In extrapolating from rodents to people, (70) however, these writers were making a giant leap. Compare, for instance, the per capita murder rates with the number of people per square kilometer in different nations. There is in fact no statistically meaningful relation. Among free- (75) market nations, the U.S. has the highest homicide rate despite a low population density. To see how other primates respond to being packed together, we compared rhesus monkeys in crowded cages with those roaming free (80) on Morgan Island in South Carolina. We also compared chimpanzees in indoor enclosures with those living on large forested islands. Nothing like the expected crowding effects could be found. If anything, primates become (85) more sociable in captivity, grooming each other more—probably in an effort to counter the potential of conflict, which is greater the closer they live together. Primates are excellent at conflict resolution. (90) For the future of the world this means that crowding by itself is perhaps not the problem it is made it out to be. Resource distribution seems the real issue. This was already true for Calhoun's rats, the violence among them could be explained (95) by concentrated food sources and competition. Also for humans, I would worry more about sustainability and resource distribution than population density. Phase A: Days 1–104 (Social Adjustment): Mice are introduced (4 males and 4 females). Nests are established. Phase B: Days 105–315 (Rapid growth): Population doubles every 55 days. Male strength corresponds to frequency of reproduction. As crowding develops, immature males begin to proliferate within the population. Phase C: Days 316–560 (Stagnation): Population doubles every 145 days. Male ability to defend territory declines. Nursing females become more aggressive, even towards own offspring. By midway point in Phase C, virtually all young are prematurely rejected by their mothers. Although 20% of nest sites are unoccupied, there is severe overcrowding in other sites. Withdrawn males become more violent toward each other. Phase D: Days 561–1588 (Death): Population begins to decline on Day 561. Incidences of pregnancy decline rapidly with no young surviving. The last 1000 mice born grow up with no social skills or ability to defend territory. The males become withdrawn and obsessed with their own grooming. Q. As used in line 24, the phrase “optimal population” refers to a population that, under ordinary circumstances, will

sustain an effective network of social roles and relations.

consume a maximum quantity of natural resources.

