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Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - CLAT MCQ


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30 Questions MCQ Test CLAT Mock Test Series 2026 - Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13

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Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 1

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

To begin with, residual problems from the end of the earlier era of colonisation, usually the result of untidy departures by the colonial power, still remain dangerously stalemated. The dramatic events in East Timor in 1999 are no longer fresh in the memory, and the more recent woes of neither Afghanistan nor Myanmar, can be attributed to colonialism. But no closure seems in sight in western Sahara, Jammu and Kashmir or in those old standbys of Cyprus and Palestine, all messy legacies of colonialism. Fuses lit in the colonial era could ignite again, as they did in the Horn of Africa, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, where war broke out over a colonial border that the Italians of an earlier era of occupation had failed to define with enough precision, and, more recently still, between the government of Ethiopia and its Tigrayan minority.

But it is not just the direct results of colonialism that remain relevant: there are the indirect ones as well. The intellectual history of colonialism is littered with many a wilful cause of more recent conflict. One is, quite simply, careless anthropology: the Belgian classification of Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi, which reified a distinction that had not existed before, continues to haunt the region of the African Great Lakes. A related problem is that of motivated sociology: how much bloodshed do we owe, for instance, to the British invention of “martial races” in India, which skewed recruitment into the armed forces and saddled some communities (Punjabi Muslims, for instance) with the onerous burden of militarism? And one can never overlook the old colonial administrative habit of “divide and rule”, exemplified, again, by British policy in the subcontinent after 1857, systematically promoting political divisions between Hindus and Muslims, which led inexorably to the tragedy of Partition. Such colonial-era distinctions were not just pernicious; they were often accompanied by an unequal distribution of the resources of the state within the colonial society. Belgian colonialists favoured Tutsis, leading to Hutu rejection of them as alien interlopers; Sinhalese resentment of privileges enjoyed by the Tamils in the colonial era in Sri Lanka prompted the discriminatory policies after Independence, that in turn fuelled the Tamil revolt.

A “mixed” colonial history within one modern state is also a potential source of danger. When a state has more than one colonial past, its future is vulnerable. Secessionism, after all, can be prompted by a variety of factors, historical, geographical and cultural as well as “ethnic”. Ethnicity or language hardly seem to be a factor in the secessions (one recognised, the other not) of Eritrea from Ethiopia and the “Republic of Somaliland” from Somalia. Rather, it was different colonial experiences (Italian rule in Eritrea and British rule in Somaliland) that set them off, at least in their own self-perceptions, from the rest of their ethnic compatriots. A similar case can be made in respect of the former Yugoslavia, where parts of the country that had been under Austro-Hungarian rule for 800 years had been joined to parts that spent almost as long under Ottoman suzerainty. The war that erupted in 1991 was in no small measure a war that pitted those parts of Yugoslavia that had been ruled by German-speaking empires against those that had not (or had resisted such colonisation).

Q. What can be concluded about colonialism's legacy from this passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 1

Option B is the correct assumption since the passage describes how colonialism's direct and indirect effects still have an impact on present conflicts.

As a result, choice B is the right response.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 2

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

To begin with, residual problems from the end of the earlier era of colonisation, usually the result of untidy departures by the colonial power, still remain dangerously stalemated. The dramatic events in East Timor in 1999 are no longer fresh in the memory, and the more recent woes of neither Afghanistan nor Myanmar, can be attributed to colonialism. But no closure seems in sight in western Sahara, Jammu and Kashmir or in those old standbys of Cyprus and Palestine, all messy legacies of colonialism. Fuses lit in the colonial era could ignite again, as they did in the Horn of Africa, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, where war broke out over a colonial border that the Italians of an earlier era of occupation had failed to define with enough precision, and, more recently still, between the government of Ethiopia and its Tigrayan minority.

