UPSC Mains Answer PYQ 2024: PSIR Paper 1 (Section- B) | PSIR Optional for UPSC PDF Download

Section B

Ans: Constitutional morality, as emphasized by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, is the ethical obligation to uphold the spirit of the Constitution, not just its literal text. It includes values like liberty, equality, justice, fraternity, and rule of law.
In recent years, the Supreme Court has used constitutional morality in judgments involving digital surveillance, personal liberty, and religious practices.
Notably:

• In 2023, it was invoked to safeguard privacy in digital surveillance cases.
• In 2024, it guided decisions balancing religious freedom with gender equality.
• It was central to judgments on transgender and LGBTQ+ rights, reinforcing dignity.
  

Critics argue that its subjective use risks judicial overreach, but supporters view it as a tool to uphold constitutional vision over majoritarian impulses.
Constitutional morality thus ensures that democracy functions in both letter and spirit, aligning state actions with constitutional ethos.

(b) Objective Resolution of the Constituent Assembly
Ans: The Objective Resolution, introduced by Jawaharlal Nehru in December 1946 and adopted in January 1947, provided the ideological base for the Constitution. It envisioned India as a sovereign democratic republic based on justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity.
Its influence remains evident in the Preamble and key constitutional provisions.
In 2023–24:

• Scholars revisited it during Constitution Day to discuss its relevance in debates on federalism and minority rights.
• The Resolution’s stress on justice inspired contemporary policies addressing socio-economic inequality.
• It influenced recent judgments affirming individual dignity and privacy.

Its emphasis on unity in diversity continues to guide federal negotiations and pluralistic governance.
Despite changing political contexts, the Objective Resolution remains a foundational document, embodying the Constitution’s transformative and inclusive vision.

(c) Legal Remedies in Part III of the Constitution of India
Ans: Part III guarantees fundamental rights, and Articles 32 and 226 ensure legal remedies to enforce them. Article 32 enables direct access to the Supreme Court, while Article 226 empowers High Courts for broader justice delivery.
In 2023–24:

• The judiciary advanced e-filing and online hearings, expanding access to justice.
• PILs were made more structured to prevent misuse.
• The Supreme Court reinforced that habeas corpus and preventive detention remedies cannot be denied even in emergencies.

Despite these developments, execution delays and uneven enforcement remain challenges.
Nonetheless, the right to constitutional remedies remains the “heart and soul” of the Constitution, acting as a safeguard against state excess and a pillar of individual liberty.

(d) Relevance of the Legislative Council
Ans: The Legislative Council (Vidhan Parishad) is the upper house in some state legislatures, intended to provide detailed scrutiny, continuity, and expert input in law-making.
Its relevance remains debated, but in 2023–24:

• States like Rajasthan and Assam proposed new Councils for enhanced representation.
• Andhra Pradesh moved to abolish it, citing cost and redundancy.
• In Karnataka, teacher representatives added value in education reforms.
• Councils in Maharashtra enabled discussion on politically sensitive issues without electoral pressure.

Studies showed that while some Councils delayed bills, they often enriched policy debates.
Despite criticism for being undemocratic or obsolete, Legislative Councils continue to offer a platform for nuanced deliberation in India’s federal setup.

(e) Women’s Role in Anti-Arrack Movement
Ans: The anti-arrack movement, led by rural women in Andhra Pradesh during the 1990s, emerged against rampant alcohol abuse that caused domestic violence, poverty, and health crises.
Women formed self-help groups, held protests, and demanded alcohol bans, directly confronting patriarchal norms and state inaction.
It marked a turning point in Indian grassroots movements by connecting personal suffering to public policy.
In 2023–24, the movement's legacy was seen in:

• Environmental protests in Himachal Pradesh using similar decentralized models.
• Digital activism on domestic violence and substance abuse.
• Gender budgeting efforts, where women’s collectives influenced policy on safety and welfare.

Academic research in 2024 confirmed the movement’s impact on political empowerment, as many participants entered panchayats and local governance.
The anti-arrack movement thus remains a powerful example of how women's collective action can shape state policy, feminist discourse, and local democracy in India.

