Bank of India PO Mock Test - 3 - Banking Exams MCQ

Directions: Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follow by choosing the correct/most appropriate options:

On Diwali day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted his congratulatory message to Rishi Sunak for taking over as PM of the UK. In his warm message, PM Modi expressed the desire to work closely with Sunak on global issues, and implement Roadmap 2030. The social media in India was hyperactive on Sunak’s appointment as he happens to be the first non-white and Hindu PM of the UK and leader of the predominantly white Conservative Party.

While the public mood within the Indian diaspora is upbeat over Sunak, there is a strong need to temper expectations from the new UK PM on the growth of bilateral relations as there are some structural hurdles that hamper ties between India and UK. The biggest fear and past experiences show that Indian-origin leaders in third countries tend to overcompensate for their so-called minority handicap and are more loyal than the king when it comes to dealing with the country of their origin.

The classic and most recent example is Sunak’s Home Secretary and Indian origin Suella Braverman, who as Home Secretary under Liz Truss's brief regime, said the proposed free trade agreement between India and the UK would emerge (1) Brexit objectives and encourage immigration to the UK. She said the majority of immigrants who impetus (2) their visas in the UK were Indians.

However, the India-UK FTA is not the most important thing on PM Sunak’s mind as his priority lies in _______ the British economy and controlling the rampaging inflation. It is quite overstay (3) that merely tinkering with taxes and interest rates will not kick-start the UK economy, which has been hit by Brexit and compounded by global ramifications of Covid global pandemic and the ongoing Ukraine war. The UK is still to undermine (4) economically out of Brexit, the Covid pandemic is still around, and the Ukraine war is essentially a fight between the US-led NATO vs Russia led by Czar Vladimir Putin. Simply put, it is a long and winding road for PM Sunak.

His vision for India-UK bilateral ties has gone beyond the opportunity for the UK to sell things in India, wanting Britain to also "learn from India". with an aim to conclude talks by Diwali (1)/ India and Britain launched negotiations (2)/ but the deadline was missed due to (3)/ for the Free Trade Agreement in January (4)/ a lack of consensus on issues (5)/. The India-UK free trade deal is likely to get the much-needed evident (5) with Sunak moving into 10 Downing Street as experts see political stability in the UK giving momentum to negotiations.

Q. There are five fixed poisitions in the paragraph and one word has been placed in each position. Rearrange the words so that the passage makes complete sense.

The following passage given below gives information on which questions have been given. Some words and phrases might be highlighted as questions based on them might have been formed. You must read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:

Over the centuries, the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires, Poland, and Lithuania have all wielded jurisdiction over Ukraine, which first asserted its modern independence in 1917, with the formation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Russia soon wrested back control of Ukraine, making it part of the newly established Soviet Union and retaining power in the region until World War II, when Germany invaded. The debate over how to remember this wartime history, as well as its implications for Ukrainian nationalism and independence, is key to understanding the current conflict.

In Putin’s telling, the modern Ukrainian independence movement began not in 1917 but during World War II. Under the German occupation of Ukraine, between 1941 and 1944, some Ukrainian independence fighters aligned themselves with the Nazis, whom they viewed as saviours from Soviet oppression. Putin has drawn on this period in history to portray any Ukrainian push for sovereignty as a Nazi endeavor, says Markian Dobczansky, a historian at Harvard University’s Ukrainian Research Institute. “It’s really just a stunningly cynical attempt to fight an information war and influence people's opinions,” he adds.

Dobczansky is among a group of scholars who have publicly challenged Putin’s version of the Nazi occupation of Ukraine and the years of Soviet rule it’s sandwiched between. Almost all of these experts begin their accounts with the fall of the Russian Empire, when tens of thousands of Ukrainians fought against the Bolshevik Red Army to establish the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Ukrainians continued to fight for independence until 1922, when they were defeated by the Soviets and became the Ukrainian Soviet Republic of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.). By leaving out Ukraine’s short-lived but hard-fought period of independence in the early 20th century, Putin overlooks the country’s sovereignty, says Dobczansky.