But it is not just the direct results of colonialism that remain relevant: there are the indirect ones as well. The intellectual history of colonialism is littered with many a wilful cause of more recent conflict. One is, quite simply, careless anthropology: the Belgian classification of Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi, which reified a distinction that had not existed before, continues to haunt the region of the African Great Lakes. A related problem is that of motivated sociology: how much bloodshed do we owe, for instance, to the British invention of “martial races” in India, which skewed recruitment into the armed forces and saddled some communities (Punjabi Muslims, for instance) with the onerous burden of militarism? And one can never overlook the old colonial administrative habit of “divide and rule”, exemplified, again, by British policy in the subcontinent after 1857, systematically promoting political divisions between Hindus and Muslims, which led inexorably to the tragedy of Partition. Such colonial-era distinctions were not just pernicious; they were often accompanied by an unequal distribution of the resources of the state within the colonial society. Belgian colonialists favoured Tutsis, leading to Hutu rejection of them as alien interlopers; Sinhalese resentment of privileges enjoyed by the Tamils in the colonial era in Sri Lanka prompted the discriminatory policies after Independence, that in turn fuelled the Tamil revolt.

A “mixed” colonial history within one modern state is also a potential source of danger. When a state has more than one colonial past, its future is vulnerable. Secessionism, after all, can be prompted by a variety of factors, historical, geographical and cultural as well as “ethnic”. Ethnicity or language hardly seem to be a factor in the secessions (one recognised, the other not) of Eritrea from Ethiopia and the “Republic of Somaliland” from Somalia. Rather, it was different colonial experiences (Italian rule in Eritrea and British rule in Somaliland) that set them off, at least in their own self-perceptions, from the rest of their ethnic compatriots. A similar case can be made in respect of the former Yugoslavia, where parts of the country that had been under Austro-Hungarian rule for 800 years had been joined to parts that spent almost as long under Ottoman suzerainty. The war that erupted in 1991 was in no small measure a war that pitted those parts of Yugoslavia that had been ruled by German-speaking empires against those that had not (or had resisted such colonisation).

Q. Which statement accurately sums up the author's tone in this passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 2

The author emphasizes colonialism's detrimental effects on current conflicts and the persistence of damaging colonial-era laws and differences throughout the chapter, which gives a negative image of colonialism. 'Pessimistic and concerned' is the option that applies the most.
Hence, option C is the correct answer.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 3

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

To begin with, residual problems from the end of the earlier era of colonisation, usually the result of untidy departures by the colonial power, still remain dangerously stalemated. The dramatic events in East Timor in 1999 are no longer fresh in the memory, and the more recent woes of neither Afghanistan nor Myanmar, can be attributed to colonialism. But no closure seems in sight in western Sahara, Jammu and Kashmir or in those old standbys of Cyprus and Palestine, all messy legacies of colonialism. Fuses lit in the colonial era could ignite again, as they did in the Horn of Africa, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, where war broke out over a colonial border that the Italians of an earlier era of occupation had failed to define with enough precision, and, more recently still, between the government of Ethiopia and its Tigrayan minority.

But it is not just the direct results of colonialism that remain relevant: there are the indirect ones as well. The intellectual history of colonialism is littered with many a wilful cause of more recent conflict. One is, quite simply, careless anthropology: the Belgian classification of Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi, which reified a distinction that had not existed before, continues to haunt the region of the African Great Lakes. A related problem is that of motivated sociology: how much bloodshed do we owe, for instance, to the British invention of “martial races” in India, which skewed recruitment into the armed forces and saddled some communities (Punjabi Muslims, for instance) with the onerous burden of militarism? And one can never overlook the old colonial administrative habit of “divide and rule”, exemplified, again, by British policy in the subcontinent after 1857, systematically promoting political divisions between Hindus and Muslims, which led inexorably to the tragedy of Partition. Such colonial-era distinctions were not just pernicious; they were often accompanied by an unequal distribution of the resources of the state within the colonial society. Belgian colonialists favoured Tutsis, leading to Hutu rejection of them as alien interlopers; Sinhalese resentment of privileges enjoyed by the Tamils in the colonial era in Sri Lanka prompted the discriminatory policies after Independence, that in turn fuelled the Tamil revolt.

