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Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.
The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.
As traffic levels in the United States decline in
defiance of forecasts projecting major increases, a
number of commentators have claimed that we've
reached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in
(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comes
to an end. But while this has been celebrated by
many urbanists as undermining plans for more
roads, we have yet to face the implications peak
car has for public policy.
(10) For a long time, urbanists have embraced
Say's Law of Markets for roads: increasing the
supply of driving lanes only increases the number
of drivers to fill them, hence building more roads
to reduce congestion is pointless. But if we've
(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really can
build our way out of congestion after all.
Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallen
in recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked on
a per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.
(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994
levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travel
shows a marked reversal.
These data are complemented by a slew of
recent stories about the poor financial
(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in part
from traffic falling far below projections. On the
Indiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% in
eight years, in contrast with a forecasted increase
of 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.
(30) Many of the trends that drove high traffic
growth in the past have largely been played
out: household size declines, suburbanization,
the entry of women into the workforce, one
car per driver, etc. That's not to say these will
(35) necessarily reverse. But we've reached the point
of diminishing returns, particularly in terms of
how many more women will join the labor force.
This is potentially very good fiscal news,
especially given tight budgets. Clearly many
(40) freeway expansion projects that have been driven
by speculative demand should be revisited. From
top to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate their
forecasting models to better correspond to reality,
and then revisit highway plans accordingly.
(45) But we must also pay attention to the flip
side of peak car. Although speculative highway
expansion projects may be dubious, there may be
good reasons now to build projects designed to
alleviate already exiting congestion. Places like
(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, which
has great economic and social consequences,
not the least of which is the value of untold hours
lost sitting in traffic. Although some projects
there might indeed be boondoggles, maybe it's
(55) worth building some of the planned freeway
expansions there in light of peak car. In short,
in some cases—particularly where Say's Law no
longer seems to apply—peak car strengthens the
argument for building or expanding roads.
(60) On the other hand, many of the regional
development plans designed to promote compact
central city development and transit may be
predicated on an analysis that assumes large
future traffic increases in a “business as usual”
(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects of
regional planning are dependent on traffic
forecasts. That's not to say that such plans are
necessarily wrong, but clearly revised traffic
reality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just
(70) highway building ones.
Urbanists and policy makers of all stripes
need to think about the full implications of peak
car. At a minimum, the traditional “you can't
build your way out of congestion” rhetoric should
(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a more
nuanced approach that neither overestimates
demand, nor ignores the problems caused by
rapid growth in some regions and pockets of
congestion in others.
Q. The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?
  • a)
    In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.
  • b)
    The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.
  • c)
    Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.
  • d)
    In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.
Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
Verified Answer
Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.Th...
In the graph, periods of recession are indicated by vertical gray bars. In the six recessions shown, three seem to correspond to a decrease in vehicle miles and three seem to correspond to an increase in vehicle miles. Therefore, it is safe to say that this graph does not support any claim about a strong correlation between recessions and total vehicle miles. 
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Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
Question Description
Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? for SAT 2025 is part of SAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the SAT exam syllabus. Information about Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for SAT 2025 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for SAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for SAT Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice Question based on the following passages and supplementary material.The following is adapted from Aaron M. Renn, “Urbanists Need to Face the Full Implications of Peak Car," published in New Geography (newgeography. com) on November 25, 2014.As traffic levels in the United States decline indefiance of forecasts projecting major increases, anumber of commentators have claimed that wevereached “peak car,” the point at which the rise in(5) vehicle miles traveled in America finally comesto an end. But while this has been celebrated bymany urbanists as undermining plans for moreroads, we have yet to face the implications peakcar has for public policy.(10) For a long time, urbanists have embracedSays Law of Markets for roads: increasing thesupply of driving lanes only increases the numberof drivers to fill them, hence building more roadsto reduce congestion is pointless. But if weve(15) really reached peak car, maybe we really canbuild our way out of congestion after all.Traffic levels have stabilized or even fallenin recent years. Aggregate auto travel peaked ona per capita basis in 2005 and has fallen since.(20) Per capita traffic levels in 2014 were back to 1994levels. Even looking at total (not per capita) travelshows a marked reversal.These data are complemented by a slew ofrecent stories about the poor financial(25) performance of toll roads, resulting in partfrom traffic falling far below projections. On theIndiana Toll Road, for example, traffic fell 11% ineight years, in contrast with a forecasted increaseof 22%, and so the concessionaire went bankrupt.(30) Many of the trends that drove high trafficgrowth in the past have largely been playedout: household size declines, suburbanization,the entry of women into the workforce, onecar per driver, etc. Thats not to say these will(35) necessarily reverse. But weve reached the pointof diminishing returns, particularly in terms ofhow many more women will join the labor force.This is potentially very good fiscal news,especially given tight budgets. Clearly many(40) freeway expansion projects that have been drivenby speculative demand should be revisited. Fromtop to bottom, engineers need to recalibrate theirforecasting models to better correspond to reality,and then revisit highway plans accordingly.(45)But we must also pay attention to the flipside of peak car. Although speculative highwayexpansion projects may be dubious, there may begood reasons now to build projects designed toalleviate already exiting congestion. Places like(50) Los Angeles remain chronically congested, whichhas great economic and social consequences,not the least of which is the value of untold hourslost sitting in traffic. Although some projectsthere might indeed be boondoggles, maybe its(55) worth building some of the planned freewayexpansions there in light of peak car. In short,in some cases—particularly where Says Law nolonger seems to apply—peak car strengthens theargument for building or expanding roads.(60) On the other hand, many of the regionaldevelopment plans designed to promote compactcentral city development and transit may bepredicated on an analysis that assumes largefuture traffic increases in a “business as usual”(65) scenario. Not just highways but all aspects ofregional planning are dependent on trafficforecasts. Thats not to say that such plans arenecessarily wrong, but clearly revised trafficreality needs to be reflected in all plans, not just(70) highway building ones.Urbanists and policy makers of all stripesneed to think about the full implications of peakcar. At a minimum, the traditional “you cantbuild your way out of congestion” rhetoric should(75) be supplanted, at least in most areas, by a morenuanced approach that neither overestimatesdemand, nor ignores the problems caused byrapid growth in some regions and pockets ofcongestion in others.Q.The graph best supports which claim about the relationship between economic recessions in the U.S. and total vehicle miles driven on U.S. roads?a)In the last four decades, recessions that last longer than a year correspond to a decrease in total vehicle miles.b)The six most recent recession periods each corresponded to an increase in total vehicle miles.c)Recent recessions in the U.S. do not correlate strongly with either an increase or decrease in total vehicle miles.d)In the last four decades, the longer a recession lasts, the more dramatically total vehicle miles decline.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice SAT tests.
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