Also omitted from this version of events are the genocide and suppression that took place under Soviet rule—most famously the Great Famine. Holodomor, which fuses the Ukrainian words for starvation and inflicting death, claimed the lives of around 3.9 million people, or approximately 13 percent of the Ukrainian population, in the early 1930s. A human-made famine, it was the direct result of Soviet policies aimed at punishing Ukrainian farmers who fought Soviet mandates to collectivize. The Soviets also waged an intense “Russification” campaign, persecuting Ukraine’s cultural elite and elevating Russian language and culture above all others.

When Germany invaded in 1941, some Ukrainians, especially those in western Ukraine, saw them as liberators, says Oxana Shevel, a political scientist at Tufts University. The Ukrainians didn’t particularly want to live under the Germans so much as escape the Soviets, adds Shevel, who is the president of the non-profit educational organization American Association for Ukrainian Studies. “The broader objective was to establish an independent state, but in the process, [Ukrainians] also engaged in participation in the Holocaust,” she says.

The question for Shevel is how to treat this history. From the Soviet point of view that Putin still embraces, it’s simple, she says: The Holocaust aside, Ukrainian nationalists were “bad guys” because “they fought the Soviet state.” Putin and other critics often draw on Ukrainians’ wartime collaboration with the Nazis to baselessly characterize the modern country as a Nazi nation; in a February 24 speech, the Russian president deemed the “demilitarization and de-Nazification of Ukraine” key goals of the invasion.

Q. What does the phrase ‘draw on’ mean as used in the passage?

The following passage given below gives information on which questions have been given. Some words and phrases might be highlighted as questions based on them might have been formed. You must read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:

Over the centuries, the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires, Poland, and Lithuania have all wielded jurisdiction over Ukraine, which first asserted its modern independence in 1917, with the formation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Russia soon wrested back control of Ukraine, making it part of the newly established Soviet Union and retaining power in the region until World War II, when Germany invaded. The debate over how to remember this wartime history, as well as its implications for Ukrainian nationalism and independence, is key to understanding the current conflict.

In Putin’s telling, the modern Ukrainian independence movement began not in 1917 but during World War II. Under the German occupation of Ukraine, between 1941 and 1944, some Ukrainian independence fighters aligned themselves with the Nazis, whom they viewed as saviours from Soviet oppression. Putin has drawn on this period in history to portray any Ukrainian push for sovereignty as a Nazi endeavor, says Markian Dobczansky, a historian at Harvard University’s Ukrainian Research Institute. “It’s really just a stunningly cynical attempt to fight an information war and influence people's opinions,” he adds.

Dobczansky is among a group of scholars who have publicly challenged Putin’s version of the Nazi occupation of Ukraine and the years of Soviet rule it’s sandwiched between. Almost all of these experts begin their accounts with the fall of the Russian Empire, when tens of thousands of Ukrainians fought against the Bolshevik Red Army to establish the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Ukrainians continued to fight for independence until 1922, when they were defeated by the Soviets and became the Ukrainian Soviet Republic of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.). By leaving out Ukraine’s short-lived but hard-fought period of independence in the early 20th century, Putin overlooks the country’s sovereignty, says Dobczansky.

Also omitted from this version of events are the genocide and suppression that took place under Soviet rule—most famously the Great Famine. Holodomor, which fuses the Ukrainian words for starvation and inflicting death, claimed the lives of around 3.9 million people, or approximately 13 percent of the Ukrainian population, in the early 1930s. A human-made famine, it was the direct result of Soviet policies aimed at punishing Ukrainian farmers who fought Soviet mandates to collectivize. The Soviets also waged an intense “Russification” campaign, persecuting Ukraine’s cultural elite and elevating Russian language and culture above all others.

