Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer?

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Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which one’s membership in community - one’s social identity- shapes one’s approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that “taste” is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to one’s class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieu’s intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.
While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of “highbrow” music, Western art music, or “classical” and “lowbrow” music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hop—link tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, John Coltrane’s rejection of the label “jazz” for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz “America’s classical music” can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieu’s inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.

Q. The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described as

a)
Argumentative
b)
Scholarly
c)
Reflective
d)
Explanatory

Correct answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer?

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Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which o...

The passage seeks to explain how social classes determine cultural preferences and puts forth examples to showcase how income and education shape tastes in the American context. This vindicates option 4 as the correct answer.
It does not adopt a contentious attitude in describing the topic and hence, cannot be termed “argumentative”. Eliminate option 1.
The passage would have been “scholarly" if it pertained to Bourdieu's study alone. However, it seeks to explain his argument. Eliminate option 2.
The author of the passage does not engage in any form of reflection or deliberation. Eliminate option 3.
Hence, the correct answer is option 4.

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Group QuestionThe passage given below is followed by a set of questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The author is likely to agree with which of the following?

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Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.What is the central idea of the passage?

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Instructions:The passage given below is followed by a question. Choose the most appropriate answer. As defined by the geographer Yi-Fu Tuan, topophilia is the affective bond between people and place. His 1974 book set forth a wide-ranging exploration of how the emotive ties with the material environment vary greatly from person to person and in intensity, subtlety, and mode of expression. Factors influencing one’s depth of response to the environment include cultural background, gender, race, and historical circumstance, and Tuan also argued that there is a biological and sensory element. Topophilia might not be the strongest of human emotions— indeed, many people feel utterly indifferent toward the environments that shape their lives— but when activated it has the power to elevate a place to become the carrier of emotionally charged events or to be perceived as a symbol. Aesthetic appreciation is one way in which people respond to the environment. A brilliantly coloured rainbow after gloomy afternoon showers, a busy city street alive with human interaction—one might experience the beauty of such landscapes that had seemed quite ordinary only moments before or that are being newly discovered. This is quite the opposite of a second topophilic bond, namely that of the acquired taste for certain landscapes and places that one knows well. When a place is a home, or when space has become the locus of memories or the means of gaining a livelihood, it frequently evokes a deeper set of attachments than those predicated purely on the visual. A third response to the environment also depends on the human senses but maybe tactile and olfactory, namely a delight in the feel and smell of the air, water, and the earth. Topophilia—and its a very close conceptual twin, sense of place—is an experience that, however elusive, has inspired recent architects and planners. Most notably, new urbanism seeks to counter the perceived placelessness of modern suburbs and the decline of central cities through neo-traditional design motifs. Although motivated by good intentions, such attempts to create places rich in meaning are perhaps bound to disappoint. As Tuan noted, purely aesthetic responses often are suddenly revealed, but their intensity rarely is long-lasting. Topophilia is difficult to design for and impossible to quantify, and its most articulate interpreters have been self-reflective philosophers such as Henry David Thoreau, evoking a marvellously intricate sense of place at Walden Pond, and Tuan, describing his deep affinity for the desert. Topophilia connotes a positive relationship, but it often is useful to explore the darker affiliations between people and place. Patriotism, literally meaning the love of one’s terra patria or homeland, has long been cultivated by governing elites for a range of nationalist projects, including war preparation and ethnic cleansing. Residents of upscale residential developments have disclosed how important it is to maintain their community’s distinct identity, often by casting themselves in a superior social position and by reinforcing class and racial differences. And just as a beloved landscape is suddenly revealed, so too may landscapes of fear cast a dark shadow over a place that makes one feel a sense of dread or anxiety—or topophobia. Q.Which one of the following comes closest in meaning to the author’s understanding of topophilia?