Q6: 
(a) How far do you agree that the Directive Principles of State Policy are more fundamental than the Fundamental Rights in meeting socio-economic justice as mentioned in the Preamble of the Constitution? (20 Marks)
Ans: The Indian Constitution envisions a just society through both Fundamental Rights (Part III) and Directive Principles of State Policy (Part IV). While Fundamental Rights guarantee negative liberties—freedom from state interference—Directive Principles impose positive obligations on the state to promote welfare and socio-economic justice.
The Directive Principles include provisions for equitable resource distribution, right to work, education, health, and protection of the environment (Articles 38, 39, 41, 42, 47, and 48A). These aim to transform India's formal equality into substantive equality, aligning closely with the Preamble's vision of justice—social, economic, and political.
However, the judiciary initially gave primacy to Fundamental Rights, as in Champakam Dorairajan (1951). This changed post-Emergency. In Minerva Mills (1980), the Supreme Court held that Parts III and IV are complementary, not hierarchical.
Recent judgments reaffirm this synergy:

• Right to healthcare during the 2023 pandemic crisis was upheld under Article 21, read with Article 47.
• Environmental protection in 2024 invoked Article 48A along with Article 21.
• Reservation policies upheld by constitutional benches in 2024 drew legitimacy from Article 15(4) and 46.

Welfare schemes on food, housing, and health (2023–24) show increasing reliance on DPSPs to operationalize fundamental freedoms meaningfully.
Contemporary legal thought rejects any binary between rights and directives. Both are seen as mutually reinforcing—rights ensure dignity, directives ensure the conditions for dignity.
Thus, while DPSPs are crucial to achieving socio-economic justice, they are not “more fundamental.” The Constitution envisions an integrated approach where justice is served only when both sets of provisions are read together and applied harmoniously.

(b) Explain the structure and functions of the National Commission for Women. (15 Marks)
Ans: The National Commission for Women (NCW), established under the National Commission for Women Act of 1990 and operationalized in 1992, is a statutory body aimed at safeguarding women's rights and promoting gender justice in India.
Structure: The NCW is composed of:

• Chairperson: A woman committed to women's causes.
• Five Members: Selected from diverse backgrounds such as law, social activism, academia, and administration, with at least one member from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
• Member-Secretary: Responsible for coordinating the Commission's activities.

This composition ensures broad representation of women’s concerns and expertise, facilitating the Commission's work across various sectors.
Functions:

1. Investigative Functions: The NCW investigates complaints regarding women's rights violations and recommends measures for redress. For example, in 2023, it examined cases of digital harassment, proposing stricter platform regulations.
2. Advisory Role: It advises the government on policy measures, legislative changes, and administrative actions to promote gender equality. Its 2023-24 suggestions on gender-responsive budgeting influenced fiscal policies at the state level.
3. Awareness Generation: The Commission conducts awareness campaigns on women’s legal rights, such as the digital literacy campaigns of 2023, which reached millions across India.
4. Research and Data Collection: The NCW undertakes studies on various issues affecting women. For instance, in 2023, it published a report on women's political participation, highlighting barriers and successful interventions.

Challenges and Reforms: Despite its significant role, the NCW faces limitations due to its non-binding recommendations and lack of enforcement power. However, recent reforms, such as digital transformation initiatives (2024), have improved accessibility and outreach.
In essence, the NCW plays a pivotal role in advocating for women's rights, addressing issues of gender-based violence, and promoting social and legal reforms for gender equality in India.

(c) The legacy of the Planning Commission still has a bearing on India's development policies. Discuss. (15 Marks)
Ans: The Planning Commission (established in 1950 and dissolved in 2014) significantly influenced India's development trajectory through centralized planning. Despite being replaced by NITI Aayog, the Commission's legacy continues to shape development policies.

1. Planning Culture: The Commission institutionalized long-term planning through Five-Year Plans. This culture persists in documents like the Vision India@2047 (2023–24), which continues setting long-term national goals.
2. Centralized Resource Allocation: The Commission’s role in fund distribution between states remains influential. The Finance Commission’s terms (2023) still reflect the principles of equity and efficiency that were key in the Commission’s era. Similarly, special assistance packages for underdeveloped states (2024) follow this pattern.
3. Data-Driven Policymaking: The Commission’s emphasis on statistical data and evidence-based decisions continues through institutions like the National Data Analytics Platform (2023).
4. Sectoral Prioritization: The Commission's focus on priority sectors such as manufacturing and agriculture is visible in modern schemes like the Production-Linked Incentive schemes (2023-24) and the agricultural transformation program (2024).
5. Institutional Legacy: Many bodies created under the Commission, such as the Project Appraisal Division, continue to function today.