When Germany invaded in 1941, some Ukrainians, especially those in western Ukraine, saw them as liberators, says Oxana Shevel, a political scientist at Tufts University. The Ukrainians didn’t particularly want to live under the Germans so much as escape the Soviets, adds Shevel, who is the president of the non-profit educational organization American Association for Ukrainian Studies. “The broader objective was to establish an independent state, but in the process, [Ukrainians] also engaged in participation in the Holocaust,” she says.

The question for Shevel is how to treat this history. From the Soviet point of view that Putin still embraces, it’s simple, she says: The Holocaust aside, Ukrainian nationalists were “bad guys” because “they fought the Soviet state.” Putin and other critics often draw on Ukrainians’ wartime collaboration with the Nazis to baselessly characterize the modern country as a Nazi nation; in a February 24 speech, the Russian president deemed the “demilitarization and de-Nazification of Ukraine” key goals of the invasion.

Q. The word ‘Holodomor’ has been used as?

The following passage given below gives information on which questions have been given. Some words and phrases might be highlighted as questions based on them might have been formed. You must read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:

Over the centuries, the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires, Poland, and Lithuania have all wielded jurisdiction over Ukraine, which first asserted its modern independence in 1917, with the formation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Russia soon wrested back control of Ukraine, making it part of the newly established Soviet Union and retaining power in the region until World War II, when Germany invaded. The debate over how to remember this wartime history, as well as its implications for Ukrainian nationalism and independence, is key to understanding the current conflict.

In Putin’s telling, the modern Ukrainian independence movement began not in 1917 but during World War II. Under the German occupation of Ukraine, between 1941 and 1944, some Ukrainian independence fighters aligned themselves with the Nazis, whom they viewed as saviours from Soviet oppression. Putin has drawn on this period in history to portray any Ukrainian push for sovereignty as a Nazi endeavor, says Markian Dobczansky, a historian at Harvard University’s Ukrainian Research Institute. “It’s really just a stunningly cynical attempt to fight an information war and influence people's opinions,” he adds.

Dobczansky is among a group of scholars who have publicly challenged Putin’s version of the Nazi occupation of Ukraine and the years of Soviet rule it’s sandwiched between. Almost all of these experts begin their accounts with the fall of the Russian Empire, when tens of thousands of Ukrainians fought against the Bolshevik Red Army to establish the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Ukrainians continued to fight for independence until 1922, when they were defeated by the Soviets and became the Ukrainian Soviet Republic of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.). By leaving out Ukraine’s short-lived but hard-fought period of independence in the early 20th century, Putin overlooks the country’s sovereignty, says Dobczansky.

Also omitted from this version of events are the genocide and suppression that took place under Soviet rule—most famously the Great Famine. Holodomor, which fuses the Ukrainian words for starvation and inflicting death, claimed the lives of around 3.9 million people, or approximately 13 percent of the Ukrainian population, in the early 1930s. A human-made famine, it was the direct result of Soviet policies aimed at punishing Ukrainian farmers who fought Soviet mandates to collectivize. The Soviets also waged an intense “Russification” campaign, persecuting Ukraine’s cultural elite and elevating Russian language and culture above all others.

When Germany invaded in 1941, some Ukrainians, especially those in western Ukraine, saw them as liberators, says Oxana Shevel, a political scientist at Tufts University. The Ukrainians didn’t particularly want to live under the Germans so much as escape the Soviets, adds Shevel, who is the president of the non-profit educational organization American Association for Ukrainian Studies. “The broader objective was to establish an independent state, but in the process, [Ukrainians] also engaged in participation in the Holocaust,” she says.

The question for Shevel is how to treat this history. From the Soviet point of view that Putin still embraces, it’s simple, she says: The Holocaust aside, Ukrainian nationalists were “bad guys” because “they fought the Soviet state.” Putin and other critics often draw on Ukrainians’ wartime collaboration with the Nazis to baselessly characterize the modern country as a Nazi nation; in a February 24 speech, the Russian president deemed the “demilitarization and de-Nazification of Ukraine” key goals of the invasion.

