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Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - CLAT MCQ


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30 Questions MCQ Test CLAT Mock Test Series 2025 - Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4

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Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 1

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

The savoury smell. The crunchy bite. The salty kick. The buttery finish. Americans will recognize the smell and flavour of their favourite moviegoing snack anywhere. Why is it that we feast our taste buds on these crisp kernels while our eyes feast on the big screen?

A few converging aspects made popcorn the quintessential movie snack, according to Andrew F. Smith, author of Popped Culture: A Social History of Popcorn in America. Mostly, it boiled down to the snack’s price, convenience, and timing. Popcorn was cheap for sellers and for customers, and making it didn’t require a ton of equipment. Popcorn also became popular at a time when movie theaters were in desperate need of an economic boost, which is how popcorn got introduced to the silver screen.

Fun fact: popcorn does not refer to the popped kernel alone. It’s also the name for the specific type of corn that is used to make the snack. It was originally grown in Central America and became popular in the U.S. in the mid-1800s. Compared with other snacks at the time, it was super easy to make, and it got easier in 1885 when the mobile steam-powered popcorn maker was invented. What hit the streets in the late 19th century was a fleet of independent popcorn purveyors. They were like the great-great-grandfathers of food trucks.

Since popcorn was cheap to make, it was also cheap to buy, which increased the popularity of this treat during the Great Depression. The Depression increased consumer spending on cheaper luxury items such as popcorn and movies, and the two industries teamed up. Theaters would allow a particular popcorn salesman to sell right outside the theatre for a daily fee. By the mid-1940s, however, movie theaters had cut out the middleman and begun to have their own concession stands in the lobby. The introduction of the popcorn-driven concession stand to movie theaters kept the movie theatre industry afloat, and popcorn has been a movie-watching staple ever since.

Q. What is the tone of the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 1

The passage provides factual information about the history and popularity of popcorn as a movie snack without using humor, criticism, or emotional language.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 2

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

The savoury smell. The crunchy bite. The salty kick. The buttery finish. Americans will recognize the smell and flavour of their favourite moviegoing snack anywhere. Why is it that we feast our taste buds on these crisp kernels while our eyes feast on the big screen?

A few converging aspects made popcorn the quintessential movie snack, according to Andrew F. Smith, author of Popped Culture: A Social History of Popcorn in America. Mostly, it boiled down to the snack’s price, convenience, and timing. Popcorn was cheap for sellers and for customers, and making it didn’t require a ton of equipment. Popcorn also became popular at a time when movie theaters were in desperate need of an economic boost, which is how popcorn got introduced to the silver screen.

Fun fact: popcorn does not refer to the popped kernel alone. It’s also the name for the specific type of corn that is used to make the snack. It was originally grown in Central America and became popular in the U.S. in the mid-1800s. Compared with other snacks at the time, it was super easy to make, and it got easier in 1885 when the mobile steam-powered popcorn maker was invented. What hit the streets in the late 19th century was a fleet of independent popcorn purveyors. They were like the great-great-grandfathers of food trucks.

Since popcorn was cheap to make, it was also cheap to buy, which increased the popularity of this treat during the Great Depression. The Depression increased consumer spending on cheaper luxury items such as popcorn and movies, and the two industries teamed up. Theaters would allow a particular popcorn salesman to sell right outside the theatre for a daily fee. By the mid-1940s, however, movie theaters had cut out the middleman and begun to have their own concession stands in the lobby. The introduction of the popcorn-driven concession stand to movie theaters kept the movie theatre industry afloat, and popcorn has been a movie-watching staple ever since.

Q. Which of the following CANNOT be inferred from the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 2

The passage mentions that the Depression increased consumer spending on cheaper luxury items such as popcorn and movies, but it does not specifically state that the Depression increased consumer spending on luxury items in general. Therefore, it cannot be inferred from the passage.

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Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 3

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

The savoury smell. The crunchy bite. The salty kick. The buttery finish. Americans will recognize the smell and flavour of their favourite moviegoing snack anywhere. Why is it that we feast our taste buds on these crisp kernels while our eyes feast on the big screen?

A few converging aspects made popcorn the quintessential movie snack, according to Andrew F. Smith, author of Popped Culture: A Social History of Popcorn in America. Mostly, it boiled down to the snack’s price, convenience, and timing. Popcorn was cheap for sellers and for customers, and making it didn’t require a ton of equipment. Popcorn also became popular at a time when movie theaters were in desperate need of an economic boost, which is how popcorn got introduced to the silver screen.

Fun fact: popcorn does not refer to the popped kernel alone. It’s also the name for the specific type of corn that is used to make the snack. It was originally grown in Central America and became popular in the U.S. in the mid-1800s. Compared with other snacks at the time, it was super easy to make, and it got easier in 1885 when the mobile steam-powered popcorn maker was invented. What hit the streets in the late 19th century was a fleet of independent popcorn purveyors. They were like the great-great-grandfathers of food trucks.

Since popcorn was cheap to make, it was also cheap to buy, which increased the popularity of this treat during the Great Depression. The Depression increased consumer spending on cheaper luxury items such as popcorn and movies, and the two industries teamed up. Theaters would allow a particular popcorn salesman to sell right outside the theatre for a daily fee. By the mid-1940s, however, movie theaters had cut out the middleman and begun to have their own concession stands in the lobby. The introduction of the popcorn-driven concession stand to movie theaters kept the movie theatre industry afloat, and popcorn has been a movie-watching staple ever since.

Q. In the sentence "Our eyes feast on the big screen," which literary device is employed?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 3

The literary device employed in the sentence "Our eyes feast on the big screen" is personification. Personification is a figure of speech in which human qualities are attributed to non-human things or objects. In this sentence, the author is attributing the action of feasting to the eyes, which is a human characteristic.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 4

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

The savoury smell. The crunchy bite. The salty kick. The buttery finish. Americans will recognize the smell and flavour of their favourite moviegoing snack anywhere. Why is it that we feast our taste buds on these crisp kernels while our eyes feast on the big screen?

A few converging aspects made popcorn the quintessential movie snack, according to Andrew F. Smith, author of Popped Culture: A Social History of Popcorn in America. Mostly, it boiled down to the snack’s price, convenience, and timing. Popcorn was cheap for sellers and for customers, and making it didn’t require a ton of equipment. Popcorn also became popular at a time when movie theaters were in desperate need of an economic boost, which is how popcorn got introduced to the silver screen.

Fun fact: popcorn does not refer to the popped kernel alone. It’s also the name for the specific type of corn that is used to make the snack. It was originally grown in Central America and became popular in the U.S. in the mid-1800s. Compared with other snacks at the time, it was super easy to make, and it got easier in 1885 when the mobile steam-powered popcorn maker was invented. What hit the streets in the late 19th century was a fleet of independent popcorn purveyors. They were like the great-great-grandfathers of food trucks.

Since popcorn was cheap to make, it was also cheap to buy, which increased the popularity of this treat during the Great Depression. The Depression increased consumer spending on cheaper luxury items such as popcorn and movies, and the two industries teamed up. Theaters would allow a particular popcorn salesman to sell right outside the theatre for a daily fee. By the mid-1940s, however, movie theaters had cut out the middleman and begun to have their own concession stands in the lobby. The introduction of the popcorn-driven concession stand to movie theaters kept the movie theatre industry afloat, and popcorn has been a movie-watching staple ever since.

Q.What contributed to the increased popularity of popcorn during the Great Depression, according to the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 4

The passage states that the Great Depression increased consumer spending on cheaper luxury items such as popcorn and movies, which helped both industries. Movie theaters needed an economic boost, and popcorn was affordable and popular.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 5

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

The savoury smell. The crunchy bite. The salty kick. The buttery finish. Americans will recognize the smell and flavour of their favourite moviegoing snack anywhere. Why is it that we feast our taste buds on these crisp kernels while our eyes feast on the big screen?

A few converging aspects made popcorn the quintessential movie snack, according to Andrew F. Smith, author of Popped Culture: A Social History of Popcorn in America. Mostly, it boiled down to the snack’s price, convenience, and timing. Popcorn was cheap for sellers and for customers, and making it didn’t require a ton of equipment. Popcorn also became popular at a time when movie theaters were in desperate need of an economic boost, which is how popcorn got introduced to the silver screen.

Fun fact: popcorn does not refer to the popped kernel alone. It’s also the name for the specific type of corn that is used to make the snack. It was originally grown in Central America and became popular in the U.S. in the mid-1800s. Compared with other snacks at the time, it was super easy to make, and it got easier in 1885 when the mobile steam-powered popcorn maker was invented. What hit the streets in the late 19th century was a fleet of independent popcorn purveyors. They were like the great-great-grandfathers of food trucks.

Since popcorn was cheap to make, it was also cheap to buy, which increased the popularity of this treat during the Great Depression. The Depression increased consumer spending on cheaper luxury items such as popcorn and movies, and the two industries teamed up. Theaters would allow a particular popcorn salesman to sell right outside the theatre for a daily fee. By the mid-1940s, however, movie theaters had cut out the middleman and begun to have their own concession stands in the lobby. The introduction of the popcorn-driven concession stand to movie theaters kept the movie theatre industry afloat, and popcorn has been a movie-watching staple ever since.