While there have been shifts, especially with NITI Aayog's focus on cooperative federalism and market-driven development, the Planning Commission’s legacy endures in India's administrative culture, sectoral policies, and governance structures. The decentralization and private sector participation trends in recent years mark a departure from the Commission’s central role, but the foundational frameworks it laid still influence policy-making.

Q7: 
(a) Discuss the contribution of the Dalit struggle to establish egalitarianism in Indian society during freedom movement. (20 Marks)
Ans:  The Dalit struggle during India’s freedom movement was not merely a social reform initiative but a radical assertion for equality. It aimed to dismantle the entrenched caste-based hierarchy and advocate for an egalitarian society within the broader national movement for independence.
Jyotirao Phule, through the Satyashodhak Samaj (1873), initiated the movement against Brahmanical domination, emphasizing education and social rights for Dalits and women. Swami Achutanand’s Adi Hindu movement in North India further questioned Vedic supremacy and caste-based oppression.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar became the most significant figure in the Dalit struggle. Through movements like the Mahad Satyagraha (1927) and Kalaram Temple Entry (1930), he asserted Dalit rights to dignity and public spaces. His demand for separate electorates in the Round Table Conferences sought to ensure Dalit political autonomy. Though the Poona Pact (1932) replaced this with reserved seats, it was a critical moment of Dalit assertion.
The Dalit struggle also rejected the paternalistic tone of upper-caste-led reform and nationalism. Ambedkar’s critical engagement with Gandhi, especially on caste and Varnashrama, highlighted a fundamental ideological divergence within the freedom movement.
Dalit initiatives broadened the discourse of freedom by linking political independence with social justice, laying the groundwork for constitutional safeguards such as reservation, prohibition of untouchability (Article 17), and affirmative action.
Thus, the Dalit struggle added a transformative dimension to the national movement by redefining freedom not just as liberation from colonialism but also from social oppression, thereby making egalitarianism a foundational value in postcolonial India.

Dalit Rights

(b) The blueprint of Gram Swaraj is the key to understand the Gandhian perspective on planning. Discuss. (15 Marks)
Ans:  Gandhi’s idea of Gram Swaraj represents a decentralized and ethical model of planning rooted in village self-sufficiency and participatory democracy. It stands in contrast to the top-down, industrial-centric models of development.
In Gandhi’s vision, each village would be a self-sustaining unit, producing its own basic necessities through local crafts and cottage industries. Planning, therefore, would begin from the bottom, taking into account local needs, traditions, and resources, rather than being imposed by the state.
The trusteeship model, which posits that wealth and resources should be used for the welfare of all, particularly the poorest, forms the ethical foundation of Gandhian planning. Swadeshi, non-violence, and simple living are integral to this blueprint, advocating sustainability over consumerism.
Though the post-independence planning in India largely adopted a Nehruvian centralized model, elements of Gandhi’s thought influenced the creation of Panchayati Raj, community development programmes, and the emphasis on rural employment schemes like MGNREGA.
Critics argue that Gram Swaraj is utopian in a modern, interconnected economy, but its emphasis on human-scale development, environmental sustainability, and social justice remains relevant in addressing contemporary issues like rural distress and ecological degradation.
Thus, Gram Swaraj offers a philosophical and practical framework for planning that is people-centric and ethically grounded.

(c) Critically assess the role of pressure groups in the decision-making process of the government. (15 Marks)
Ans: Pressure groups are organized interest groups that seek to influence public policy without directly seeking political office. They play both a complementary and challenging role in democratic governance.
They act as intermediaries between citizens and the state by articulating specific interests—business (FICCI), workers (AITUC), farmers (BKU), and environmentalists (CSE). By providing expertise, data, and grassroots mobilization, they enrich policy debates and bring focus to sectoral concerns often overlooked by mainstream political agendas.
Their influence is visible in areas such as environmental legislation, labor laws, and social justice movements. For instance, the Right to Information Act (2005) was strongly pushed by civil society organizations like MKSS.
However, pressure groups often suffer from representational bias. Elitist and well-funded groups, such as corporate lobbies, may dominate policy discourse, marginalizing weaker voices. Lack of transparency in lobbying and the phenomenon of the “revolving door” between bureaucracy and industry further raise concerns about accountability.
Moreover, many pressure groups lack internal democracy, raising questions about whether they genuinely represent their constituencies.
Despite these limitations, pressure groups enhance participatory democracy and act as a check on state power. Institutional reforms like lobbying regulation and public consultation frameworks can ensure that their influence is balanced and constructive.