Q. Which of the following can serve as the best title for the given passage?

The following passage given below gives information on which questions have been given. Some words and phrases might be highlighted as questions based on them might have been formed. You must read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:

Over the centuries, the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires, Poland, and Lithuania have all wielded jurisdiction over Ukraine, which first asserted its modern independence in 1917, with the formation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Russia soon wrested back control of Ukraine, making it part of the newly established Soviet Union and retaining power in the region until World War II, when Germany invaded. The debate over how to remember this wartime history, as well as its implications for Ukrainian nationalism and independence, is key to understanding the current conflict.

In Putin’s telling, the modern Ukrainian independence movement began not in 1917 but during World War II. Under the German occupation of Ukraine, between 1941 and 1944, some Ukrainian independence fighters aligned themselves with the Nazis, whom they viewed as saviours from Soviet oppression. Putin has drawn on this period in history to portray any Ukrainian push for sovereignty as a Nazi endeavor, says Markian Dobczansky, a historian at Harvard University’s Ukrainian Research Institute. “It’s really just a stunningly cynical attempt to fight an information war and influence people's opinions,” he adds.

Dobczansky is among a group of scholars who have publicly challenged Putin’s version of the Nazi occupation of Ukraine and the years of Soviet rule it’s sandwiched between. Almost all of these experts begin their accounts with the fall of the Russian Empire, when tens of thousands of Ukrainians fought against the Bolshevik Red Army to establish the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Ukrainians continued to fight for independence until 1922, when they were defeated by the Soviets and became the Ukrainian Soviet Republic of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.). By leaving out Ukraine’s short-lived but hard-fought period of independence in the early 20th century, Putin overlooks the country’s sovereignty, says Dobczansky.

Also omitted from this version of events are the genocide and suppression that took place under Soviet rule—most famously the Great Famine. Holodomor, which fuses the Ukrainian words for starvation and inflicting death, claimed the lives of around 3.9 million people, or approximately 13 percent of the Ukrainian population, in the early 1930s. A human-made famine, it was the direct result of Soviet policies aimed at punishing Ukrainian farmers who fought Soviet mandates to collectivize. The Soviets also waged an intense “Russification” campaign, persecuting Ukraine’s cultural elite and elevating Russian language and culture above all others.

When Germany invaded in 1941, some Ukrainians, especially those in western Ukraine, saw them as liberators, says Oxana Shevel, a political scientist at Tufts University. The Ukrainians didn’t particularly want to live under the Germans so much as escape the Soviets, adds Shevel, who is the president of the non-profit educational organization American Association for Ukrainian Studies. “The broader objective was to establish an independent state, but in the process, [Ukrainians] also engaged in participation in the Holocaust,” she says.

The question for Shevel is how to treat this history. From the Soviet point of view that Putin still embraces, it’s simple, she says: The Holocaust aside, Ukrainian nationalists were “bad guys” because “they fought the Soviet state.” Putin and other critics often draw on Ukrainians’ wartime collaboration with the Nazis to baselessly characterize the modern country as a Nazi nation; in a February 24 speech, the Russian president deemed the “demilitarization and de-Nazification of Ukraine” key goals of the invasion.

Q. What does the phrase ‘draw on’ mean as used in the passage?

The given sentences have an error, find the sentences with error, if both the sentences are correct select 'Neither 1 nor 2 have an error'. Ignore any punctuation errors.

1. It's much more warmer today than it was a few days ago.
2. He was absolute irritated and enraged when he learned that the girl had escaped.

The given sentences have an error, find the sentences with error, if both the sentences are correct select 'Neither 1 nor 2 have an error. Ignore any Punctuation errors.

1. I was afraid I might attacked when I heard footsteps behind me.
2. We have a lot of rooms in our house, some of which haven't been used in years.

The given sentences have an error, find the sentences with error, if both the sentences are correct select 'Neither 1 nor 2 have an error. Ignore any Punctuation errors.