Q. According to the passage, what was the role of popcorn purveyors in the late 19th century?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 5

The passage mentions that in the late 19th century, a fleet of independent popcorn purveyors hit the streets, resembling the great-great-grandfathers of food trucks.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 6

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 1986, I left my native South Korea and came to Britain to study economics as a graduate student at the University of Cambridge. Things were difficult. My spoken English was poor. Racism and cultural prejudices were rampant. And the weather was rubbish. But the most difficult thing was the food. Before coming to Britain, I had not realised how bad food can be. Meat was overcooked and under-seasoned. It was difficult to eat, unless accompanied by gravy, which could be very good but also very bad. English mustard, which I fell in love with, became a vital weapon in my struggle to eat dinners. Vegetables were boiled long beyond the point of death to become textureless, and there was only salt around to make them edible. Some British friends would argue valiantly that their food was under-seasoned (err… tasteless?) because the ingredients were so good that you oughtn’t ruin them with fussy things like sauces, which those devious French used because they needed to hide bad meat and old vegetables. Any shred of plausibility of that argument quickly vanished when I visited France at the end of my first year in Cambridge and first tasted real French food.

British food culture of the 1980s was – in a word – conservative; deeply so. The British ate nothing unfamiliar. Food considered foreign was viewed with near-religious scepticism and visceral aversion. Other than completely Anglicised – and generally dire-quality – Chinese, Indian and Italian, you could not get any other national cuisine, unless you travelled to Soho or another sophisticated district in London. British food conservatism was for me epitomised by the now defunct but then-rampant chain, Pizzaland. Realising that pizza could be traumatically ‘foreign’, the menu lured customers with an option to have their pizza served with a baked potato – the culinary equivalent of a security blanket for British people.

As with all discussions of foreignness, of course, this attitude gets pretty absurd when you scrutinise it. The UK’s beloved Christmas dinner consists of turkey (North America), potatoes (Peru or Chile), carrots (Afghanistan) and Brussels sprouts (from, yep, Belgium). But never mind that. Brits then simply didn’t ‘do foreign’.

What a contrast to the British food scene of today – diverse, sophisticated and even experimental. London especially offers everything – cheap yet excellent Turkish doner kebab, eaten at 1am from a van on the street; eye-wateringly expensive Japanese kaiseki dinner; vibrant Spanish tapas bars where you can mix and match things according to your mood and budget; whatever. Flavours span from vibrant, in-your-face Korean levels, to understated but heart-warming Polish. You get to choose between the complexity of Peruvian dishes – with Iberian, Asian and Inca roots – and the simple succulence of Argentinian steak. Most supermarkets and food stores sell ingredients for Italian, Mexican, French, Chinese, Caribbean, Jewish, Greek, Indian, Thai, North African, Japanese, Turkish, Polish and perhaps even Korean cuisines. If you want a more specialist condiment or ingredient, it can likely be found. This in a country where, in the late 1970s, according to an American friend who was then an exchange student, the only place you could score olive oil in Oxford was a pharmacy (for softening ear wax, if you’re wondering).

My theory is that the British people had a collective epiphany sometime in the mid- to late-1990s that their own food sucks, having experienced different – and mostly more exciting – cuisines during their foreign holidays and, more importantly, through the increasingly diverse immigrant communities. Once they did that, they were free to embrace all the cuisines in the world. There is no reason to insist on Indian over Thai, or favour Turkish over Mexican. Everything tasty is fine. The British freedom to consider equally all the choices available has led to it developing perhaps one of the most sophisticated food cultures anywhere.

Q. What transformation in British food culture does the author attribute to the mid- to late-1990s?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 6

The author suggests that in the mid- to late-1990s, the British had an epiphany about their own food and began to embrace diverse cuisines from around the world.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 7

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 1986, I left my native South Korea and came to Britain to study economics as a graduate student at the University of Cambridge. Things were difficult. My spoken English was poor. Racism and cultural prejudices were rampant. And the weather was rubbish. But the most difficult thing was the food. Before coming to Britain, I had not realised how bad food can be. Meat was overcooked and under-seasoned. It was difficult to eat, unless accompanied by gravy, which could be very good but also very bad. English mustard, which I fell in love with, became a vital weapon in my struggle to eat dinners. Vegetables were boiled long beyond the point of death to become textureless, and there was only salt around to make them edible. Some British friends would argue valiantly that their food was under-seasoned (err… tasteless?) because the ingredients were so good that you oughtn’t ruin them with fussy things like sauces, which those devious French used because they needed to hide bad meat and old vegetables. Any shred of plausibility of that argument quickly vanished when I visited France at the end of my first year in Cambridge and first tasted real French food.

British food culture of the 1980s was – in a word – conservative; deeply so. The British ate nothing unfamiliar. Food considered foreign was viewed with near-religious scepticism and visceral aversion. Other than completely Anglicised – and generally dire-quality – Chinese, Indian and Italian, you could not get any other national cuisine, unless you travelled to Soho or another sophisticated district in London. British food conservatism was for me epitomised by the now defunct but then-rampant chain, Pizzaland. Realising that pizza could be traumatically ‘foreign’, the menu lured customers with an option to have their pizza served with a baked potato – the culinary equivalent of a security blanket for British people.

As with all discussions of foreignness, of course, this attitude gets pretty absurd when you scrutinise it. The UK’s beloved Christmas dinner consists of turkey (North America), potatoes (Peru or Chile), carrots (Afghanistan) and Brussels sprouts (from, yep, Belgium). But never mind that. Brits then simply didn’t ‘do foreign’.

What a contrast to the British food scene of today – diverse, sophisticated and even experimental. London especially offers everything – cheap yet excellent Turkish doner kebab, eaten at 1am from a van on the street; eye-wateringly expensive Japanese kaiseki dinner; vibrant Spanish tapas bars where you can mix and match things according to your mood and budget; whatever. Flavours span from vibrant, in-your-face Korean levels, to understated but heart-warming Polish. You get to choose between the complexity of Peruvian dishes – with Iberian, Asian and Inca roots – and the simple succulence of Argentinian steak. Most supermarkets and food stores sell ingredients for Italian, Mexican, French, Chinese, Caribbean, Jewish, Greek, Indian, Thai, North African, Japanese, Turkish, Polish and perhaps even Korean cuisines. If you want a more specialist condiment or ingredient, it can likely be found. This in a country where, in the late 1970s, according to an American friend who was then an exchange student, the only place you could score olive oil in Oxford was a pharmacy (for softening ear wax, if you’re wondering).

My theory is that the British people had a collective epiphany sometime in the mid- to late-1990s that their own food sucks, having experienced different – and mostly more exciting – cuisines during their foreign holidays and, more importantly, through the increasingly diverse immigrant communities. Once they did that, they were free to embrace all the cuisines in the world. There is no reason to insist on Indian over Thai, or favour Turkish over Mexican. Everything tasty is fine. The British freedom to consider equally all the choices available has led to it developing perhaps one of the most sophisticated food cultures anywhere.

Q. What is the meaning of the word "traumatically" as used in the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 7

In the context of the passage, the word "traumatically" is used to describe the foreignness of pizza for the British, implying that it was a painful or distressing experience for them.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 8

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 1986, I left my native South Korea and came to Britain to study economics as a graduate student at the University of Cambridge. Things were difficult. My spoken English was poor. Racism and cultural prejudices were rampant. And the weather was rubbish. But the most difficult thing was the food. Before coming to Britain, I had not realised how bad food can be. Meat was overcooked and under-seasoned. It was difficult to eat, unless accompanied by gravy, which could be very good but also very bad. English mustard, which I fell in love with, became a vital weapon in my struggle to eat dinners. Vegetables were boiled long beyond the point of death to become textureless, and there was only salt around to make them edible. Some British friends would argue valiantly that their food was under-seasoned (err… tasteless?) because the ingredients were so good that you oughtn’t ruin them with fussy things like sauces, which those devious French used because they needed to hide bad meat and old vegetables. Any shred of plausibility of that argument quickly vanished when I visited France at the end of my first year in Cambridge and first tasted real French food.

British food culture of the 1980s was – in a word – conservative; deeply so. The British ate nothing unfamiliar. Food considered foreign was viewed with near-religious scepticism and visceral aversion. Other than completely Anglicised – and generally dire-quality – Chinese, Indian and Italian, you could not get any other national cuisine, unless you travelled to Soho or another sophisticated district in London. British food conservatism was for me epitomised by the now defunct but then-rampant chain, Pizzaland. Realising that pizza could be traumatically ‘foreign’, the menu lured customers with an option to have their pizza served with a baked potato – the culinary equivalent of a security blanket for British people.

As with all discussions of foreignness, of course, this attitude gets pretty absurd when you scrutinise it. The UK’s beloved Christmas dinner consists of turkey (North America), potatoes (Peru or Chile), carrots (Afghanistan) and Brussels sprouts (from, yep, Belgium). But never mind that. Brits then simply didn’t ‘do foreign’.