dominate its physical environment.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. Passage 1 is adapted from Radhika Singh, “Mice Utopias and the Behavioral Sink," published July 31, 2015 in the blog of The Borgen Project (borgenproject. org). Passage 2 is adapted from Frans de Waal, “Is it 'Behavioral Sink' or Resource Distribution?" published in Scientific American online July 21, 2010. Passage 1 In 1972, behavioral researcher John Calhoun introduced four breeding pairs of mice into a box 9-feet square and 4.5-feet high. It was a “perfect (5) universe:” the mice were safe from predators and disease and given ample food and water. They doubled in population every 55 days. However, within a year males stopped defending their territory, random violence broke (10) out, and female mice attacked their own offspring. Normal social bonds and interactions completely broke down. Infant abandonment soared, and mortality climbed. Cannibalism appeared, even though there was more than enough food. Fertile (15) females closed themselves off from society, and males of reproductive age—Calhoun called them the “beautiful ones”—did nothing but eat, sleep and groom. Calhoun called this breakdown the (20) “behavioral sink,” vand believed it came about when there were too many mice and a lack of important social roles for each one to play. Even when enough of the population died off so that only an optimal population remained, the mice (25) were not able to return to their natural behavior. This connection between a breakdown of social bonds and violence was observed by Emile Durkheim in the late 19th century. In traditional societies, where family expectations and religion (30) held sway, people enjoyed strong social bonds and had distinct social roles to fill. However, as they moved to cities, they found they were fighting for a place in society. In exasperation and a state of helplessness, many fell into poverty or (35) turned to crime, violence and even suicide. The fear of failing to be a productive member of society and fulfilling social roles can also push people, like the “beautiful ones,” into isolating themselves. For instance, Japanese “hikikomori” (40) refuse to leave their rooms, sometimes for years, because they feel shame for being unable to fulfill familial expectations. However, it is not clear that a high population density necessarily leads to a breakdown of (45) society and social roles. Humans might be able, with our ingenuity, to create social roles for everyone and avoid the behavioral sink. Some critics, such as psychologist Jonathan Freedam, suggested that it was not the density of (50) population that overwhelmed the mice but the large number of social interactions they had to deal with. Humans are able to avoid this, even while living in a highly dense area. Passage 2 In the 1960s, John Calhoun placed a group (55) of rats in a room and observed how the animals killed, sexually assaulted and, eventually, cannibalized one another. This behavioral deviancy led Calhoun to coin the phrase “behavioral sink.” (60) In no time, popularizers were comparing politically motivated street riots with rat packs and inner cities to behavioral sinks. Warning that society was heading for either anarchy or dictatorship, Robert Ardrey, a popular science (65) journalist, remarked in 1970 on the voluntary nature of human crowding and its ill effects. The negative impact of crowding became a central tenet of the voluminous literature on aggression. In extrapolating from rodents to people, (70) however, these writers were making a giant leap. Compare, for instance, the per capita murder rates with the number of people per square kilometer in different nations. There is in fact no statistically meaningful relation. Among free- (75) market nations, the U.S. has the highest homicide rate despite a low population density. To see how other primates respond to being packed together, we compared rhesus monkeys in crowded cages with those roaming free (80) on Morgan Island in South Carolina. We also compared chimpanzees in indoor enclosures with those living on large forested islands. Nothing like the expected crowding effects could be found. If anything, primates become (85) more sociable in captivity, grooming each other more—probably in an effort to counter the potential of conflict, which is greater the closer they live together. Primates are excellent at conflict resolution. (90) For the future of the world this means that crowding by itself is perhaps not the problem it is made it out to be. Resource distribution seems the real issue. This was already true for Calhoun's rats, the violence among them could be explained (95) by concentrated food sources and competition. Also for humans, I would worry more about sustainability and resource distribution than population density. Phase A: Days 1–104 (Social Adjustment): Mice are introduced (4 males and 4 females). Nests are established. Phase B: Days 105–315 (Rapid growth): Population doubles every 55 days. Male strength corresponds to frequency of reproduction. As crowding develops, immature males begin to proliferate within the population. Phase C: Days 316–560 (Stagnation): Population doubles every 145 days. Male ability to defend territory declines. Nursing females become more aggressive, even towards own offspring. By midway point in Phase C, virtually all young are prematurely rejected by their mothers. Although 20% of nest sites are unoccupied, there is severe overcrowding in other sites. Withdrawn males become more violent toward each other. Phase D: Days 561–1588 (Death): Population begins to decline on Day 561. Incidences of pregnancy decline rapidly with no young surviving. The last 1000 mice born grow up with no social skills or ability to defend territory. The males become withdrawn and obsessed with their own grooming. Q. The author of Passage 2 would most likely regard the comparison of the “beautiful ones” (line 38) to the “hikikomori” (line 39) as

an illustration of behavioral deviancy.