A “mixed” colonial history within one modern state is also a potential source of danger. When a state has more than one colonial past, its future is vulnerable. Secessionism, after all, can be prompted by a variety of factors, historical, geographical and cultural as well as “ethnic”. Ethnicity or language hardly seem to be a factor in the secessions (one recognised, the other not) of Eritrea from Ethiopia and the “Republic of Somaliland” from Somalia. Rather, it was different colonial experiences (Italian rule in Eritrea and British rule in Somaliland) that set them off, at least in their own self-perceptions, from the rest of their ethnic compatriots. A similar case can be made in respect of the former Yugoslavia, where parts of the country that had been under Austro-Hungarian rule for 800 years had been joined to parts that spent almost as long under Ottoman suzerainty. The war that erupted in 1991 was in no small measure a war that pitted those parts of Yugoslavia that had been ruled by German-speaking empires against those that had not (or had resisted such colonisation).

Q. What does the passage's usage of the word "reified" mean?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 3

When referring to the Belgian categorisation of Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi, the paragraph uses the word "reified," which implies "to concretely embody an abstract concept." Hence, option A is the correct answer.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 4

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

To begin with, residual problems from the end of the earlier era of colonisation, usually the result of untidy departures by the colonial power, still remain dangerously stalemated. The dramatic events in East Timor in 1999 are no longer fresh in the memory, and the more recent woes of neither Afghanistan nor Myanmar, can be attributed to colonialism. But no closure seems in sight in western Sahara, Jammu and Kashmir or in those old standbys of Cyprus and Palestine, all messy legacies of colonialism. Fuses lit in the colonial era could ignite again, as they did in the Horn of Africa, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, where war broke out over a colonial border that the Italians of an earlier era of occupation had failed to define with enough precision, and, more recently still, between the government of Ethiopia and its Tigrayan minority.

But it is not just the direct results of colonialism that remain relevant: there are the indirect ones as well. The intellectual history of colonialism is littered with many a wilful cause of more recent conflict. One is, quite simply, careless anthropology: the Belgian classification of Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi, which reified a distinction that had not existed before, continues to haunt the region of the African Great Lakes. A related problem is that of motivated sociology: how much bloodshed do we owe, for instance, to the British invention of “martial races” in India, which skewed recruitment into the armed forces and saddled some communities (Punjabi Muslims, for instance) with the onerous burden of militarism? And one can never overlook the old colonial administrative habit of “divide and rule”, exemplified, again, by British policy in the subcontinent after 1857, systematically promoting political divisions between Hindus and Muslims, which led inexorably to the tragedy of Partition. Such colonial-era distinctions were not just pernicious; they were often accompanied by an unequal distribution of the resources of the state within the colonial society. Belgian colonialists favoured Tutsis, leading to Hutu rejection of them as alien interlopers; Sinhalese resentment of privileges enjoyed by the Tamils in the colonial era in Sri Lanka prompted the discriminatory policies after Independence, that in turn fuelled the Tamil revolt.

A “mixed” colonial history within one modern state is also a potential source of danger. When a state has more than one colonial past, its future is vulnerable. Secessionism, after all, can be prompted by a variety of factors, historical, geographical and cultural as well as “ethnic”. Ethnicity or language hardly seem to be a factor in the secessions (one recognised, the other not) of Eritrea from Ethiopia and the “Republic of Somaliland” from Somalia. Rather, it was different colonial experiences (Italian rule in Eritrea and British rule in Somaliland) that set them off, at least in their own self-perceptions, from the rest of their ethnic compatriots. A similar case can be made in respect of the former Yugoslavia, where parts of the country that had been under Austro-Hungarian rule for 800 years had been joined to parts that spent almost as long under Ottoman suzerainty. The war that erupted in 1991 was in no small measure a war that pitted those parts of Yugoslavia that had been ruled by German-speaking empires against those that had not (or had resisted such colonisation).