What a contrast to the British food scene of today – diverse, sophisticated and even experimental. London especially offers everything – cheap yet excellent Turkish doner kebab, eaten at 1am from a van on the street; eye-wateringly expensive Japanese kaiseki dinner; vibrant Spanish tapas bars where you can mix and match things according to your mood and budget; whatever. Flavours span from vibrant, in-your-face Korean levels, to understated but heart-warming Polish. You get to choose between the complexity of Peruvian dishes – with Iberian, Asian and Inca roots – and the simple succulence of Argentinian steak. Most supermarkets and food stores sell ingredients for Italian, Mexican, French, Chinese, Caribbean, Jewish, Greek, Indian, Thai, North African, Japanese, Turkish, Polish and perhaps even Korean cuisines. If you want a more specialist condiment or ingredient, it can likely be found. This in a country where, in the late 1970s, according to an American friend who was then an exchange student, the only place you could score olive oil in Oxford was a pharmacy (for softening ear wax, if you’re wondering).

My theory is that the British people had a collective epiphany sometime in the mid- to late-1990s that their own food sucks, having experienced different – and mostly more exciting – cuisines during their foreign holidays and, more importantly, through the increasingly diverse immigrant communities. Once they did that, they were free to embrace all the cuisines in the world. There is no reason to insist on Indian over Thai, or favour Turkish over Mexican. Everything tasty is fine. The British freedom to consider equally all the choices available has led to it developing perhaps one of the most sophisticated food cultures anywhere.

Q. Which of the following cannot be inferred from the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 8

The passage provides information about the author's experiences with British food and the evolution of British food culture, but it does not mention the author's favorite cuisine.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 9

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 1986, I left my native South Korea and came to Britain to study economics as a graduate student at the University of Cambridge. Things were difficult. My spoken English was poor. Racism and cultural prejudices were rampant. And the weather was rubbish. But the most difficult thing was the food. Before coming to Britain, I had not realised how bad food can be. Meat was overcooked and under-seasoned. It was difficult to eat, unless accompanied by gravy, which could be very good but also very bad. English mustard, which I fell in love with, became a vital weapon in my struggle to eat dinners. Vegetables were boiled long beyond the point of death to become textureless, and there was only salt around to make them edible. Some British friends would argue valiantly that their food was under-seasoned (err… tasteless?) because the ingredients were so good that you oughtn’t ruin them with fussy things like sauces, which those devious French used because they needed to hide bad meat and old vegetables. Any shred of plausibility of that argument quickly vanished when I visited France at the end of my first year in Cambridge and first tasted real French food.

British food culture of the 1980s was – in a word – conservative; deeply so. The British ate nothing unfamiliar. Food considered foreign was viewed with near-religious scepticism and visceral aversion. Other than completely Anglicised – and generally dire-quality – Chinese, Indian and Italian, you could not get any other national cuisine, unless you travelled to Soho or another sophisticated district in London. British food conservatism was for me epitomised by the now defunct but then-rampant chain, Pizzaland. Realising that pizza could be traumatically ‘foreign’, the menu lured customers with an option to have their pizza served with a baked potato – the culinary equivalent of a security blanket for British people.

As with all discussions of foreignness, of course, this attitude gets pretty absurd when you scrutinise it. The UK’s beloved Christmas dinner consists of turkey (North America), potatoes (Peru or Chile), carrots (Afghanistan) and Brussels sprouts (from, yep, Belgium). But never mind that. Brits then simply didn’t ‘do foreign’.

What a contrast to the British food scene of today – diverse, sophisticated and even experimental. London especially offers everything – cheap yet excellent Turkish doner kebab, eaten at 1am from a van on the street; eye-wateringly expensive Japanese kaiseki dinner; vibrant Spanish tapas bars where you can mix and match things according to your mood and budget; whatever. Flavours span from vibrant, in-your-face Korean levels, to understated but heart-warming Polish. You get to choose between the complexity of Peruvian dishes – with Iberian, Asian and Inca roots – and the simple succulence of Argentinian steak. Most supermarkets and food stores sell ingredients for Italian, Mexican, French, Chinese, Caribbean, Jewish, Greek, Indian, Thai, North African, Japanese, Turkish, Polish and perhaps even Korean cuisines. If you want a more specialist condiment or ingredient, it can likely be found. This in a country where, in the late 1970s, according to an American friend who was then an exchange student, the only place you could score olive oil in Oxford was a pharmacy (for softening ear wax, if you’re wondering).

My theory is that the British people had a collective epiphany sometime in the mid- to late-1990s that their own food sucks, having experienced different – and mostly more exciting – cuisines during their foreign holidays and, more importantly, through the increasingly diverse immigrant communities. Once they did that, they were free to embrace all the cuisines in the world. There is no reason to insist on Indian over Thai, or favour Turkish over Mexican. Everything tasty is fine. The British freedom to consider equally all the choices available has led to it developing perhaps one of the most sophisticated food cultures anywhere.

Q. What tone does the author convey in this passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 9

The author appears to find amusement in the transformation of British food culture from the conservative 1980s to the current diverse and sophisticated state.

Therefore, Option C is the accurate choice.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 10

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 1986, I left my native South Korea and came to Britain to study economics as a graduate student at the University of Cambridge. Things were difficult. My spoken English was poor. Racism and cultural prejudices were rampant. And the weather was rubbish. But the most difficult thing was the food. Before coming to Britain, I had not realised how bad food can be. Meat was overcooked and under-seasoned. It was difficult to eat, unless accompanied by gravy, which could be very good but also very bad. English mustard, which I fell in love with, became a vital weapon in my struggle to eat dinners. Vegetables were boiled long beyond the point of death to become textureless, and there was only salt around to make them edible. Some British friends would argue valiantly that their food was under-seasoned (err… tasteless?) because the ingredients were so good that you oughtn’t ruin them with fussy things like sauces, which those devious French used because they needed to hide bad meat and old vegetables. Any shred of plausibility of that argument quickly vanished when I visited France at the end of my first year in Cambridge and first tasted real French food.

British food culture of the 1980s was – in a word – conservative; deeply so. The British ate nothing unfamiliar. Food considered foreign was viewed with near-religious scepticism and visceral aversion. Other than completely Anglicised – and generally dire-quality – Chinese, Indian and Italian, you could not get any other national cuisine, unless you travelled to Soho or another sophisticated district in London. British food conservatism was for me epitomised by the now defunct but then-rampant chain, Pizzaland. Realising that pizza could be traumatically ‘foreign’, the menu lured customers with an option to have their pizza served with a baked potato – the culinary equivalent of a security blanket for British people.

As with all discussions of foreignness, of course, this attitude gets pretty absurd when you scrutinise it. The UK’s beloved Christmas dinner consists of turkey (North America), potatoes (Peru or Chile), carrots (Afghanistan) and Brussels sprouts (from, yep, Belgium). But never mind that. Brits then simply didn’t ‘do foreign’.

What a contrast to the British food scene of today – diverse, sophisticated and even experimental. London especially offers everything – cheap yet excellent Turkish doner kebab, eaten at 1am from a van on the street; eye-wateringly expensive Japanese kaiseki dinner; vibrant Spanish tapas bars where you can mix and match things according to your mood and budget; whatever. Flavours span from vibrant, in-your-face Korean levels, to understated but heart-warming Polish. You get to choose between the complexity of Peruvian dishes – with Iberian, Asian and Inca roots – and the simple succulence of Argentinian steak. Most supermarkets and food stores sell ingredients for Italian, Mexican, French, Chinese, Caribbean, Jewish, Greek, Indian, Thai, North African, Japanese, Turkish, Polish and perhaps even Korean cuisines. If you want a more specialist condiment or ingredient, it can likely be found. This in a country where, in the late 1970s, according to an American friend who was then an exchange student, the only place you could score olive oil in Oxford was a pharmacy (for softening ear wax, if you’re wondering).

My theory is that the British people had a collective epiphany sometime in the mid- to late-1990s that their own food sucks, having experienced different – and mostly more exciting – cuisines during their foreign holidays and, more importantly, through the increasingly diverse immigrant communities. Once they did that, they were free to embrace all the cuisines in the world. There is no reason to insist on Indian over Thai, or favour Turkish over Mexican. Everything tasty is fine. The British freedom to consider equally all the choices available has led to it developing perhaps one of the most sophisticated food cultures anywhere.

Q. According to the passage, why did some British friends argue that their food was under-seasoned?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 10

Some British friends argued that their food was under-seasoned because they believed the ingredients were so good that they didn't need complex sauces, unlike the French.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 11

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Abortion is the expulsion of a fetus from the uterus before it has reached the stage of viability (in human beings, usually about the 20th week of gestation). An abortion may occur spontaneously, in which case it is also called a miscarriage, or it may be brought on purposefully, in which case it is often called an induced abortion. Spontaneous abortions, or miscarriages, occur for many reasons, including disease, trauma, genetic defect, or biochemical incompatibility of mother and fetus. Occasionally a fetus dies in the uterus but fails to be expelled, a condition termed a missed abortion.

Induced abortions may be performed for reasons that fall into four general categories: to preserve the life or physical or mental well-being of the mother; to prevent the completion of a pregnancy that has resulted from rape or incest; to prevent the birth of a child with serious deformity, mental deficiency, or genetic abnormality; or to prevent a birth for social or economic reasons (such as the extreme youth of the pregnant female or the sorely strained resources of the family unit). By some definitions, abortions that are performed to preserve the well-being of the female or in cases of rape or incest are therapeutic, or justifiable, abortions.