Question based on the following passages and supplementary material. Passage 1 is adapted from Radhika Singh, “Mice Utopias and the Behavioral Sink," published July 31, 2015 in the blog of The Borgen Project (borgenproject. org). Passage 2 is adapted from Frans de Waal, “Is it 'Behavioral Sink' or Resource Distribution?" published in Scientific American online July 21, 2010. Passage 1 In 1972, behavioral researcher John Calhoun introduced four breeding pairs of mice into a box 9-feet square and 4.5-feet high. It was a “perfect (5) universe:” the mice were safe from predators and disease and given ample food and water. They doubled in population every 55 days. However, within a year males stopped defending their territory, random violence broke (10) out, and female mice attacked their own offspring. Normal social bonds and interactions completely broke down. Infant abandonment soared, and mortality climbed. Cannibalism appeared, even though there was more than enough food. Fertile (15) females closed themselves off from society, and males of reproductive age—Calhoun called them the “beautiful ones”—did nothing but eat, sleep and groom. Calhoun called this breakdown the (20) “behavioral sink,” vand believed it came about when there were too many mice and a lack of important social roles for each one to play. Even when enough of the population died off so that only an optimal population remained, the mice (25) were not able to return to their natural behavior. This connection between a breakdown of social bonds and violence was observed by Emile Durkheim in the late 19th century. In traditional societies, where family expectations and religion (30) held sway, people enjoyed strong social bonds and had distinct social roles to fill. However, as they moved to cities, they found they were fighting for a place in society. In exasperation and a state of helplessness, many fell into poverty or (35) turned to crime, violence and even suicide. The fear of failing to be a productive member of society and fulfilling social roles can also push people, like the “beautiful ones,” into isolating themselves. For instance, Japanese “hikikomori” (40) refuse to leave their rooms, sometimes for years, because they feel shame for being unable to fulfill familial expectations. However, it is not clear that a high population density necessarily leads to a breakdown of (45) society and social roles. Humans might be able, with our ingenuity, to create social roles for everyone and avoid the behavioral sink. Some critics, such as psychologist Jonathan Freedam, suggested that it was not the density of (50) population that overwhelmed the mice but the large number of social interactions they had to deal with. Humans are able to avoid this, even while living in a highly dense area. Passage 2 In the 1960s, John Calhoun placed a group (55) of rats in a room and observed how the animals killed, sexually assaulted and, eventually, cannibalized one another. This behavioral deviancy led Calhoun to coin the phrase “behavioral sink.” (60) In no time, popularizers were comparing politically motivated street riots with rat packs and inner cities to behavioral sinks. Warning that society was heading for either anarchy or dictatorship, Robert Ardrey, a popular science (65) journalist, remarked in 1970 on the voluntary nature of human crowding and its ill effects. The negative impact of crowding became a central tenet of the voluminous literature on aggression. In extrapolating from rodents to people, (70) however, these writers were making a giant leap. Compare, for instance, the per capita murder rates with the number of people per square kilometer in different nations. There is in fact no statistically meaningful relation. Among free- (75) market nations, the U.S. has the highest homicide rate despite a low population density. To see how other primates respond to being packed together, we compared rhesus monkeys in crowded cages with those roaming free (80) on Morgan Island in South Carolina. We also compared chimpanzees in indoor enclosures with those living on large forested islands. Nothing like the expected crowding effects could be found. If anything, primates become (85) more sociable in captivity, grooming each other more—probably in an effort to counter the potential of conflict, which is greater the closer they live together. Primates are excellent at conflict resolution. (90) For the future of the world this means that crowding by itself is perhaps not the problem it is made it out to be. Resource distribution seems the real issue. This was already true for Calhoun's rats, the violence among them could be explained (95) by concentrated food sources and competition. Also for humans, I would worry more about sustainability and resource distribution than population density. Phase A: Days 1–104 (Social Adjustment): Mice are introduced (4 males and 4 females). Nests are established. Phase B: Days 105–315 (Rapid growth): Population doubles every 55 days. Male strength corresponds to frequency of reproduction. As crowding develops, immature males begin to proliferate within the population. Phase C: Days 316–560 (Stagnation): Population doubles every 145 days. Male ability to defend territory declines. Nursing females become more aggressive, even towards own offspring. By midway point in Phase C, virtually all young are prematurely rejected by their mothers. Although 20% of nest sites are unoccupied, there is severe overcrowding in other sites. Withdrawn males become more violent toward each other. Phase D: Days 561–1588 (Death): Population begins to decline on Day 561. Incidences of pregnancy decline rapidly with no young surviving. The last 1000 mice born grow up with no social skills or ability to defend territory. The males become withdrawn and obsessed with their own grooming. Q. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?

Lines 60–62 (“In no . . . sinks”)

Lines 66–68 (“The . . . aggression”)

Lines 69–70 (“In . . . leap”)

Lines 80–82 (“We . . . islands”)

OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 Free MCQ Practice Test with Solutions

EduRev

All Courses

Open App

Important Questions for OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3

Find all the important questions for OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 at EduRev.Get fully prepared for OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 with EduRev's comprehensive question bank and test resources. Our platform offers a diverse range of question papers covering various topics within the OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 syllabus. Whether you need to review specific subjects or assess your overall readiness, EduRev has you covered. The questions are designed to challenge you and help you gain confidence in tackling the actual exam. Maximize your chances of success by utilizing EduRev's extensive collection of OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 resources.

OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 MCQs with Answers

Prepare for the OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 within the SAT exam with comprehensive MCQs and answers at EduRev. Our platform offers a wide range of practice papers, question papers, and mock tests to familiarize you with the exam pattern and syllabus. Access the best books, study materials, and notes curated by toppers to enhance your preparation. Stay updated with the exam date and receive expert preparation tips and paper analysis. Visit EduRev's official website today and access a wealth of videos and coaching resources to excel in your exam.

Online Tests for OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3

Practice with a wide array of question papers that follow the exam pattern and syllabus. Our platform offers a user-friendly interface, allowing you to track your progress and identify areas for improvement. Access detailed solutions and explanations for each test to enhance your understanding of concepts. With EduRev's Online Tests, you can build confidence, boost your performance, and ace OneTime: Digital SAT Mock Test - 3 with ease. Join thousands of successful students who have benefited from our trusted online resources.

Education Revolution