Q. What is the main point made in the passage regarding the impact of colonialism?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 4

The passage discusses how the legacies of colonialism have left a lasting impact on several regions, leading to ongoing conflicts and tensions. It mentions specific examples like East Timor, Afghanistan, Myanmar, western Sahara, Jammu and Kashmir, Cyprus, and Palestine, which are described as "messy legacies of colonialism." The passage also highlights that some of the conflicts and disputes in these regions can be traced back to the colonial era, indicating that colonialism's effects are still relevant.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 5

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

To begin with, residual problems from the end of the earlier era of colonisation, usually the result of untidy departures by the colonial power, still remain dangerously stalemated. The dramatic events in East Timor in 1999 are no longer fresh in the memory, and the more recent woes of neither Afghanistan nor Myanmar, can be attributed to colonialism. But no closure seems in sight in western Sahara, Jammu and Kashmir or in those old standbys of Cyprus and Palestine, all messy legacies of colonialism. Fuses lit in the colonial era could ignite again, as they did in the Horn of Africa, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, where war broke out over a colonial border that the Italians of an earlier era of occupation had failed to define with enough precision, and, more recently still, between the government of Ethiopia and its Tigrayan minority.

But it is not just the direct results of colonialism that remain relevant: there are the indirect ones as well. The intellectual history of colonialism is littered with many a wilful cause of more recent conflict. One is, quite simply, careless anthropology: the Belgian classification of Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and Burundi, which reified a distinction that had not existed before, continues to haunt the region of the African Great Lakes. A related problem is that of motivated sociology: how much bloodshed do we owe, for instance, to the British invention of “martial races” in India, which skewed recruitment into the armed forces and saddled some communities (Punjabi Muslims, for instance) with the onerous burden of militarism? And one can never overlook the old colonial administrative habit of “divide and rule”, exemplified, again, by British policy in the subcontinent after 1857, systematically promoting political divisions between Hindus and Muslims, which led inexorably to the tragedy of Partition. Such colonial-era distinctions were not just pernicious; they were often accompanied by an unequal distribution of the resources of the state within the colonial society. Belgian colonialists favoured Tutsis, leading to Hutu rejection of them as alien interlopers; Sinhalese resentment of privileges enjoyed by the Tamils in the colonial era in Sri Lanka prompted the discriminatory policies after Independence, that in turn fuelled the Tamil revolt.

A “mixed” colonial history within one modern state is also a potential source of danger. When a state has more than one colonial past, its future is vulnerable. Secessionism, after all, can be prompted by a variety of factors, historical, geographical and cultural as well as “ethnic”. Ethnicity or language hardly seem to be a factor in the secessions (one recognised, the other not) of Eritrea from Ethiopia and the “Republic of Somaliland” from Somalia. Rather, it was different colonial experiences (Italian rule in Eritrea and British rule in Somaliland) that set them off, at least in their own self-perceptions, from the rest of their ethnic compatriots. A similar case can be made in respect of the former Yugoslavia, where parts of the country that had been under Austro-Hungarian rule for 800 years had been joined to parts that spent almost as long under Ottoman suzerainty. The war that erupted in 1991 was in no small measure a war that pitted those parts of Yugoslavia that had been ruled by German-speaking empires against those that had not (or had resisted such colonisation).

Q. What is the significance of having more than one colonial past in a modern state, as mentioned in the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 5

The passage discusses the potential dangers of modern states having multiple colonial pasts. It suggests that when a state has experienced different colonial influences, it becomes vulnerable to secessionist movements. The passage provides examples like Eritrea's secession from Ethiopia and the formation of the "Republic of Somaliland" from Somalia, where different colonial experiences played a role in their self-perceptions and desire for independence. Additionally, the passage mentions the former Yugoslavia, where regions that had different colonial histories became divided, contributing to conflict. Therefore, the passage suggests that having more than one colonial past can potentially lead to danger and secessionist movements within a modern state.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 6

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 400 years, English went from being a small language spoken in the British Isles to becoming the most dominant language in the world. In the year 1600, at the end of Queen Elizabeth I’s reign, English was spoken by 4 million people. By the 2020s, at the end of Queen Elizabeth II’s reign, that number had risen to nearly 2 billion. Today, English is the main language in the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand; and it’s an ‘intra-national’ language in former British colonies such as India, Singapore, South Africa and Nigeria. It is Earth’s lingua franca.