Numerous medical techniques exist for performing abortions. During the first trimester (up to about 12 weeks after conception), endometrial aspiration, suction, or curettage may be used to remove the contents of the uterus. In endometrial aspiration, a thin flexible tube is inserted up the cervical canal (the neck of the womb) and then sucks out the lining of the uterus (the endometrium) by means of an electric pump.

In the related but slightly more onerous procedure known as dilatation and evacuation (also called suction curettage or vacuum curettage), the cervical canal is enlarged by the insertion of a series of metal dilators while the patient is under anesthesia, after which a rigid suction tube is inserted into the uterus to evacuate its contents. When, in place of suction, a thin metal tool called a curette is used to scrape (rather than vacuum out) the contents of the uterus, the procedure is called dilatation and curettage. When combined with dilatation, both evacuation and curettage can be used up to about the 16th week of pregnancy.

From 12 to 19 weeks the injection of a saline solution may be used to trigger uterine contractions; alternatively, the administration of prostaglandins by injection, suppository, or other method may be used to induce contractions, but these substances may cause severe side effects. Hysterotomy, the surgical removal of the uterine contents, may be used during the second trimester or later. In general, the more advanced the pregnancy, the greater the risk to the female of mortality or serious complications following an abortion.

Q. What distinguishes a spontaneous abortion from an induced abortion?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 11

The passage distinguishes spontaneous abortion as a natural occurrence and induced abortion as a deliberate action. Consequently, option A is the correct choice.

Therefore, Option A is the accurate answer.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 12

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Abortion is the expulsion of a fetus from the uterus before it has reached the stage of viability (in human beings, usually about the 20th week of gestation). An abortion may occur spontaneously, in which case it is also called a miscarriage, or it may be brought on purposefully, in which case it is often called an induced abortion. Spontaneous abortions, or miscarriages, occur for many reasons, including disease, trauma, genetic defect, or biochemical incompatibility of mother and fetus. Occasionally a fetus dies in the uterus but fails to be expelled, a condition termed a missed abortion.

Induced abortions may be performed for reasons that fall into four general categories: to preserve the life or physical or mental well-being of the mother; to prevent the completion of a pregnancy that has resulted from rape or incest; to prevent the birth of a child with serious deformity, mental deficiency, or genetic abnormality; or to prevent a birth for social or economic reasons (such as the extreme youth of the pregnant female or the sorely strained resources of the family unit). By some definitions, abortions that are performed to preserve the well-being of the female or in cases of rape or incest are therapeutic, or justifiable, abortions.

Numerous medical techniques exist for performing abortions. During the first trimester (up to about 12 weeks after conception), endometrial aspiration, suction, or curettage may be used to remove the contents of the uterus. In endometrial aspiration, a thin flexible tube is inserted up the cervical canal (the neck of the womb) and then sucks out the lining of the uterus (the endometrium) by means of an electric pump.

In the related but slightly more onerous procedure known as dilatation and evacuation (also called suction curettage or vacuum curettage), the cervical canal is enlarged by the insertion of a series of metal dilators while the patient is under anesthesia, after which a rigid suction tube is inserted into the uterus to evacuate its contents. When, in place of suction, a thin metal tool called a curette is used to scrape (rather than vacuum out) the contents of the uterus, the procedure is called dilatation and curettage. When combined with dilatation, both evacuation and curettage can be used up to about the 16th week of pregnancy.

From 12 to 19 weeks the injection of a saline solution may be used to trigger uterine contractions; alternatively, the administration of prostaglandins by injection, suppository, or other method may be used to induce contractions, but these substances may cause severe side effects. Hysterotomy, the surgical removal of the uterine contents, may be used during the second trimester or later. In general, the more advanced the pregnancy, the greater the risk to the female of mortality or serious complications following an abortion.

Q. Which of the following is NOT mentioned as a reason for performing induced abortions in the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 12

To prevent the birth of a child due to personal inconvenience is not mentioned as a reason for performing induced abortions in the passage. The passage states that induced abortions may be performed to preserve the life or physical or mental well-being of the mother, to prevent the completion of a pregnancy resulting from rape or incest, and to prevent the birth of a child with serious deformity, mental deficiency, or genetic abnormality. It also mentions preventing a birth for social or economic reasons, but does not specifically mention personal inconvenience as a reason for performing induced abortions.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 13

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Abortion is the expulsion of a fetus from the uterus before it has reached the stage of viability (in human beings, usually about the 20th week of gestation). An abortion may occur spontaneously, in which case it is also called a miscarriage, or it may be brought on purposefully, in which case it is often called an induced abortion. Spontaneous abortions, or miscarriages, occur for many reasons, including disease, trauma, genetic defect, or biochemical incompatibility of mother and fetus. Occasionally a fetus dies in the uterus but fails to be expelled, a condition termed a missed abortion.

Induced abortions may be performed for reasons that fall into four general categories: to preserve the life or physical or mental well-being of the mother; to prevent the completion of a pregnancy that has resulted from rape or incest; to prevent the birth of a child with serious deformity, mental deficiency, or genetic abnormality; or to prevent a birth for social or economic reasons (such as the extreme youth of the pregnant female or the sorely strained resources of the family unit). By some definitions, abortions that are performed to preserve the well-being of the female or in cases of rape or incest are therapeutic, or justifiable, abortions.

Numerous medical techniques exist for performing abortions. During the first trimester (up to about 12 weeks after conception), endometrial aspiration, suction, or curettage may be used to remove the contents of the uterus. In endometrial aspiration, a thin flexible tube is inserted up the cervical canal (the neck of the womb) and then sucks out the lining of the uterus (the endometrium) by means of an electric pump.

In the related but slightly more onerous procedure known as dilatation and evacuation (also called suction curettage or vacuum curettage), the cervical canal is enlarged by the insertion of a series of metal dilators while the patient is under anesthesia, after which a rigid suction tube is inserted into the uterus to evacuate its contents. When, in place of suction, a thin metal tool called a curette is used to scrape (rather than vacuum out) the contents of the uterus, the procedure is called dilatation and curettage. When combined with dilatation, both evacuation and curettage can be used up to about the 16th week of pregnancy.

From 12 to 19 weeks the injection of a saline solution may be used to trigger uterine contractions; alternatively, the administration of prostaglandins by injection, suppository, or other method may be used to induce contractions, but these substances may cause severe side effects. Hysterotomy, the surgical removal of the uterine contents, may be used during the second trimester or later. In general, the more advanced the pregnancy, the greater the risk to the female of mortality or serious complications following an abortion.

Q. Which of the following cannot be inferred from the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 13

The passage provides information about the medical techniques for abortion, the definition of "viability," and the reasons for performing induced abortions, but it does not discuss the history of abortion laws in different countries.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 14

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Abortion is the expulsion of a fetus from the uterus before it has reached the stage of viability (in human beings, usually about the 20th week of gestation). An abortion may occur spontaneously, in which case it is also called a miscarriage, or it may be brought on purposefully, in which case it is often called an induced abortion. Spontaneous abortions, or miscarriages, occur for many reasons, including disease, trauma, genetic defect, or biochemical incompatibility of mother and fetus. Occasionally a fetus dies in the uterus but fails to be expelled, a condition termed a missed abortion.

Induced abortions may be performed for reasons that fall into four general categories: to preserve the life or physical or mental well-being of the mother; to prevent the completion of a pregnancy that has resulted from rape or incest; to prevent the birth of a child with serious deformity, mental deficiency, or genetic abnormality; or to prevent a birth for social or economic reasons (such as the extreme youth of the pregnant female or the sorely strained resources of the family unit). By some definitions, abortions that are performed to preserve the well-being of the female or in cases of rape or incest are therapeutic, or justifiable, abortions.

Numerous medical techniques exist for performing abortions. During the first trimester (up to about 12 weeks after conception), endometrial aspiration, suction, or curettage may be used to remove the contents of the uterus. In endometrial aspiration, a thin flexible tube is inserted up the cervical canal (the neck of the womb) and then sucks out the lining of the uterus (the endometrium) by means of an electric pump.

In the related but slightly more onerous procedure known as dilatation and evacuation (also called suction curettage or vacuum curettage), the cervical canal is enlarged by the insertion of a series of metal dilators while the patient is under anesthesia, after which a rigid suction tube is inserted into the uterus to evacuate its contents. When, in place of suction, a thin metal tool called a curette is used to scrape (rather than vacuum out) the contents of the uterus, the procedure is called dilatation and curettage. When combined with dilatation, both evacuation and curettage can be used up to about the 16th week of pregnancy.

From 12 to 19 weeks the injection of a saline solution may be used to trigger uterine contractions; alternatively, the administration of prostaglandins by injection, suppository, or other method may be used to induce contractions, but these substances may cause severe side effects. Hysterotomy, the surgical removal of the uterine contents, may be used during the second trimester or later. In general, the more advanced the pregnancy, the greater the risk to the female of mortality or serious complications following an abortion.

Q. What is the maximum gestational age mentioned in the passage for performing dilatation and curettage (D&C) as a method of abortion?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 14

The maximum gestational age mentioned in the passage for performing dilatation and curettage (D&C) as a method of abortion is up to about the 16th week of pregnancy. This means that D&C can be used to terminate a pregnancy within the first four months of gestation. After this point, other methods or procedures may be considered, as the passage mentions various medical techniques for different stages of pregnancy.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 15

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Abortion is the expulsion of a fetus from the uterus before it has reached the stage of viability (in human beings, usually about the 20th week of gestation). An abortion may occur spontaneously, in which case it is also called a miscarriage, or it may be brought on purposefully, in which case it is often called an induced abortion. Spontaneous abortions, or miscarriages, occur for many reasons, including disease, trauma, genetic defect, or biochemical incompatibility of mother and fetus. Occasionally a fetus dies in the uterus but fails to be expelled, a condition termed a missed abortion.

