The Harappan Civilization, c. 2600–1900 BCE - 3 | History for UPSC CSE PDF Download

Religious and Funerary Practices

The basic elements of what can be loosely described as ‘Harappan religion’ were outlined by John Marshall in 1931. Although some aspects of Marshall’s interpretation can be criticized—especially his tendency to read elements of later Hinduism into the evidence—he did succeed in identifying several important features of Harappan religion. Hypotheses about this issue are bound to be subjective, especially in view of the fact that the script is undeciphered.

• The worship of female goddesses associated with fertility has long been held as one of the major features of Harappan religion. This conclusion is based on the following factors: (a) the concerns that agricultural societies are invariably known to have with fertility; (b) cross-cultural parallels with other ancient civilizations; (c) the importance of goddess worship in later Hinduism; and (d) the discovery of a large number of terracotta female figurines that were labelled ‘Mother Goddesses’. Certain representations on seals are also relevant. For instance, a seal showing a nude woman, head downwards, with her legs apart and a plant issuing from her vagina is often interpreted as a prototype of Shakambhari, the Earth Mother.
• Describing all female figurines as representations of a single great ‘Mother Goddess’ associated with fertility and maternity clearly over-simplifies the situation. The attributes of the figurines and the contexts in which they were found have to be considered carefully before assigning them a religious or cultic significance. As pointed out in an earlier chapter, not all female figurines necessarily represented goddesses (let alone a single goddess), and not all goddesses necessarily had maternal associations. Some of the Harappan female figurines may have had a cultic significance and may have been part of household rituals. Others may have been toys or decorative items.
• A study of the Harappan terracottas by Alexandra Ardeleanu-Jansen (2002) has underlined the great variety in the form of female figurines. The type which is frequently interpreted as having a religious significance is a slim female figure with a distinctive fan-shaped headdress, wearing a short skirt. She is heavily ornamented with necklaces, armlets, bangles, anklets, and earrings. Some of the figurines have cup-like attachments and flowers on either side of the head. In certain cases, the cup-like attachments have traces of black residue, suggesting that they were used to burn oil or some sort of essence. Such figurines may have been religious images worshipped in households, votive offerings made to a deity, or part of the paraphernalia of domestic rituals. It is interesting to note that such figures do not appear on Harappan seals and tablets or in stone or metal sculpture.
• There is also a matronly, pot-bellied type of female figurine who may represent either a pregnant woman or a prosperous woman. She is naked and sometimes wears some jewellery and a turban or head-dress. Both the ‘matronly type’ and the ‘slim type’ of female figurines may hold a baby in their arms. The ‘matronly type’ can stand without support, while the youthful, ‘slim type’ needs support. It is interesting to note that female figurines—including those with possible religious significance—are found in large numbers at sites such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa, and Banawali, but not at sites such as Kalibangan, Lothal, Surkotada or Mitathal.
• Most of the terracotta figurines (including the female ones) were found broken and discarded in secondary locations. None were found in a context that could be interpreted as a temple. This was one of the reasons why Marshall suggested that they were votive offerings rather than cult images. The fact that so many of them were broken suggests that they may have been part of a ritual cycle and were made for short-term use for certain specific occasions. The relationship between the female figurines and the male and animal figurines with which they are associated needs to be explored.

The Ruling Elite

Political organization includes a range of issues related to the exercise of power and leadership in a society. The debate on the nature of the Harappan political system has focused largely on whether or not a state existed, and if so, what sort of state it was. A great deal depends on our definition of a state and the interpretation of the archaeological evidence. Cultural uniformity does not necessarily mean political unification; therefore there is the additional question of whether the evidence suggests the existence of one state or many.