For some, English is Britain’s greatest ‘gift’ to the world. In an online interview with ConservativeHome in May 2022, Suella Braverman, now the UK’s Home Secretary, said she was proud of the British Empire for giving its colonies infrastructure, legal systems, the civil service, militaries and, in her words, ‘of course, the English language’. On the other side of the political spectrum, in 2008 Gordon Brown, then the prime minister, delivered a speech in which he stated that he wanted ‘Britain to make a new gift to the world’ by supporting anyone outside the UK who wished to learn English. In the same year, The Times announced proposals for a new museum dedicated to the language, to ‘celebrate England’s most elaborate gift to the world’. And, more recently, Mark Robson of the British Council described English as ‘the UK’s greatest gift to the world’. The notion of English as a gift from Britain to the planet is so commonplace it’s almost unremarkable.

English may have become universal, but not everyone believes it is a gift. In fact, many hold diametrically opposite views. In an article in The Guardian in 2018, the journalist Jacob Mikanowski described English as a ‘behemoth, bully, loudmouth, thief’, highlighting that the dominance of English threatens local cultures and languages. Due to the ways in which English continues to gain ground worldwide, many languages are becoming endangered or extinct. This not only impacts relatively small languages like Welsh or Irish, but also larger languages, such as Yoruba in Nigeria, which are pressured by English in business, trade, education, the media and technology.

For this reason, a number of scholars in the field of sociolinguistics consider English a killer language and have described it as a kind of monster, like the deadly multi-headed Hydra from Greek mythology. Those who see English from this perspective consider its global roles a form of linguistic imperialism, a system of profound inequality between English and other languages, which are crushed under the might of a former colonial power, Britain, and the current world superpower, the US. In The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes (2017), the sociolinguists Robert Phillipson and Tove Skutnabb-Kangas note how ‘the international prestige and instrumental value of English can lead to linguistic territory being occupied at the expense of local languages and the broad democratic role that national languages play.’

Q. What primarily refutes the idea that English is a gift from Britain to the world?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 6

The paragraph examines how English's dominance and pressure in commerce, trade, education, the media, and technology pose a threat to regional cultures and languages. The sentence also introduces the notion that English is a killer language, harming regional languages and civilizations.
Hence, option A is the correct answer.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 7

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 400 years, English went from being a small language spoken in the British Isles to becoming the most dominant language in the world. In the year 1600, at the end of Queen Elizabeth I’s reign, English was spoken by 4 million people. By the 2020s, at the end of Queen Elizabeth II’s reign, that number had risen to nearly 2 billion. Today, English is the main language in the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand; and it’s an ‘intra-national’ language in former British colonies such as India, Singapore, South Africa and Nigeria. It is Earth’s lingua franca.

For some, English is Britain’s greatest ‘gift’ to the world. In an online interview with ConservativeHome in May 2022, Suella Braverman, now the UK’s Home Secretary, said she was proud of the British Empire for giving its colonies infrastructure, legal systems, the civil service, militaries and, in her words, ‘of course, the English language’. On the other side of the political spectrum, in 2008 Gordon Brown, then the prime minister, delivered a speech in which he stated that he wanted ‘Britain to make a new gift to the world’ by supporting anyone outside the UK who wished to learn English. In the same year, The Times announced proposals for a new museum dedicated to the language, to ‘celebrate England’s most elaborate gift to the world’. And, more recently, Mark Robson of the British Council described English as ‘the UK’s greatest gift to the world’. The notion of English as a gift from Britain to the planet is so commonplace it’s almost unremarkable.

English may have become universal, but not everyone believes it is a gift. In fact, many hold diametrically opposite views. In an article in The Guardian in 2018, the journalist Jacob Mikanowski described English as a ‘behemoth, bully, loudmouth, thief’, highlighting that the dominance of English threatens local cultures and languages. Due to the ways in which English continues to gain ground worldwide, many languages are becoming endangered or extinct. This not only impacts relatively small languages like Welsh or Irish, but also larger languages, such as Yoruba in Nigeria, which are pressured by English in business, trade, education, the media and technology.