Induced abortions may be performed for reasons that fall into four general categories: to preserve the life or physical or mental well-being of the mother; to prevent the completion of a pregnancy that has resulted from rape or incest; to prevent the birth of a child with serious deformity, mental deficiency, or genetic abnormality; or to prevent a birth for social or economic reasons (such as the extreme youth of the pregnant female or the sorely strained resources of the family unit). By some definitions, abortions that are performed to preserve the well-being of the female or in cases of rape or incest are therapeutic, or justifiable, abortions.

Numerous medical techniques exist for performing abortions. During the first trimester (up to about 12 weeks after conception), endometrial aspiration, suction, or curettage may be used to remove the contents of the uterus. In endometrial aspiration, a thin flexible tube is inserted up the cervical canal (the neck of the womb) and then sucks out the lining of the uterus (the endometrium) by means of an electric pump.

In the related but slightly more onerous procedure known as dilatation and evacuation (also called suction curettage or vacuum curettage), the cervical canal is enlarged by the insertion of a series of metal dilators while the patient is under anesthesia, after which a rigid suction tube is inserted into the uterus to evacuate its contents. When, in place of suction, a thin metal tool called a curette is used to scrape (rather than vacuum out) the contents of the uterus, the procedure is called dilatation and curettage. When combined with dilatation, both evacuation and curettage can be used up to about the 16th week of pregnancy.

From 12 to 19 weeks the injection of a saline solution may be used to trigger uterine contractions; alternatively, the administration of prostaglandins by injection, suppository, or other method may be used to induce contractions, but these substances may cause severe side effects. Hysterotomy, the surgical removal of the uterine contents, may be used during the second trimester or later. In general, the more advanced the pregnancy, the greater the risk to the female of mortality or serious complications following an abortion.

Q. Which medical procedure is employed in the initial trimester to extract the contents of the uterus?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 15

The passage mentions that in the first trimester, endometrial aspiration, suction, or curettage can be employed to eliminate the uterine contents.

Therefore, Option D is the accurate response.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 16

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

With the launch of Brazil's Amazonia-1 satellite from Sriharikota, a new chapter has begun in India's space history. The satellite, a 637-kilogram entity, was the first dedicated commercial mission of NewSpace India Limited, a two-year-old commercial arm of the Department of Space. This is not the first time that NSIL has organised a launch of foreign satellites aboard an Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) launch vehicle. The organisation has had launches last November as well as in December 2019. However, the primary satellites aboard both these missions were Indian satellites — the RISAT-2BRI and the EOS-01 — with smaller satellites from several other countries, as well as India, piggybacking on them. The Amazonia mission also saw 18 other satellites being launched and was the first fully commercial mission. India has so far launched 342 foreign satellites from 34 countries using its Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle platform and many of them have involved ISRO's first commercial entity, the Antrix Corporation. There is still confusion on how exactly the responsibilities of NSIL differ from those of Antrix. But with the formation of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Center (IN-SPACe) — a regulatory agency — as well as plans of an independent tribunal to adjudicate disputes among private space entities, there is a potential explosion of market opportunities from space applications on the anvil. Though the private sector plays a major role in developing launch and satellite infrastructure for ISRO, there are now several companies that offer myriad services. Many of these companies want to launch their own satellites, of varying dimensions, and the experience with ISRO has not been smooth always. The most conspicuous has been the controversy involving Devas Multimedia, to which the Government of India owes nearly $1.2 billion going by an order of a tribunal of the International Chamber of Commerce and upheld by a United States federal court last year. NSIL, it is said, is also a move by India's space establishment to insulate the prospects of the space industry in India from repercussions of the Devas-Antrix imbroglio.
Much like unfettered access to the Internet has spawned industries that were inconceivable, similarly, space applications and mapping have barely scratched the surface in terms of the opportunities that they can create. NSIL has a broad ambit and will be involved in collaborations spanning from launches to new space-related industries. NSIL is also expected to be more than just a marketer of ISRO's technologies; it is to find newer business opportunities and expand the sector itself. NSIL must endeavour to not be another Antrix but be continuously in start-up mode. It must conceive of ways to aid space start-ups reach out to rural India and facilitate more recruits from India's young to facilitate careers in space applications and sciences. It must see itself both as an Indian ambassador and disruptor in the space arena.

[Extracted from an editorial published in The Hindu, dated March 6, 2021]

Q. What does the phrase 'on the anvil' mean as used in the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 16

Referring to the line, "But with the formation... plans of an independent tribunal to adjudicate disputes among private space entities, there is a potential explosion of market opportunities from space applications on the anvil." Therefore, "on the anvil" indicates that there is a potential surge in market opportunities related to space applications that are either in development or being prepared. Among the options, only option 2 can convey this meaning.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 17

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

With the launch of Brazil's Amazonia-1 satellite from Sriharikota, a new chapter has begun in India's space history. The satellite, a 637-kilogram entity, was the first dedicated commercial mission of NewSpace India Limited, a two-year-old commercial arm of the Department of Space. This is not the first time that NSIL has organised a launch of foreign satellites aboard an Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) launch vehicle. The organisation has had launches last November as well as in December 2019. However, the primary satellites aboard both these missions were Indian satellites — the RISAT-2BRI and the EOS-01 — with smaller satellites from several other countries, as well as India, piggybacking on them. The Amazonia mission also saw 18 other satellites being launched and was the first fully commercial mission. India has so far launched 342 foreign satellites from 34 countries using its Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle platform and many of them have involved ISRO's first commercial entity, the Antrix Corporation. There is still confusion on how exactly the responsibilities of NSIL differ from those of Antrix. But with the formation of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Center (IN-SPACe) — a regulatory agency — as well as plans of an independent tribunal to adjudicate disputes among private space entities, there is a potential explosion of market opportunities from space applications on the anvil. Though the private sector plays a major role in developing launch and satellite infrastructure for ISRO, there are now several companies that offer myriad services. Many of these companies want to launch their own satellites, of varying dimensions, and the experience with ISRO has not been smooth always. The most conspicuous has been the controversy involving Devas Multimedia, to which the Government of India owes nearly $1.2 billion going by an order of a tribunal of the International Chamber of Commerce and upheld by a United States federal court last year. NSIL, it is said, is also a move by India's space establishment to insulate the prospects of the space industry in India from repercussions of the Devas-Antrix imbroglio.
Much like unfettered access to the Internet has spawned industries that were inconceivable, similarly, space applications and mapping have barely scratched the surface in terms of the opportunities that they can create. NSIL has a broad ambit and will be involved in collaborations spanning from launches to new space-related industries. NSIL is also expected to be more than just a marketer of ISRO's technologies; it is to find newer business opportunities and expand the sector itself. NSIL must endeavour to not be another Antrix but be continuously in start-up mode. It must conceive of ways to aid space start-ups reach out to rural India and facilitate more recruits from India's young to facilitate careers in space applications and sciences. It must see itself both as an Indian ambassador and disruptor in the space arena.

[Extracted from an editorial published in The Hindu, dated March 6, 2021]

Q. According to the passage, why was the launch of the Amazonia-1 satellite significant?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 17

The passage states that the Amazonia-1 mission was the first dedicated commercial mission of NewSpace India Limited (NSIL). This mission marked a significant step in India's space history, making option C the correct answer to why the launch was significant.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 18

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

With the launch of Brazil's Amazonia-1 satellite from Sriharikota, a new chapter has begun in India's space history. The satellite, a 637-kilogram entity, was the first dedicated commercial mission of NewSpace India Limited, a two-year-old commercial arm of the Department of Space. This is not the first time that NSIL has organised a launch of foreign satellites aboard an Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) launch vehicle. The organisation has had launches last November as well as in December 2019. However, the primary satellites aboard both these missions were Indian satellites — the RISAT-2BRI and the EOS-01 — with smaller satellites from several other countries, as well as India, piggybacking on them. The Amazonia mission also saw 18 other satellites being launched and was the first fully commercial mission. India has so far launched 342 foreign satellites from 34 countries using its Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle platform and many of them have involved ISRO's first commercial entity, the Antrix Corporation. There is still confusion on how exactly the responsibilities of NSIL differ from those of Antrix. But with the formation of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Center (IN-SPACe) — a regulatory agency — as well as plans of an independent tribunal to adjudicate disputes among private space entities, there is a potential explosion of market opportunities from space applications on the anvil. Though the private sector plays a major role in developing launch and satellite infrastructure for ISRO, there are now several companies that offer myriad services. Many of these companies want to launch their own satellites, of varying dimensions, and the experience with ISRO has not been smooth always. The most conspicuous has been the controversy involving Devas Multimedia, to which the Government of India owes nearly $1.2 billion going by an order of a tribunal of the International Chamber of Commerce and upheld by a United States federal court last year. NSIL, it is said, is also a move by India's space establishment to insulate the prospects of the space industry in India from repercussions of the Devas-Antrix imbroglio.
Much like unfettered access to the Internet has spawned industries that were inconceivable, similarly, space applications and mapping have barely scratched the surface in terms of the opportunities that they can create. NSIL has a broad ambit and will be involved in collaborations spanning from launches to new space-related industries. NSIL is also expected to be more than just a marketer of ISRO's technologies; it is to find newer business opportunities and expand the sector itself. NSIL must endeavour to not be another Antrix but be continuously in start-up mode. It must conceive of ways to aid space start-ups reach out to rural India and facilitate more recruits from India's young to facilitate careers in space applications and sciences. It must see itself both as an Indian ambassador and disruptor in the space arena.

