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Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? for CAT 2024 is part of CAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CAT exam syllabus. Information about Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CAT 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?.

Solutions for Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for CAT Exam by signing up for free.

Here you can find the meaning of Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?a)Musicians cater to specific strata of society with their music.b)Bourdieu asserts that cultural preferences of the elite class are by far the most superior.c)Jazz was popular among the working class in the 1930s.d)None of the above.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice CAT tests.