For this reason, a number of scholars in the field of sociolinguistics consider English a killer language and have described it as a kind of monster, like the deadly multi-headed Hydra from Greek mythology. Those who see English from this perspective consider its global roles a form of linguistic imperialism, a system of profound inequality between English and other languages, which are crushed under the might of a former colonial power, Britain, and the current world superpower, the US. In The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes (2017), the sociolinguists Robert Phillipson and Tove Skutnabb-Kangas note how ‘the international prestige and instrumental value of English can lead to linguistic territory being occupied at the expense of local languages and the broad democratic role that national languages play.’

Q. What major factor has led to English's emergence as the world's most prevalent language, according to the passage?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 7

In the paragraph, it is said that English is spoken as a first or official language in the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, as well as former British colonies like India, Singapore, South Africa, and Nigeria. The passage also claims that English is now the most widely spoken and dominating language in the world. As a result of its use as a lingua franca in former British colonies and other nations to facilitate communication between speakers of diverse native tongues, English has become the most widely spoken language in the world. Hence, Option C is the correct answer.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 8

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 400 years, English went from being a small language spoken in the British Isles to becoming the most dominant language in the world. In the year 1600, at the end of Queen Elizabeth I’s reign, English was spoken by 4 million people. By the 2020s, at the end of Queen Elizabeth II’s reign, that number had risen to nearly 2 billion. Today, English is the main language in the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand; and it’s an ‘intra-national’ language in former British colonies such as India, Singapore, South Africa and Nigeria. It is Earth’s lingua franca.

For some, English is Britain’s greatest ‘gift’ to the world. In an online interview with ConservativeHome in May 2022, Suella Braverman, now the UK’s Home Secretary, said she was proud of the British Empire for giving its colonies infrastructure, legal systems, the civil service, militaries and, in her words, ‘of course, the English language’. On the other side of the political spectrum, in 2008 Gordon Brown, then the prime minister, delivered a speech in which he stated that he wanted ‘Britain to make a new gift to the world’ by supporting anyone outside the UK who wished to learn English. In the same year, The Times announced proposals for a new museum dedicated to the language, to ‘celebrate England’s most elaborate gift to the world’. And, more recently, Mark Robson of the British Council described English as ‘the UK’s greatest gift to the world’. The notion of English as a gift from Britain to the planet is so commonplace it’s almost unremarkable.

English may have become universal, but not everyone believes it is a gift. In fact, many hold diametrically opposite views. In an article in The Guardian in 2018, the journalist Jacob Mikanowski described English as a ‘behemoth, bully, loudmouth, thief’, highlighting that the dominance of English threatens local cultures and languages. Due to the ways in which English continues to gain ground worldwide, many languages are becoming endangered or extinct. This not only impacts relatively small languages like Welsh or Irish, but also larger languages, such as Yoruba in Nigeria, which are pressured by English in business, trade, education, the media and technology.

For this reason, a number of scholars in the field of sociolinguistics consider English a killer language and have described it as a kind of monster, like the deadly multi-headed Hydra from Greek mythology. Those who see English from this perspective consider its global roles a form of linguistic imperialism, a system of profound inequality between English and other languages, which are crushed under the might of a former colonial power, Britain, and the current world superpower, the US. In The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes (2017), the sociolinguists Robert Phillipson and Tove Skutnabb-Kangas note how ‘the international prestige and instrumental value of English can lead to linguistic territory being occupied at the expense of local languages and the broad democratic role that national languages play.’

Q. What is the author's perspective on the global adoption of English?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 8

The author offers two opposing perspectives on English as a language that can either be a blessing or a curse. The author presents the idea of English as a gift as conventional and nearly unremarkable, which suggests that the author may share the other opinion. The text discusses how the dominance of English harms local cultures and languages. Hence, option B is the correct answer.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 9

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 400 years, English went from being a small language spoken in the British Isles to becoming the most dominant language in the world. In the year 1600, at the end of Queen Elizabeth I’s reign, English was spoken by 4 million people. By the 2020s, at the end of Queen Elizabeth II’s reign, that number had risen to nearly 2 billion. Today, English is the main language in the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand; and it’s an ‘intra-national’ language in former British colonies such as India, Singapore, South Africa and Nigeria. It is Earth’s lingua franca.