[Extracted from an editorial published in The Hindu, dated March 6, 2021]

Q. What is the tone of the author in the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 18

The passage's author is presenting details regarding the launch of Brazil's satellite by ISRO. Additionally, the author discusses the establishment of a new regulatory agency. Considering the available options, the tone of the passage can be described as informative.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 19

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

With the launch of Brazil's Amazonia-1 satellite from Sriharikota, a new chapter has begun in India's space history. The satellite, a 637-kilogram entity, was the first dedicated commercial mission of NewSpace India Limited, a two-year-old commercial arm of the Department of Space. This is not the first time that NSIL has organised a launch of foreign satellites aboard an Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) launch vehicle. The organisation has had launches last November as well as in December 2019. However, the primary satellites aboard both these missions were Indian satellites — the RISAT-2BRI and the EOS-01 — with smaller satellites from several other countries, as well as India, piggybacking on them. The Amazonia mission also saw 18 other satellites being launched and was the first fully commercial mission. India has so far launched 342 foreign satellites from 34 countries using its Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle platform and many of them have involved ISRO's first commercial entity, the Antrix Corporation. There is still confusion on how exactly the responsibilities of NSIL differ from those of Antrix. But with the formation of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Center (IN-SPACe) — a regulatory agency — as well as plans of an independent tribunal to adjudicate disputes among private space entities, there is a potential explosion of market opportunities from space applications on the anvil. Though the private sector plays a major role in developing launch and satellite infrastructure for ISRO, there are now several companies that offer myriad services. Many of these companies want to launch their own satellites, of varying dimensions, and the experience with ISRO has not been smooth always. The most conspicuous has been the controversy involving Devas Multimedia, to which the Government of India owes nearly $1.2 billion going by an order of a tribunal of the International Chamber of Commerce and upheld by a United States federal court last year. NSIL, it is said, is also a move by India's space establishment to insulate the prospects of the space industry in India from repercussions of the Devas-Antrix imbroglio.
Much like unfettered access to the Internet has spawned industries that were inconceivable, similarly, space applications and mapping have barely scratched the surface in terms of the opportunities that they can create. NSIL has a broad ambit and will be involved in collaborations spanning from launches to new space-related industries. NSIL is also expected to be more than just a marketer of ISRO's technologies; it is to find newer business opportunities and expand the sector itself. NSIL must endeavour to not be another Antrix but be continuously in start-up mode. It must conceive of ways to aid space start-ups reach out to rural India and facilitate more recruits from India's young to facilitate careers in space applications and sciences. It must see itself both as an Indian ambassador and disruptor in the space arena.

[Extracted from an editorial published in The Hindu, dated March 6, 2021]

Q. The statement "NSIL must strive not to replicate Antrix" implies that:

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 19

Referring to the statement, "NSIL is also expected to be more than just a marketer of ISRO's technologies; it is to find newer business opportunities and expand the sector itself. NSIL must strive not to replicate Antrix but instead maintain a continuous startup mindset." These lines imply that Antrix primarily served as a promoter of ISRO's technologies, and the reference (to avoid becoming another Antrix) suggests that Antrix may not have been particularly successful in this role.

None of the other options are supported by the passage. While option 3 might seem plausible, it is incorrect because the passage mentions the concept of start-ups in the context of NSIL only, without implying that Antrix was expected to bring in more start-ups.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 20

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

With the launch of Brazil's Amazonia-1 satellite from Sriharikota, a new chapter has begun in India's space history. The satellite, a 637-kilogram entity, was the first dedicated commercial mission of NewSpace India Limited, a two-year-old commercial arm of the Department of Space. This is not the first time that NSIL has organised a launch of foreign satellites aboard an Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) launch vehicle. The organisation has had launches last November as well as in December 2019. However, the primary satellites aboard both these missions were Indian satellites — the RISAT-2BRI and the EOS-01 — with smaller satellites from several other countries, as well as India, piggybacking on them. The Amazonia mission also saw 18 other satellites being launched and was the first fully commercial mission. India has so far launched 342 foreign satellites from 34 countries using its Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle platform and many of them have involved ISRO's first commercial entity, the Antrix Corporation. There is still confusion on how exactly the responsibilities of NSIL differ from those of Antrix. But with the formation of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Center (IN-SPACe) — a regulatory agency — as well as plans of an independent tribunal to adjudicate disputes among private space entities, there is a potential explosion of market opportunities from space applications on the anvil. Though the private sector plays a major role in developing launch and satellite infrastructure for ISRO, there are now several companies that offer myriad services. Many of these companies want to launch their own satellites, of varying dimensions, and the experience with ISRO has not been smooth always. The most conspicuous has been the controversy involving Devas Multimedia, to which the Government of India owes nearly $1.2 billion going by an order of a tribunal of the International Chamber of Commerce and upheld by a United States federal court last year. NSIL, it is said, is also a move by India's space establishment to insulate the prospects of the space industry in India from repercussions of the Devas-Antrix imbroglio.
Much like unfettered access to the Internet has spawned industries that were inconceivable, similarly, space applications and mapping have barely scratched the surface in terms of the opportunities that they can create. NSIL has a broad ambit and will be involved in collaborations spanning from launches to new space-related industries. NSIL is also expected to be more than just a marketer of ISRO's technologies; it is to find newer business opportunities and expand the sector itself. NSIL must endeavour to not be another Antrix but be continuously in start-up mode. It must conceive of ways to aid space start-ups reach out to rural India and facilitate more recruits from India's young to facilitate careers in space applications and sciences. It must see itself both as an Indian ambassador and disruptor in the space arena.

[Extracted from an editorial published in The Hindu, dated March 6, 2021]

Q. Which of the following cannot be inferred from the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 20

While the passage mentions the formation of IN-SPACe, it does not provide details about its responsibilities. Therefore, this information cannot be inferred from the passage.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 21

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

Back in the 1950s, the modern use of the term "hacking" was coined within the walls of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. For many years after, a hacker was defined as someone who was an expert at programming and problem-solving with computers, who could stretch the capabilities of what computers and computer programs were originally intended to do.
Hacking is an activity, and what separates any activity from a crime is, very often, permission. Hacking isn't an inherently criminal activity. Someone who engages in the illegal use of hacking should not be called a "bad hacker" but a "cybercriminal," "threat actor" or "cyberattacker." Hackers are people like me and my team at IBM — security professionals who are searching for vulnerabilities, hoping to find weak links in our computer systems before criminals can exploit them.
Those who commit computer crimes fall into two categories: "black hat" and "gray hat." A black hat is someone who hacks with malicious intentions (espionage, data theft), seeking financial or personal gain by exploiting vulnerabilities. A gray hat is someone whose intentions may not be malicious but lacks the permission to hack into a system. Whether a particular criminal is a black hat or a gray hat is simply descriptive of the motivation behind what has already been established as illegal activity.
Somewhere along the way, the security industry also recruited ethics to help justify hacking behaviour, giving us "the ethical hacker" and adding an artificial defensiveness to a profession that has existed since the 1950s. Unfortunately, even accredited security certifications use the adjective in their very title. And while we can't and shouldn't fault the general public for referring to us as ethical hackers, I ask you this: Does it sound right to introduce someone as an ethical stockbroker? How about an ethical engineer or ethical professor?
Hackers play a critical role in keeping companies and people safe. A hacker failing to do the job right is the equivalent to letting a company believe and function as if it's wearing a bulletproof vest when in fact, it's wearing cashmere.
The misrepresentation of the term "hacker" not only undermines the offensive security community but also distorts legislators' understanding and perception of hackers overall. The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, for example, relies heavily on the term and its misinterpretation. For society to have open and productive discussions about security research and penetration testing, we need to set the record straight on who and what hackers really are. Many government officials whom I've spoken with understand this. Others choose to take my license plate away.
[Extracted with edits and revisions from 'Opinion | Most Hackers Aren't Criminals', The New York Times]

Q. According to the passage, what distinguishes a hacker from a cybercriminal?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 21

The passage explains that hackers are individuals who engage in computer-related activities, and what differentiates them from cybercriminals is their motivation and intention. Cybercriminals engage in illegal activities for personal gain, while hackers may search for vulnerabilities for security purposes.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 22