1. I was taken aback when I noticed him speak with somewhat anger.

2. It is high time for political parties to take a more active role in assisting the poor.

Directions: Choose the most appropriate word to fill in the given black.

Q. He was fired from work because he used words that were ignorant and _______ toward the women in the office.

Directions: Choose the most appropriate word to fill in the given black.

Q. Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged global investors to explore investment opportunities in the country’s energy sector, saying India is the most _______ place at present.

Below a word is given followed by three sentences which consist of the word. Identify the sentence/s which best express the meaning of the word. Choose Option 5 (none of these) if the word is not suitable in any of the sentences.

INADVERTENT

A. After years of inadvertent planning, we still didn't pass the exam.

B. An inadvertent disclosure of accounts pulled Birla's market value down.

C. Far-sighted people often indulge in inadvertent behavior.

Given below is a word, followed by three sentences which consist of that word. Identify the sentence(s) which best express(es) the meaning of the word. Choose option 5 ‘None of the above’ if the word is not suitable in any of the sentences.

FLEXIBLE

A. He went absolutely flexible with shock.
B. They started to learn a foreign flexible last week.
C. We need to make the working day more flexible.

Given below is a word, followed by three sentences which consist of that word. Identify the sentence(s) which best express(es) the meaning of the word. Choose option 5 ‘None of these’ if the word is not suitable in any of the sentences.

ASSENT

A. She made her first successful assent of Everest last year.

B. Once the directors have given their assent to the proposal, work can start almost immediately.

C. She's French but she speaks with an impeccable English assent. 

The sentence given below has a phrase that has been underlined. Choose the correct replacement for the phrase from the options given below. If no replacement is required, choose option 5- No replacement as your answer.

Scream at the top of his voice, Richard told his neighbour not to make a din after 11 pm. 

Directions: Which of the phrases given below the sentence should replace the word/phrase given below in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark 'No correction required as the answer.

The campaign to improve the excess of households to electricity and clean cooking fuel have been shown to be an important factor.

Directions: Given below is a set of six sentences, which when properly sequenced, form a comprehensible paragraph. The third sentence is fixed while the rest of the sentences are jumbled up.  Arrange the sentences in the correct sequence and answer the questions that follow.

A. Further, students can create engaging content using virtual spaces and also have to spend significantly less time gathering and ______ the knowledge they acquire.

B. Web3 is the new generation of the Internet that is highly useful for websites and many other applications.

C. Students can now learn from anywhere and continue their education while moving from one place to another.

D. Web3 enables the ability to find information more quickly and easily and thus has many benefits for students.

E. This offers them more independence in learning as tools such as AI, Metaverse, ML will streamline access to knowledge. 

F. It is also referred to as the “Semantic Web” or “3D Web” and it is changing the way education takes place on the digital medium. 

Q. Which of the following is the first sentence after rearrangement

Directions: Given below is a set of six sentences, which when properly sequenced, form a comprehensible paragraph. The third sentence is fixed while the rest of the sentences are jumbled up.  Arrange the sentences in the correct sequence and answer the questions that follow.

A. Further, students can create engaging content using virtual spaces and also have to spend significantly less time gathering and ______ the knowledge they acquire.

B. Web3 is the new generation of the Internet that is highly useful for websites and many other applications.

C. Students can now learn from anywhere and continue their education while moving from one place to another.

D. Web3 enables the ability to find information more quickly and easily and thus has many benefits for students.

E. This offers them more independence in learning as tools such as AI, Metaverse, ML will streamline access to knowledge. 

F. It is also referred to as the “Semantic Web” or “3D Web” and it is changing the way education takes place on the digital medium. 

Q. Which of the following is the second sentence after rearrangement?

Directions: Given below is a set of six sentences, which when properly sequenced, form a comprehensible paragraph. The third sentence is fixed while the rest of the sentences are jumbled up.  Arrange the sentences in the correct sequence and answer the questions that follow.

A. Further, students can create engaging content using virtual spaces and also have to spend significantly less time gathering and ______ the knowledge they acquire.