For some, English is Britain’s greatest ‘gift’ to the world. In an online interview with ConservativeHome in May 2022, Suella Braverman, now the UK’s Home Secretary, said she was proud of the British Empire for giving its colonies infrastructure, legal systems, the civil service, militaries and, in her words, ‘of course, the English language’. On the other side of the political spectrum, in 2008 Gordon Brown, then the prime minister, delivered a speech in which he stated that he wanted ‘Britain to make a new gift to the world’ by supporting anyone outside the UK who wished to learn English. In the same year, The Times announced proposals for a new museum dedicated to the language, to ‘celebrate England’s most elaborate gift to the world’. And, more recently, Mark Robson of the British Council described English as ‘the UK’s greatest gift to the world’. The notion of English as a gift from Britain to the planet is so commonplace it’s almost unremarkable.

English may have become universal, but not everyone believes it is a gift. In fact, many hold diametrically opposite views. In an article in The Guardian in 2018, the journalist Jacob Mikanowski described English as a ‘behemoth, bully, loudmouth, thief’, highlighting that the dominance of English threatens local cultures and languages. Due to the ways in which English continues to gain ground worldwide, many languages are becoming endangered or extinct. This not only impacts relatively small languages like Welsh or Irish, but also larger languages, such as Yoruba in Nigeria, which are pressured by English in business, trade, education, the media and technology.

For this reason, a number of scholars in the field of sociolinguistics consider English a killer language and have described it as a kind of monster, like the deadly multi-headed Hydra from Greek mythology. Those who see English from this perspective consider its global roles a form of linguistic imperialism, a system of profound inequality between English and other languages, which are crushed under the might of a former colonial power, Britain, and the current world superpower, the US. In The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes (2017), the sociolinguists Robert Phillipson and Tove Skutnabb-Kangas note how ‘the international prestige and instrumental value of English can lead to linguistic territory being occupied at the expense of local languages and the broad democratic role that national languages play.’

Q. How is English described in the passage in terms of its impact on local cultures and languages?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 9

The passage discusses contrasting views on the impact of English on local cultures and languages. It mentions that some view English as a "killer language" because its dominance threatens local cultures and languages. The passage goes on to explain that due to English's global influence, many languages, including larger ones like Yoruba in Nigeria, are pressured and endangered, particularly in areas like business, trade, education, the media, and technology.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 10

Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.

In 400 years, English went from being a small language spoken in the British Isles to becoming the most dominant language in the world. In the year 1600, at the end of Queen Elizabeth I’s reign, English was spoken by 4 million people. By the 2020s, at the end of Queen Elizabeth II’s reign, that number had risen to nearly 2 billion. Today, English is the main language in the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand; and it’s an ‘intra-national’ language in former British colonies such as India, Singapore, South Africa and Nigeria. It is Earth’s lingua franca.

For some, English is Britain’s greatest ‘gift’ to the world. In an online interview with ConservativeHome in May 2022, Suella Braverman, now the UK’s Home Secretary, said she was proud of the British Empire for giving its colonies infrastructure, legal systems, the civil service, militaries and, in her words, ‘of course, the English language’. On the other side of the political spectrum, in 2008 Gordon Brown, then the prime minister, delivered a speech in which he stated that he wanted ‘Britain to make a new gift to the world’ by supporting anyone outside the UK who wished to learn English. In the same year, The Times announced proposals for a new museum dedicated to the language, to ‘celebrate England’s most elaborate gift to the world’. And, more recently, Mark Robson of the British Council described English as ‘the UK’s greatest gift to the world’. The notion of English as a gift from Britain to the planet is so commonplace it’s almost unremarkable.

English may have become universal, but not everyone believes it is a gift. In fact, many hold diametrically opposite views. In an article in The Guardian in 2018, the journalist Jacob Mikanowski described English as a ‘behemoth, bully, loudmouth, thief’, highlighting that the dominance of English threatens local cultures and languages. Due to the ways in which English continues to gain ground worldwide, many languages are becoming endangered or extinct. This not only impacts relatively small languages like Welsh or Irish, but also larger languages, such as Yoruba in Nigeria, which are pressured by English in business, trade, education, the media and technology.