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

Back in the 1950s, the modern use of the term "hacking" was coined within the walls of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. For many years after, a hacker was defined as someone who was an expert at programming and problem-solving with computers, who could stretch the capabilities of what computers and computer programs were originally intended to do.
Hacking is an activity, and what separates any activity from a crime is, very often, permission. Hacking isn't an inherently criminal activity. Someone who engages in the illegal use of hacking should not be called a "bad hacker" but a "cybercriminal," "threat actor" or "cyberattacker." Hackers are people like me and my team at IBM — security professionals who are searching for vulnerabilities, hoping to find weak links in our computer systems before criminals can exploit them.
Those who commit computer crimes fall into two categories: "black hat" and "gray hat." A black hat is someone who hacks with malicious intentions (espionage, data theft), seeking financial or personal gain by exploiting vulnerabilities. A gray hat is someone whose intentions may not be malicious but lacks the permission to hack into a system. Whether a particular criminal is a black hat or a gray hat is simply descriptive of the motivation behind what has already been established as illegal activity.
Somewhere along the way, the security industry also recruited ethics to help justify hacking behaviour, giving us "the ethical hacker" and adding an artificial defensiveness to a profession that has existed since the 1950s. Unfortunately, even accredited security certifications use the adjective in their very title. And while we can't and shouldn't fault the general public for referring to us as ethical hackers, I ask you this: Does it sound right to introduce someone as an ethical stockbroker? How about an ethical engineer or ethical professor?
Hackers play a critical role in keeping companies and people safe. A hacker failing to do the job right is the equivalent to letting a company believe and function as if it's wearing a bulletproof vest when in fact, it's wearing cashmere.
The misrepresentation of the term "hacker" not only undermines the offensive security community but also distorts legislators' understanding and perception of hackers overall. The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, for example, relies heavily on the term and its misinterpretation. For society to have open and productive discussions about security research and penetration testing, we need to set the record straight on who and what hackers really are. Many government officials whom I've spoken with understand this. Others choose to take my license plate away.
[Extracted with edits and revisions from 'Opinion | Most Hackers Aren't Criminals', The New York Times]

Q. All of the following describe "ethical hacker" except:

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 22

The passage mentions that "ethical hackers" are individuals who conduct security research and penetration testing to enhance security. It does not suggest that they engage in hacking without permission; rather, they have permission to identify vulnerabilities.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 23

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

Back in the 1950s, the modern use of the term "hacking" was coined within the walls of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. For many years after, a hacker was defined as someone who was an expert at programming and problem-solving with computers, who could stretch the capabilities of what computers and computer programs were originally intended to do.
Hacking is an activity, and what separates any activity from a crime is, very often, permission. Hacking isn't an inherently criminal activity. Someone who engages in the illegal use of hacking should not be called a "bad hacker" but a "cybercriminal," "threat actor" or "cyberattacker." Hackers are people like me and my team at IBM — security professionals who are searching for vulnerabilities, hoping to find weak links in our computer systems before criminals can exploit them.
Those who commit computer crimes fall into two categories: "black hat" and "gray hat." A black hat is someone who hacks with malicious intentions (espionage, data theft), seeking financial or personal gain by exploiting vulnerabilities. A gray hat is someone whose intentions may not be malicious but lacks the permission to hack into a system. Whether a particular criminal is a black hat or a gray hat is simply descriptive of the motivation behind what has already been established as illegal activity.
Somewhere along the way, the security industry also recruited ethics to help justify hacking behaviour, giving us "the ethical hacker" and adding an artificial defensiveness to a profession that has existed since the 1950s. Unfortunately, even accredited security certifications use the adjective in their very title. And while we can't and shouldn't fault the general public for referring to us as ethical hackers, I ask you this: Does it sound right to introduce someone as an ethical stockbroker? How about an ethical engineer or ethical professor?
Hackers play a critical role in keeping companies and people safe. A hacker failing to do the job right is the equivalent to letting a company believe and function as if it's wearing a bulletproof vest when in fact, it's wearing cashmere.
The misrepresentation of the term "hacker" not only undermines the offensive security community but also distorts legislators' understanding and perception of hackers overall. The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, for example, relies heavily on the term and its misinterpretation. For society to have open and productive discussions about security research and penetration testing, we need to set the record straight on who and what hackers really are. Many government officials whom I've spoken with understand this. Others choose to take my license plate away.
[Extracted with edits and revisions from 'Opinion | Most Hackers Aren't Criminals', The New York Times]

Q. What is the reason behind the author's statement "we need to set the record straight on who and what hackers really are"?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 23

The accurate choice is option 3. This is evident from the concluding paragraph that addresses the misconceptions surrounding the terms and is substantiated by the statement: "The misrepresentation of the term 'hacker' not only undermines the offensive security community but also distorts legislators' understanding and perception of hackers overall."

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 24

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

Back in the 1950s, the modern use of the term "hacking" was coined within the walls of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. For many years after, a hacker was defined as someone who was an expert at programming and problem-solving with computers, who could stretch the capabilities of what computers and computer programs were originally intended to do.
Hacking is an activity, and what separates any activity from a crime is, very often, permission. Hacking isn't an inherently criminal activity. Someone who engages in the illegal use of hacking should not be called a "bad hacker" but a "cybercriminal," "threat actor" or "cyberattacker." Hackers are people like me and my team at IBM — security professionals who are searching for vulnerabilities, hoping to find weak links in our computer systems before criminals can exploit them.
Those who commit computer crimes fall into two categories: "black hat" and "gray hat." A black hat is someone who hacks with malicious intentions (espionage, data theft), seeking financial or personal gain by exploiting vulnerabilities. A gray hat is someone whose intentions may not be malicious but lacks the permission to hack into a system. Whether a particular criminal is a black hat or a gray hat is simply descriptive of the motivation behind what has already been established as illegal activity.
Somewhere along the way, the security industry also recruited ethics to help justify hacking behaviour, giving us "the ethical hacker" and adding an artificial defensiveness to a profession that has existed since the 1950s. Unfortunately, even accredited security certifications use the adjective in their very title. And while we can't and shouldn't fault the general public for referring to us as ethical hackers, I ask you this: Does it sound right to introduce someone as an ethical stockbroker? How about an ethical engineer or ethical professor?
Hackers play a critical role in keeping companies and people safe. A hacker failing to do the job right is the equivalent to letting a company believe and function as if it's wearing a bulletproof vest when in fact, it's wearing cashmere.
The misrepresentation of the term "hacker" not only undermines the offensive security community but also distorts legislators' understanding and perception of hackers overall. The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, for example, relies heavily on the term and its misinterpretation. For society to have open and productive discussions about security research and penetration testing, we need to set the record straight on who and what hackers really are. Many government officials whom I've spoken with understand this. Others choose to take my license plate away.
[Extracted with edits and revisions from 'Opinion | Most Hackers Aren't Criminals', The New York Times]

Q. What is the primary role of a "gray hat" hacker, as described in the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 24

The passage defines a "gray hat" hacker as someone who lacks permission to hack into a system, suggesting that they engage in security testing without proper authorization.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 25

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.

Back in the 1950s, the modern use of the term "hacking" was coined within the walls of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. For many years after, a hacker was defined as someone who was an expert at programming and problem-solving with computers, who could stretch the capabilities of what computers and computer programs were originally intended to do.
Hacking is an activity, and what separates any activity from a crime is, very often, permission. Hacking isn't an inherently criminal activity. Someone who engages in the illegal use of hacking should not be called a "bad hacker" but a "cybercriminal," "threat actor" or "cyberattacker." Hackers are people like me and my team at IBM — security professionals who are searching for vulnerabilities, hoping to find weak links in our computer systems before criminals can exploit them.
Those who commit computer crimes fall into two categories: "black hat" and "gray hat." A black hat is someone who hacks with malicious intentions (espionage, data theft), seeking financial or personal gain by exploiting vulnerabilities. A gray hat is someone whose intentions may not be malicious but lacks the permission to hack into a system. Whether a particular criminal is a black hat or a gray hat is simply descriptive of the motivation behind what has already been established as illegal activity.
Somewhere along the way, the security industry also recruited ethics to help justify hacking behaviour, giving us "the ethical hacker" and adding an artificial defensiveness to a profession that has existed since the 1950s. Unfortunately, even accredited security certifications use the adjective in their very title. And while we can't and shouldn't fault the general public for referring to us as ethical hackers, I ask you this: Does it sound right to introduce someone as an ethical stockbroker? How about an ethical engineer or ethical professor?
Hackers play a critical role in keeping companies and people safe. A hacker failing to do the job right is the equivalent to letting a company believe and function as if it's wearing a bulletproof vest when in fact, it's wearing cashmere.
The misrepresentation of the term "hacker" not only undermines the offensive security community but also distorts legislators' understanding and perception of hackers overall. The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, for example, relies heavily on the term and its misinterpretation. For society to have open and productive discussions about security research and penetration testing, we need to set the record straight on who and what hackers really are. Many government officials whom I've spoken with understand this. Others choose to take my license plate away.
[Extracted with edits and revisions from 'Opinion | Most Hackers Aren't Criminals', The New York Times]

Q. Which of the following most accurately captures the primary message the author is conveying in the provided passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 25

The correct option is c. Across the entire passage, the author elucidates the concept of hacking and hacker, demonstrating that these terms have meanings beyond criminal activities. This assertion is reinforced in the concluding paragraph, where the author discusses the misrepresentation of the term 'hacker'.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 26

Directions: Read the following information carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday showcased India as an attractive destination for investment in the defence manufacturing sector, and said the country will move towards becoming one of the leading exporters of military hardware globally, backed by favourable economic policies.