B. Web3 is the new generation of the Internet that is highly useful for websites and many other applications.

C. Students can now learn from anywhere and continue their education while moving from one place to another.

D. Web3 enables the ability to find information more quickly and easily and thus has many benefits for students.

E. This offers them more independence in learning as tools such as AI, Metaverse, ML will streamline access to knowledge. 

F. It is also referred to as the “Semantic Web” or “3D Web” and it is changing the way education takes place on the digital medium. 

Q. Which of the following is the fifth sentence after rearrangement?

Directions: Given below is a set of six sentences, which when properly sequenced, form a comprehensible paragraph. The third sentence is fixed while the rest of the sentences are jumbled up.  Arrange the sentences in the correct sequence and answer the questions that follow.

A. Further, students can create engaging content using virtual spaces and also have to spend significantly less time gathering and ______ the knowledge they acquire.

B. Web3 is the new generation of the Internet that is highly useful for websites and many other applications.

C. Students can now learn from anywhere and continue their education while moving from one place to another.

D. Web3 enables the ability to find information more quickly and easily and thus has many benefits for students.

E. This offers them more independence in learning as tools such as AI, Metaverse, ML will streamline access to knowledge. 

F. It is also referred to as the “Semantic Web” or “3D Web” and it is changing the way education takes place on the digital medium. 

Q. Which of the following is the correct order of the sentences?

Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:

In its latest World Economic Outlook report, the IMF has pared global growth hopes for 2022 from 4.4% projected in January, to just 3.6%, a sharp decline from the estimate of 6.1% for 2021. The invasion of Ukraine has significantly dampened post-COVID recovery prospects, with the IMF highlighting volatile yet sharp commodity prices and supply chain disruptions. Fresh pandemic-driven lockdowns in China’s key manufacturing and trade hubs also compound supply worries and could slow its own growth from 4.8% to 4.4% this calendar year. India’s growth through 2022-23, which the IMF had pegged at 9% in January, has now been projected at 8.2% — lowered by the same extent as overall global growth. This headline number is more optimistic than projections from the World Bank (8%), the ADB (7.5%) and the RBI (7.2%). In 2023-24, however, the IMF expects growth to slip to 6.9%, while the World Bank expects it to be at 7.1%. The IMF has emphasised that these projections are much more uncertain than usual due to the ‘unprecedented nature of the shock’ to the world economy. Growth could slow much more while inflation could turn out higher than expected. The multilateral lender expects India’s retail inflation to now average above the RBI’s tolerance threshold at 6.1% and the current account deficit to touch 3.1% this fiscal year.

The chief factors cited by the IMF for lowering India’s growth trajectory include higher oil prices, inflation that would exacerbate weak domestic demand, and the likelihood of a drag on net exports. The World Trade Organisation has lowered its 2022 global merchandise trade growth forecast to just 3% from 4.7% projected earlier. This means a critical operating growth engine, which manifested in the record $420 billion exports in 2021-22, could sputter. A corollary risk from higher food and fuel prices in emerging economies is heightened social unrest, and the IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has noted that ordinary families’ budgets are being strained to the breaking point. While she has mooted decisive actions from central banks to stem inflation worries, she has also warned that monetary policy tightening would raise debt servicing costs and put many low-income countries in distress. Indian policy makers need all hands on deck and undivided attention to cope with the multiple headwinds, which include the need to smoothen interest rate hikes, spur consumption, manage fragile fiscal math and currency fluctuations amid volatile foreign capital flows. It would be equally critical to devise a medium-term action plan to minimise the scarring effects of this ‘crisis upon a crisis’, as the IMF expects employment and output to persist below pre-COVID trends till as far as 2026, amid a further dip in global growth after 2023.

Q. Which of the following can be inferred from the given sentence “the IMF has pared global growth hopes for 2022 from 4.4% projected in January, to just 3.6%”?

Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:

In its latest World Economic Outlook report, the IMF has pared global growth hopes for 2022 from 4.4% projected in January, to just 3.6%, a sharp decline from the estimate of 6.1% for 2021. The invasion of Ukraine has significantly dampened post-COVID recovery prospects, with the IMF highlighting volatile yet sharp commodity prices and supply chain disruptions. Fresh pandemic-driven lockdowns in China’s key manufacturing and trade hubs also compound supply worries and could slow its own growth from 4.8% to 4.4% this calendar year. India’s growth through 2022-23, which the IMF had pegged at 9% in January, has now been projected at 8.2% — lowered by the same extent as overall global growth. This headline number is more optimistic than projections from the World Bank (8%), the ADB (7.5%) and the RBI (7.2%). In 2023-24, however, the IMF expects growth to slip to 6.9%, while the World Bank expects it to be at 7.1%. The IMF has emphasised that these projections are much more uncertain than usual due to the ‘unprecedented nature of the shock’ to the world economy. Growth could slow much more while inflation could turn out higher than expected. The multilateral lender expects India’s retail inflation to now average above the RBI’s tolerance threshold at 6.1% and the current account deficit to touch 3.1% this fiscal year.

The chief factors cited by the IMF for lowering India’s growth trajectory include higher oil prices, inflation that would exacerbate weak domestic demand, and the likelihood of a drag on net exports. The World Trade Organisation has lowered its 2022 global merchandise trade growth forecast to just 3% from 4.7% projected earlier. This means a critical operating growth engine, which manifested in the record $420 billion exports in 2021-22, could sputter. A corollary risk from higher food and fuel prices in emerging economies is heightened social unrest, and the IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has noted that ordinary families’ budgets are being strained to the breaking point. While she has mooted decisive actions from central banks to stem inflation worries, she has also warned that monetary policy tightening would raise debt servicing costs and put many low-income countries in distress. Indian policy makers need all hands on deck and undivided attention to cope with the multiple headwinds, which include the need to smoothen interest rate hikes, spur consumption, manage fragile fiscal math and currency fluctuations amid volatile foreign capital flows. It would be equally critical to devise a medium-term action plan to minimise the scarring effects of this ‘crisis upon a crisis’, as the IMF expects employment and output to persist below pre-COVID trends till as far as 2026, amid a further dip in global growth after 2023.

Q. Why is it necessary to develop a medium-term action plan to mitigate the long-term consequences?

Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:

In its latest World Economic Outlook report, the IMF has pared global growth hopes for 2022 from 4.4% projected in January, to just 3.6%, a sharp decline from the estimate of 6.1% for 2021. The invasion of Ukraine has significantly dampened post-COVID recovery prospects, with the IMF highlighting volatile yet sharp commodity prices and supply chain disruptions. Fresh pandemic-driven lockdowns in China’s key manufacturing and trade hubs also compound supply worries and could slow its own growth from 4.8% to 4.4% this calendar year. India’s growth through 2022-23, which the IMF had pegged at 9% in January, has now been projected at 8.2% — lowered by the same extent as overall global growth. This headline number is more optimistic than projections from the World Bank (8%), the ADB (7.5%) and the RBI (7.2%). In 2023-24, however, the IMF expects growth to slip to 6.9%, while the World Bank expects it to be at 7.1%. The IMF has emphasised that these projections are much more uncertain than usual due to the ‘unprecedented nature of the shock’ to the world economy. Growth could slow much more while inflation could turn out higher than expected. The multilateral lender expects India’s retail inflation to now average above the RBI’s tolerance threshold at 6.1% and the current account deficit to touch 3.1% this fiscal year.