For this reason, a number of scholars in the field of sociolinguistics consider English a killer language and have described it as a kind of monster, like the deadly multi-headed Hydra from Greek mythology. Those who see English from this perspective consider its global roles a form of linguistic imperialism, a system of profound inequality between English and other languages, which are crushed under the might of a former colonial power, Britain, and the current world superpower, the US. In The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes (2017), the sociolinguists Robert Phillipson and Tove Skutnabb-Kangas note how ‘the international prestige and instrumental value of English can lead to linguistic territory being occupied at the expense of local languages and the broad democratic role that national languages play.’

Q. What figure of speech is used in the phrase "English as a killer language and have described it as a kind of monster, like the deadly multi-headed Hydra from Greek mythology"?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 10

A simile is a rhetorical device in which two objects are clearly contrasted. Similes distinguish themselves from metaphors by emphasizing the similarities between two items using comparison terms like "like," "as," "so," or "than," whereas metaphors imply a comparison between the two. The word "as" is used to compare English to a monster, the multi-headed Hydra from Greek mythology. 'Simile' is the most appropriate response as a result.

Hence, option B is the correct answer.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 11

How does the GI tag benefit local artisans?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 11

The GI tag enhances the market value and global reputation of the product, benefitting local artisans.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 12

Under which government initiative are GI-tagged products promoted?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 12

GI-tagged products are promoted under the ODOP initiative, which focuses on boosting local crafts and economies.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 13

For which term has India been re-elected to the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC)?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 13

India has been re-elected to the PBC for the 2025-2026 term.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 14

What is the primary purpose of the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC)?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 14

The PBC is an advisory body that supports peace efforts in conflict-affected countries.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 15

 When was the UN Peacebuilding Commission established?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 15

The PBC was established in December 2005.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 16

What is a key objective of the PBC?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 16

The PBC promotes nationally led peacebuilding efforts and advises on priorities.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 17

How has India contributed to the UN Peacebuilding Commission?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 17

India is a founding member of the PBC and contributes to peacekeeping missions and strategy development.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 18

Who led the Indian delegation during the 4th Foreign Office Consultations in Sarajevo?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 18

Arun Kumar Sahu, Additional Secretary for Central Europe, led the Indian delegation.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 19

What department does Tarik Bukvic oversee in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 19

Tarik Bukvic oversees the Department for Asia and Africa.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 20

Which multilateral forums were discussed during the consultations?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 20

Discussions included multilateralism, BRICS, the United Nations, the European Union, and the Non-Aligned Movement.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 21

Where will the next round of Foreign Office Consultations between India and Bosnia and Herzegovina be held?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 21

The next round will be held in New Delhi.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 22

Which milestone will India and Bosnia and Herzegovina celebrate in 2025?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 22

They will celebrate 30 years of diplomatic relations in 2025.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 23

What is the purpose of the 'Seal of Authenticity of the Craft' introduced by the World Crafts Council (WCC)?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 23

The 'Seal of Authenticity' recognizes handmade crafts from Jammu and Kashmir, highlighting traditional methods used for centuries.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 24

During which event was the 'Seal of Authenticity' announced?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 24

The announcement was made during the WCC’s 60th anniversary celebration in Srinagar.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 25

What significant recognition has Srinagar recently received from the WCC?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 25

Srinagar was designated a ‘World Craft City’ by the WCC.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 26

What is the primary focus of the 'Seal of Authenticity' certification?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 26

The certification initially focuses on the textile industry.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 27

What major projects are planned by the WCC in Srinagar to enhance its global status?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 27

The WCC plans to create a 'World Craft Hub' and an International Crafts Museum in Srinagar.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 28

When was the Agriculture Infrastructure Fund (AIF) originally launched?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 28

The AIF scheme began on July 8, 2020.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 29

What percentage of crop yield wastage does India experience compared to advanced economies?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 29

India experiences 15-20% crop yield wastage, which is higher than the 5-15% seen in advanced economies.

Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 30

Which components are included in agri-infrastructure?

Detailed Solution for Test: CLAT Mock Test - 13 - Question 30

Agri-infrastructure includes irrigation, power, and transport.

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