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A passage is followed by questions pertaining to the passage. Read the passage and answer the questions. Choose the most appropriate answer. The inclusiveness of the various identity theories promoted in feminist philosophy is of preeminent and persistent concern to women with disabilities. Discussing whether women with disabilities can comfortably be feminists, Anita Silvers has asked whether feminism privileges the functional capabilities and social roles characteristic of “normal” women. She has found some feminist theories guilty of “magnifying these (functional capabilities of typical women) until they become standards of womanhood against which disabled women shrink into invisibility”. Feminist philosophy validates and valorizes activities women typically execute and in which they excel, such as theories of maternal ethics that center on mothering as preeminent moral conduct. But not all women are admitted to womens roles. Even in the most progressive contemporary societies, women with disabilities encounter opposition to their maintaining fertility, or accessing reproductive medical technology in achieving fertility, or even retaining custody of the children to which they have given birth. Karin Barron, who has conducted extensive research on the lives of young women with disabilities, observes that we place great value on the womanly art of caring for dependents, but the traditional dependent position of young women with disabilities prevents them from occupying, and therefore from demonstrating any aptitude for, this role. What precluded the young women Barron studied from being homemakers and mothers was not their lack of potential for serving in these roles but, instead, their having been assigned to an alternative social position, one defined in terms of such dependence that their capacity to nurture others became virtually inconceivable. Q. According to the passage, what is the basic flaw in feminist philosophy?

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A passage is followed by questions pertaining to the passage. Read the passage and answer the questions. Choose the most appropriate answer. The inclusiveness of the various identity theories promoted in feminist philosophy is of preeminent and persistent concern to women with disabilities. Discussing whether women with disabilities can comfortably be feminists, Anita Silvers has asked whether feminism privileges the functional capabilities and social roles characteristic of “normal” women. She has found some feminist theories guilty of “magnifying these (functional capabilities of typical women) until they become standards of womanhood against which disabled women shrink into invisibility”. Feminist philosophy validates and valorizes activities women typically execute and in which they excel, such as theories of maternal ethics that center on mothering as preeminent moral conduct. But not all women are admitted to womens roles. Even in the most progressive contemporary societies, women with disabilities encounter opposition to their maintaining fertility, or accessing reproductive medical technology in achieving fertility, or even retaining custody of the children to which they have given birth. Karin Barron, who has conducted extensive research on the lives of young women with disabilities, observes that we place great value on the womanly art of caring for dependents, but the traditional dependent position of young women with disabilities prevents them from occupying, and therefore from demonstrating any aptitude for, this role. What precluded the young women Barron studied from being homemakers and mothers was not their lack of potential for serving in these roles but, instead, their having been assigned to an alternative social position, one defined in terms of such dependence that their capacity to nurture others became virtually inconceivable. Q. The primary concern of the author of this passage pertains to

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Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer?

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Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer? for CAT 2024 is part of CAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CAT exam syllabus. Information about Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CAT 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer?.

Solutions for Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for CAT Exam by signing up for free.

Here you can find the meaning of Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice Social aesthetics starts with a consideration of the extent to which ones membership in community - ones social identity- shapes ones approach to artmaking and art appreciation. This approach is exemplified by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus critical rebuttal of Kantian aesthetics on the grounds that taste is not a universal trait which identifies a single standard of artistic merit but is instead indexed to ones class position. Bourdieu offers a detailed, finegrained argument for this hypothesis where he discusses the results of surveys of respondents from a cross-section of social classes in France of the 1970s. Contrasting working class, bourgeois, and elite preferences in entertaining, decorating, leisure activities, music, and film, Bourdieu argues that what we find beautiful is indeed demonstrably shaped by our class positions and trajectories. The net effect of Bourdieus intervention is repudiation of a universalist aesthetic hierarchy in which the cultural preferences of the elite class are judged as better than those of the working class, in favor of a relativist indexing of artistic productions to class positions.While much of the research into musical tastes that explicitly engages the notion of class is being done in the European context, it is not hard to see how this discourse asserts itself in American accounts of taste. The concepts of highbrow music, Western art music, or classical and lowbrow music - popular, mass-marketed productions, from jazz in the 1930s to rock in the 1950s through 1980s and, most recently, hip-hoplink tastes to education and income levels, which appear in the American lexicon as stand-ins for the concept of class. Understanding this linguistic translation makes it possible for us to employ a social aesthetics reading of some of the claims in the history of American musical production that otherwise seem unmotivated. In particular, JohnColtranes rejection of the label jazz for his music, and his preference for labeling jazz Americas classical music can, through this lens, be interpreted as a contestation of the class position to which jazz musicians and their art-making had been relegated. This contestation does not achieve the relativism of Bourdieus inventory, but it does underscore the connection between social identity, or community membership, and aesthetic taste.Q.The style of writing adopted by the author can be best described asa)Argumentativeb)Scholarlyc)Reflectived)ExplanatoryCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice CAT tests.

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