The chief factors cited by the IMF for lowering India’s growth trajectory include higher oil prices, inflation that would exacerbate weak domestic demand, and the likelihood of a drag on net exports. The World Trade Organisation has lowered its 2022 global merchandise trade growth forecast to just 3% from 4.7% projected earlier. This means a critical operating growth engine, which manifested in the record $420 billion exports in 2021-22, could sputter. A corollary risk from higher food and fuel prices in emerging economies is heightened social unrest, and the IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has noted that ordinary families’ budgets are being strained to the breaking point. While she has mooted decisive actions from central banks to stem inflation worries, she has also warned that monetary policy tightening would raise debt servicing costs and put many low-income countries in distress. Indian policy makers need all hands on deck and undivided attention to cope with the multiple headwinds, which include the need to smoothen interest rate hikes, spur consumption, manage fragile fiscal math and currency fluctuations amid volatile foreign capital flows. It would be equally critical to devise a medium-term action plan to minimise the scarring effects of this ‘crisis upon a crisis’, as the IMF expects employment and output to persist below pre-COVID trends till as far as 2026, amid a further dip in global growth after 2023.

Q. What is the meaning of the phrase ‘all hands on deck’ used in the passage?

The passage given below has blanks which indicate that some information is missing. There are questions with options that can fill the given blanks to complete the paragraph in the best possible way. Choose the correct options for each question and mark the same as your answer.

First, policymakers should _____(A)_____ existing electronic waste management rules to bring various clean energy components under their _____(B)_____. These rules are based on extended producer responsibility that identifies component producers as responsible _____(C)_____ to manage their waste products. The Indian renewable energy industry has a complex structure that comprises various manufacturers, assemblers, importers and distributors. Hence, the revised regulations should clearly define the responsibilities of various stakeholders involved in the renewable energy value chain and provide annual targets for the collection and the recycling of waste. Second, _____(D)_____ and burning of different components should be _____(E)_____. Currently, in the absence of any regulation, landfilling is the cheapest and most common practice to manage renewable energy waste. However, it is not environmentally sustainable.

Q. Which of the given options will not be fit for the blank labelled (A) in the passage above?

The passage given below has blanks which indicate that some information is missing. There are questions with options that can fill the given blanks to complete the paragraph in the best possible way. Choose the correct options for each question and mark the same as your answer.

First, policymakers should _____(A)_____ existing electronic waste management rules to bring various clean energy components under their _____(B)_____. These rules are based on extended producer responsibility that identifies component producers as responsible _____(C)_____ to manage their waste products. The Indian renewable energy industry has a complex structure that comprises various manufacturers, assemblers, importers and distributors. Hence, the revised regulations should clearly define the responsibilities of various stakeholders involved in the renewable energy value chain and provide annual targets for the collection and the recycling of waste. Second, _____(D)_____ and burning of different components should be _____(E)_____. Currently, in the absence of any regulation, landfilling is the cheapest and most common practice to manage renewable energy waste. However, it is not environmentally sustainable.

Q. Which of the given words from the options will not be the best for the blank (C)?

The passage given below has blanks which indicate that some information is missing. There are questions with options that can fill the given blanks to complete the paragraph in the best possible way. Choose the correct options for each question and mark the same as your answer.

First, policymakers should _____(A)_____ existing electronic waste management rules to bring various clean energy components under their _____(B)_____. These rules are based on extended producer responsibility that identifies component producers as responsible _____(C)_____ to manage their waste products. The Indian renewable energy industry has a complex structure that comprises various manufacturers, assemblers, importers and distributors. Hence, the revised regulations should clearly define the responsibilities of various stakeholders involved in the renewable energy value chain and provide annual targets for the collection and the recycling of waste. Second, _____(D)_____ and burning of different components should be _____(E)_____. Currently, in the absence of any regulation, landfilling is the cheapest and most common practice to manage renewable energy waste. However, it is not environmentally sustainable.

Q.  Which of the following words would best complete the sentence by filling the blank in E?

Match the parts of the sentences given in Column I and II so that they make five meaningful sentences and then rearrange them to form a coherent paragraph.

Q. Choose the pair of consecutive sentences after being joined and rearranged.

Match the parts of the sentences given in Column I and II so that they make five meaningful sentences and then rearrange them to form a coherent paragraph.

Q. Choose the correct sequence of the sentences given above.