Q8: 
(a) Discuss the role of environmental movements in shaping the environmental governance in India. (20 Marks)
Ans:  Environmental movements in India have been instrumental in democratizing and reshaping environmental governance by highlighting the link between ecological protection and community rights.
In the early phases, localized movements such as the Chipko Movement (1973) drew attention to deforestation and the livelihood of forest-dependent communities. These movements emphasized sustainable use of natural resources and inspired grassroots environmental activism.
In the 1980s–90s, movements like the Narmada Bachao Andolan critiqued development-induced displacement and ecological damage from large dams. They broadened environmental discourse to include questions of social justice and intergenerational equity, influencing policy reforms like the Forest Conservation Act (1980) and Environment Protection Act (1986).
Contemporary movements have expanded their tools and scope. The 2023 citizen-led air quality monitoring in cities like Delhi pressured regulatory bodies to revise pollution norms. Anti-plastic campaigns (2023–24) influenced the Centre’s comprehensive plastic waste rules. Community-led biodiversity documentation in the Western Ghats informed conservation planning, integrating local knowledge with governance.
Environmental movements have also impacted the legal domain. Public Interest Litigations have led to landmark decisions—like the Supreme Court’s application of the Public Trust Doctrine and expanded interpretation of Article 21 (Right to a clean environment).
Moreover, they strengthen participatory democracy. Gram Sabha consultations, particularly under PESA, and digital campaigns have increased transparency and accountability in governance processes.
Environmental movements have evolved from resistance-based to policy-influencing actors. Their role in shaping knowledge systems, governance frameworks, and participatory practices makes them critical to India’s environmental governance.

(b) "Relative deprivation is a major source of ethnic conflict." Elaborate the statement with relevant examples. (15 Marks)
Ans:  Relative deprivation, as proposed by Ted Robert Gurr, refers to a perceived discrepancy between what people believe they are entitled to and what they actually receive. Ethnic conflict often stems not from absolute poverty but from the belief that one's group is unfairly disadvantaged relative to others.
Economic disparities often fuel ethnic resentment. In Northeast India, tribal groups perceive neglect in development compared to other regions, creating a fertile ground for ethnic insurgencies. Resource-rich tribal belts, like in Chhattisgarh, often witness conflict due to wealth extraction without corresponding local benefits.
Political exclusion further aggravates grievances. Groups with inadequate representation in legislative and administrative structures feel marginalized. For instance, post-2023 local governance studies in diverse districts showed a correlation between low ethnic representation and communal tensions.
Cultural marginalization—such as linguistic or religious suppression—also intensifies group consciousness. The 2023 controversies over language policies in southern and northeastern states exemplify how cultural deprivation feeds ethnic assertiveness.
Modern communication channels, especially social media, amplify these perceptions. In 2024, studies showed how selective framing of inter-group disparities on digital platforms escalated identity-based mobilizations.
Ethnic conflict often arises not due to material scarcity alone, but from perceived injustice and comparative deprivation. Acknowledging and addressing these perceptions through inclusive governance and equitable development is key to sustainable peace.

(c) Gram Sabha in the Panchayati Raj system is a forum which gives expression to the collective wisdom, aspirations and the will of the people. Comment. (15 Marks)
Ans: The Gram Sabha, as defined in Article 243A of the Constitution, represents the collective voice of the rural population. It consists of all registered voters in a village and meets regularly to discuss local governance issues, ensuring that democracy is practiced directly at the grassroots.
It empowers people to approve budgets, question panchayat functioning, and monitor developmental activities. In doing so, it strengthens transparency and accountability. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act institutionalized Gram Sabhas to make governance participatory and inclusive.
Examples like Kerala’s People’s Plan Campaign illustrate how Gram Sabhas can align policy with people’s aspirations. Under the PESA Act (1996), Gram Sabhas in tribal areas play enhanced roles, such as managing natural resources and adjudicating disputes, reinforcing both democratic and cultural autonomy.
However, challenges persist. Low participation, especially by women and marginalized communities, limited awareness, and bureaucratic indifference often reduce Gram Sabhas to token formalities. Some states witness irregular meetings and top-down decision-making.
Yet, where they function actively, Gram Sabhas become engines of good governance. In Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra, they have conducted social audits of MGNREGA, revealing corruption and enabling corrective action.
Hence, the Gram Sabha reflects the Gandhian ideal of Swaraj—self-rule by people. Strengthening it through capacity building, legal literacy, and digital tools can make it a true vehicle of people-centric governance.