• Many scholars have observed that the elements of warfare, conflict, and force in the Harappan civilization seem weak compared to contemporary Mesopotamia and Egypt. Weapons are not a dominant feature of the artefacts found at Harappan sites. There are few depictions of conflict between people in the narrative reliefs on terracotta and faience tablets. However, fortifications, especially the imposing ones at sites such as Dholavira, cannot be overlooked. It is indeed possible that the element of force in the Harappan culture has been underestimated. Force and conflict could not have been completely absent in such a large area over such a long period of time.
• That the Harappan civilization lasted for some 700 years and its artefacts, traditions, and symbols seem to have continued more or less unchanged through this long period, suggests a strong element of political stability. There must have been groups of rulers in the various cities. Just who they were and how they were related to each other remains a mystery. These groups would have been responsible for the maintenance of the city facilities—walls, roads, drains, public buildings, etc. Some of the seals may bear names, titles, and symbols of these elites and could throw important light on the Harappan rulers, if the writing could be read.
• One of the earliest hypotheses regarding the Harappan political structure was put forward by Stuart Piggott and was supported to some extent by Mortimer Wheeler (for details of the various theories, see Jacobson, 1986). Piggott suggested that the Harappan state was a highly centralized empire ruled by autocratic priest-kings from the twin capitals of Mohenjodaro and Harappa. This view was based on a number of features, including the level of uniformity in material traits, the use of a common script, and standardized weights and measures. 
• Mohenjodaro and Harappa seemed to clearly stand out in the midst of the other settlements. Urban planning and monumental public works implied the mobilization of a specialized labour force. The ‘granaries’ at Mohenjodaro and Harappa fitted in with a view of the Harappan rulers as exercising a high level of control over everything, even maintaining buffer stocks of grain to tide over times of food scarcity. The apparent lack of internecine warfare between the settlements suggested that they were united under a single rule.
• This view of the Harappan state soon came in for criticism. Walter A. Fairservis (1967) argued that the Harappans did not have an empire, not even a state. He pointed to the absence of evidence of priest-kings, slaves, standing armies, or court officials. According to him, Mohenjodaro was a ceremonial centre, not an administrative one. He argued that the sort of control reflected in the Harappan civilization could have been exercised by an elaborate village administration. Later, Fairservis modified his views to some extent and agreed that there may have been some element of centralized control and a class structure. But he still maintained that force did not play a significant role and that interdependence, religion, and tradition were responsible for regulating social behaviour.
• Another view of the Harappan political system came from S. C. Malik (1968), who argued that the lack of imposing monuments and supreme gods goes against the idea of a strong, centralized state. The Harappan polity, according to Malik, is an example of what Elman Service described as the chiefdom stage, transitional between a kinship society and civil state society.

The Decline of Urban Life

At some point of time, things started going wrong in the Harappan cities. Decline had set in at Mohenjodaro by 2200 BCE and the settlement had come to an end by 2000 BCE. In some places, the civilization continued till 1800 BCE. Apart from the dates, the pace of decline also varied. Mohenjodaro and Dholavira give a picture of gradual decline, while at Kalibangan and Banawali, city life ended all of a sudden (see Lahiri, 2000 for the various theories regarding Harappan decline).

One of the Most Popular Explanations of the Decline of the Harappan Civilization: The Aryan Invasion Theory

• The theory that the Harappan civilization was destroyed by Aryan invaders, despite being one of the most widely discussed, has minimal supporting evidence. This idea was first proposed by Ramaprasad Chanda in 1926, although he later changed his stance. 
• Mortimer Wheeler expanded on this theory in 1947, suggesting that references in the Rig Veda to various forts, sieges of walled cities, and the god Indra, described as "puramdara" (fort destroyer), could reflect historical events, including an Aryan invasion of the Harappan cities. 
• Wheeler also identified Hariyupiya in the Rig Veda with Harappa. He pointed to skeletal remains found at Mohenjodaro as evidence of an Aryan massacre, later revising his theory to include other factors such as floods, trade decline, and environmental degradation. Nonetheless, he insisted that the Aryan invasion was the main cause of the civilization's collapse, claiming that the Cemetery-H culture represented the Aryan invaders.

Refutations of the Aryan Invasion Theory

• Many scholars, including P. V. Kane (1955), George Dales (1964), and B. B. Lal (1997), have challenged the invasion hypothesis. They argue that the evidence from the Rig Veda, a text with an uncertain date, is insufficient. Furthermore, if an invasion had occurred, it would have left clear traces in the archaeological record, which is absent. 
• For example, the 37 skeletons found at Mohenjodaro do not belong to a single cultural phase and cannot be linked to one event. None of the skeletons were found on the citadel mound, where a major battle would have likely occurred. 
• Additionally, the sterile layer between the mature Harappan and Cemetery-H levels contradicts Wheeler’s idea that the latter was the result of an Aryan settlement. K. A. R. Kennedy’s (1997) analysis of skeletal remains shows no discontinuity in the north-western skeletal record at this time, indicating there was no major influx of new settlers with different physical traits. Therefore, the theory that the Harappan civilization was destroyed by an Indo-Aryan invasion lacks substantial support.

Natural Disasters as a Contributing Factor

• Natural disasters, particularly floods, are believed to have played a significant role in the decline of the Harappan civilization. Evidence of multiple silt layers at Mohenjodaro suggests that the city was impacted by repeated episodes of Indus floods. M. R. Sahni (1956), Robert L. Raikes (1964), and George F. Dales (1966) proposed that tectonic shifts caused these floods. 
• Dales suggested that tectonic activity at Sehwan, about 90 miles downstream from Mohenjodaro, created a natural dam that blocked the Indus River, turning the region into a massive lake. 
• However, the theory of multiple flooding episodes caused by tectonic activity is not entirely convincing. Similarly, H. T. Lambrick’s (1967) hypothesis, which is based on circumstantial evidence, argues that the Indus River changed its course, diverting water away from Mohenjodaro and leading to water scarcity.