After inaugurating the 14th edition of Aero India, he said India has “rejuvenated” its defence production sector in the last eight-nine years and is looking at increasing the export of military hardware from USD 1.5 billion (one billion is ₹ 100 crore) to USD five billion by 2024-25. “The new India of the 21st century will neither miss any opportunity nor will it lack any effort. We are gearing up. We are bringing revolution in every sector on the path of reforms. PM Modi said India’s defence exports have increased six times in the last five years, and that it has crossed the figure of USD 1.5 billion in its exports.

The five-day aerospace exhibition, considered the largest in Asia, is being participated by over 700 Indian and foreign defence companies, besides delegates from around 100 countries which included several defence ministers as well. The presence of around 100 countries of the world shows how much the world’s faith in India has increased. More than 700 exhibitors from India and abroad are participating in it. It has broken all old records till now.

[Extracted, with edits and revisions, from: “India Rejuvenated Defence Production Sector In 8-9 years: PM Modi At Aero India 2023”, NDTV]

Q. According to Prime Minister Modi, what is India's target for military hardware exports by 2024-25?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 26

Prime Minister Modi's target for military hardware exports by 2024-25 is USD 5 billion. This ambitious goal demonstrates India's aspiration to significantly increase its presence in the global defense export market. It also reflects the government's commitment to boosting economic growth through defense manufacturing and exports.

Key Point:

  • India's plan to raise its military hardware exports from USD 1.5 billion to USD 5 billion signifies a substantial growth target in a relatively short timeframe.
Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 27

Directions: Read the following information carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday showcased India as an attractive destination for investment in the defence manufacturing sector, and said the country will move towards becoming one of the leading exporters of military hardware globally, backed by favourable economic policies.

After inaugurating the 14th edition of Aero India, he said India has “rejuvenated” its defence production sector in the last eight-nine years and is looking at increasing the export of military hardware from USD 1.5 billion (one billion is ₹ 100 crore) to USD five billion by 2024-25. “The new India of the 21st century will neither miss any opportunity nor will it lack any effort. We are gearing up. We are bringing revolution in every sector on the path of reforms. PM Modi said India’s defence exports have increased six times in the last five years, and that it has crossed the figure of USD 1.5 billion in its exports.

The five-day aerospace exhibition, considered the largest in Asia, is being participated by over 700 Indian and foreign defence companies, besides delegates from around 100 countries which included several defence ministers as well. The presence of around 100 countries of the world shows how much the world’s faith in India has increased. More than 700 exhibitors from India and abroad are participating in it. It has broken all old records till now.

[Extracted, with edits and revisions, from: “India Rejuvenated Defence Production Sector In 8-9 years: PM Modi At Aero India 2023”, NDTV]

Q. In the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) list of major arms exporters for the period 2015-2019, what is India's position or rank?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 27

India has secured the 23rd position in the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) ranking of major arms exporters for the period 2015-2019. It's noteworthy that India's global arms exports share remains modest at just 0.17%.

Additional Details:

  • India's exports in this category encompass various items such as personal protective gear, defence electronic systems, mechanical engineering equipment, offshore patrol vessels, advanced light helicopters, avionics suits, radio systems, and radar systems.
  • The Indian government has set an ambitious target of achieving USD 5 billion in arms exports by the year 2024-25.
  • India's arms and equipment exports reach various countries, including Italy, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Russia, France, Nepal, Mauritius, Sri Lanka, Israel, Egypt, UAE, Bhutan, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, Philippines, Poland, Spain, and Chile.

Therefore, option A accurately represents the information provided in the passage.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 28

Directions: Read the following information carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday showcased India as an attractive destination for investment in the defence manufacturing sector, and said the country will move towards becoming one of the leading exporters of military hardware globally, backed by favourable economic policies.

After inaugurating the 14th edition of Aero India, he said India has “rejuvenated” its defence production sector in the last eight-nine years and is looking at increasing the export of military hardware from USD 1.5 billion (one billion is ₹ 100 crore) to USD five billion by 2024-25. “The new India of the 21st century will neither miss any opportunity nor will it lack any effort. We are gearing up. We are bringing revolution in every sector on the path of reforms. PM Modi said India’s defence exports have increased six times in the last five years, and that it has crossed the figure of USD 1.5 billion in its exports.

The five-day aerospace exhibition, considered the largest in Asia, is being participated by over 700 Indian and foreign defence companies, besides delegates from around 100 countries which included several defence ministers as well. The presence of around 100 countries of the world shows how much the world’s faith in India has increased. More than 700 exhibitors from India and abroad are participating in it. It has broken all old records till now.

[Extracted, with edits and revisions, from: “India Rejuvenated Defence Production Sector In 8-9 years: PM Modi At Aero India 2023”, NDTV]

Q. What is Aero India 2023?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 28

Aero India 2023 is a five-day aerospace exhibition and is considered the largest in Asia. It serves as a platform for showcasing the latest advancements in aerospace and defense technology. The event brings together over 700 exhibitors from India and abroad, including both Indian and foreign defense companies. Additionally, delegates from around 100 countries participate in the exhibition, including several defense ministers. This demonstrates the global significance of Aero India as a forum for defense-related discussions, collaborations, and showcasing cutting-edge aerospace technologies.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 29

Directions: Read the following information carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday showcased India as an attractive destination for investment in the defence manufacturing sector, and said the country will move towards becoming one of the leading exporters of military hardware globally, backed by favourable economic policies.

After inaugurating the 14th edition of Aero India, he said India has “rejuvenated” its defence production sector in the last eight-nine years and is looking at increasing the export of military hardware from USD 1.5 billion (one billion is ₹ 100 crore) to USD five billion by 2024-25. “The new India of the 21st century will neither miss any opportunity nor will it lack any effort. We are gearing up. We are bringing revolution in every sector on the path of reforms. PM Modi said India’s defence exports have increased six times in the last five years, and that it has crossed the figure of USD 1.5 billion in its exports.

The five-day aerospace exhibition, considered the largest in Asia, is being participated by over 700 Indian and foreign defence companies, besides delegates from around 100 countries which included several defence ministers as well. The presence of around 100 countries of the world shows how much the world’s faith in India has increased. More than 700 exhibitors from India and abroad are participating in it. It has broken all old records till now.

[Extracted, with edits and revisions, from: “India Rejuvenated Defence Production Sector In 8-9 years: PM Modi At Aero India 2023”, NDTV]

Q. From which country did India receive its inaugural export order for BrahMos missiles?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 29

India secured its inaugural export contract for BrahMos missiles from the Philippines, involving a deal worth USD 374 million for the supply of shore-based anti-ship BrahMos missiles.

Key Highlights:

  • The BrahMos missile stands as one of the world's swiftest supersonic cruise missiles.
  • BrahMos Aerospace represents another joint initiative between India and Russia, specializing in the development of nuclear-capable supersonic missiles. Currently, the company manufactures the BrahMos missile and is actively engaged in creating the BrahMos II, a hypersonic cruise missile.
  • India is on the verge of concluding a second export agreement for the Indo-Russian BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, this time with Indonesia.

Therefore, option B remains the accurate response.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 30

Directions: Read the following information carefully and answer the questions given beside.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday showcased India as an attractive destination for investment in the defence manufacturing sector, and said the country will move towards becoming one of the leading exporters of military hardware globally, backed by favourable economic policies.

After inaugurating the 14th edition of Aero India, he said India has “rejuvenated” its defence production sector in the last eight-nine years and is looking at increasing the export of military hardware from USD 1.5 billion (one billion is ₹ 100 crore) to USD five billion by 2024-25. “The new India of the 21st century will neither miss any opportunity nor will it lack any effort. We are gearing up. We are bringing revolution in every sector on the path of reforms. PM Modi said India’s defence exports have increased six times in the last five years, and that it has crossed the figure of USD 1.5 billion in its exports.

The five-day aerospace exhibition, considered the largest in Asia, is being participated by over 700 Indian and foreign defence companies, besides delegates from around 100 countries which included several defence ministers as well. The presence of around 100 countries of the world shows how much the world’s faith in India has increased. More than 700 exhibitors from India and abroad are participating in it. It has broken all old records till now.

[Extracted, with edits and revisions, from: “India Rejuvenated Defence Production Sector In 8-9 years: PM Modi At Aero India 2023”, NDTV]

Q. The Korwa Ordnance Factory located in Amethi, Uttar Pradesh, has successfully manufactured the initial batch of 7.62 mm Kalashnikov AK-203 assault rifles. This achievement represents a collaborative effort in the production of the Kalashnikov AK-203 assault rifles.

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 4 - Question 30

The joint effort between India and Russia, known as Indo-Russian Rifles Private Limited (IRRPL), has initiated the production of AK-203 Kalashnikov assault rifles at the Korwa facility in Uttar Pradesh.

Key Highlights:

  • The BrahMos missile stands as one of the world's swiftest supersonic cruise missiles.
  • In December 2021, India and Russia entered into an agreement for the procurement of 6,01,427 7.63x39mm AK 203 assault rifles through the Korwa Ordnance Factory, situated in Uttar Pradesh's Amethi district. The factory was inaugurated in 2019.
  • Additionally, BrahMos Aerospace represents another collaborative venture between India and Russia, specializing in the development of nuclear-capable supersonic missiles. The company is presently engaged in the manufacture of the BrahMos missile and the ongoing development of the BrahMos II, a hypersonic cruise missile.

Therefore, option D is correct.

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