Environmental Changes and Decline

• Harappan sites in the Ghaggar-Hakra valley were affected by gradual desiccation, possibly due to tectonic shifts. These movements may have caused the Sutlej River to be redirected into the Indus River system, drastically reducing the water flow into the Ghaggar. M. R. Mughal’s (1997) research indicates a sharp decline in the number of settlements in the region as the river dried up. 
• A sudden rise in the Arabian Sea's coastline might have led to floods and increased soil salinity, disrupting coastal communications and trade.

Climate Change and Environmental Degradation

• The role of climate change in the decline of the Harappan civilization is debated. Gurdip Singh (1971), based on pollen studies from lakes in Rajasthan, suggested a drier climate coincided with the civilization's decline. 
• However, sediment analysis from Lunkaransar Lake indicates drier conditions might have preceded the rise of the Harappan civilization, complicating the link between climate change and the collapse of Harappa.

Over-Exploitation of Resources

• The environmental deterioration may have also been linked to the Harappans’ over-exploitation of natural resources. Excessive cultivation, overgrazing, and deforestation for farming and fuel could have led to reduced soil fertility, floods, and increased salinity. 
• According to Fairservis, this environmental strain could not sustain the growing population and cattle, contributing to the civilization's decline.

Decline of Trade and Social Factors

• Shereen Ratnagar (1981) suggested that the decline of the lapis lazuli trade with Mesopotamia might have contributed to the fall of the Harappan civilization. 
• However, the significance of this trade for the Harappans remains debatable, so it may not have been a primary factor in the civilization's decline.

Archaeological Evidence of Decline

• While archaeological evidence does not directly reveal the social or political causes of the civilization's decline, it does suggest a gradual process of de-urbanization. 
• After the mature Harappan phase, there was a shift to a post-urban, or late Harappan, phase, signaling a slow decline rather than a sudden collapse.

The Significance of the Late Harappan Phase

Here is a paraphrased version of the information, with key points highlighted in bold and organized into bullet points:

Geographical Zones of the Late Harappan Phase:

• Sindh: Represented by the Jhukar culture at sites like Jhukar, Chanhudaro, and Amri. The transition from the mature to late Harappan phase was gradual, with changes in seals, reduced use of cubical weights, and writing becoming limited to pottery. There were reciprocal contacts with sites like Lothal and Rangpur.
• Punjab Province and Ghaggar-Hakra Valley: The late Harappan phase is represented by the Cemetery-H culture, with a significant decline in settlements (from 174 in the mature phase to 50 in the late phase).
• East Punjab, Haryana, and North Rajasthan: Late Harappan settlements were smaller compared to the mature Harappan ones.
• Ganga–Yamuna Doab: A marked increase in settlements, with 130 late Harappan sites compared to 31 mature Harappan sites. These settlements were small, and the agricultural base was very diverse.
• Kutch and Saurashtra: A notable increase in settlements from 18 in the mature phase to 120 in the early late Harappan phase. This shows a shift in settlements towards the east and south, with people in Saurashtra expanding their settlements while others abandoned sites like Mohenjodaro.

Cultural and Economic Continuity and Change:

• The transition from the mature Harappan to the late Harappan phase involved both continuity and change. For example, late Harappan pottery had thicker and sturdier vessels compared to earlier ones, and some typical Harappan shapes disappeared, while others continued.
• Urbanism Decline: Elements of urbanism, such as cities, script, seals, specialized crafts, and long-distance trade, declined but didn’t vanish entirely. Urban sites like Kudwala, Bet Dwarka, and Daimabad remained, though they were few.
• Evidence of continuing contact with the Persian Gulf is seen in finds such as a conch shell seal at Bet Dwarka, similar to Persian Gulf motifs.
• Crafts: At Bhagwanpura, there was flourishing specialized craft activity, including clay tablets and graffiti that might represent a script. Faience ornaments, beads, and terracotta cart frames were found in Punjab and Haryana.

Agricultural Diversification:

• The diversification of agriculture became evident during the late Harappan phase. At Pirak (Baluchistan), double cropping began, with wheat and barley grown in winter, and rice, millet, and sorghum in summer. In the Kachi plain, irrigation-supported agriculture was used to grow various crops.
• In Gujarat and Maharashtra, millets were grown as summer crops. Rice and millets were found at late Harappan levels at Harappa, while Hulas yielded diverse plant remains such as various grains and pulses, including rice, barley, wheat, jowar, lentils, and chickpeas. A carbonized cotton seed was also identified.

Shift to Rural Networks:

• The late Harappan phase shows a breakdown of urban networks and an expansion of rural ones. There was overlap between late Harappan and Painted Grey Ware (PGW) culture at sites like Bhagwanpura and Dadheri in Haryana, and Katpalon and Nagar in Punjab.
• In western Uttar Pradesh, there was also overlap between late Harappan and Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) levels at sites like Bargaon and Ambakheri. This suggests that the Harappans migrated eastward and southward due to pressures and changes in their environment.