Bipan Chandra Summary: The Quit India Moement And The INA | PSIR Optional for UPSC PDF Download

Quit India Movement

The Quit India Movement, also known as the August Revolution, was a significant struggle in India where common people showed remarkable heroism and determination against British rule. This movement was marked by a powerful slogan, "Quit India," which called for the end of British rule in India. The struggle faced the most brutal repression from the British government, which used harsh measures to suppress any political activity, even peaceful ones. The conditions during this time were extremely difficult, with the government justifying its actions by claiming the need for war efforts. Despite the odds, the movement reflected the strong desire of the Indian people to fight for their rights and freedom.

Reasons for the Movement

• Cripps Mission Failure: The failure of the Cripps Mission in April 1942 showed that Britain was not willing to offer a fair settlement or constitutional progress during the War, indicating her intention to continue India's forced partnership in the War efforts.
• National Control: Further silence would mean accepting British control over India’s future without considering the wishes of its people.
• Anti-Fascist Struggle: Leaders like Gandhiji and Nehru were clear about not wanting to hinder the anti-fascist struggle, particularly that of the Russian and Chinese people.
• Inevitability of Struggle: By spring 1942, Gandhiji felt that a struggle was inevitable. He drafted a resolution for the Congress Working Committee calling for Britain’s withdrawal and non-violent non-cooperation against any Japanese invasion.
• Congress and British Actions: While Congress was moving towards the Quit India resolution, Britain was preparing to arm itself with special powers to meet the threat. Nehru, however, was opposed to the idea of struggle until late August 1942.

Societal Discontent

• Aside from British stubbornness, other factors made a struggle both inevitable and necessary.
• Popular discontent, caused by rising prices and wartime shortages, was gradually increasing.
• Government actions, such as commandeering boats in Bengal and Orissa to prevent their use by the Japanese, led to considerable anger among the people.
• The feeling of an imminent British collapse was growing stronger.
• News of Allied reverses and British withdrawals from South-East Asia and Burma confirmed this feeling.
• The British evacuation from Malaya and Burma showed that they had left the subject people to their fate.
• Letters from Indians in South-East Asia to their relatives in India described the British betrayal and their abandonment.
• This led to a belief that the British would repeat this performance in India if the Japanese occupied.
• One reason for the national movement's leadership to launch a struggle was the fear that people were becoming demoralised.
• To build their capacity to resist Japanese aggression, it was necessary to draw them out of this demoralised state and convince them of their own power.

Gandhiji's Conviction

• Drop in Faith: There was a significant drop in faith in the stability of British rule, leading to people withdrawing their deposits from banks and post-office savings accounts.
• Hoarding of Precious Metals: People began hoarding gold, silver, and coins, particularly in regions like East U.P., Bihar, and Madras Presidency.
• Ripe for Struggle: Gandhiji was convinced that the time was right for a struggle against British rule, a sentiment he expressed in an interview with Louis Fischer.

GANDHIJI’S SPEECH AT GOWALIA TANK, BOMBAY

• In early June 1942, Gandhiji expressed his growing impatience to the Congress leaders, suggesting that if they did not support him, he would take his appeal directly to the people.
• However, the Congress eventually agreed to follow Gandhiji’s lead on when to initiate a mass struggle against British rule.
• Although Gandhiji had been discussing the impending struggle for some time, it was during a meeting of the Congress Working Committee on July 14, 1942, that the idea of a mass struggle was officially accepted.
• The All-India Congress Committee was scheduled to meet in Bombay in August to ratify this decision.
• The meeting in August at Gowalia Tank in Bombay generated immense public enthusiasm.
• Large crowds gathered outside, eagerly awaiting the leaders’ discussions.
• The anticipation was so palpable that during the open session, when leaders spoke to the gathered thousands, there was complete silence, reflecting the seriousness of the moment.
• During his speeches at the meeting, Gandhiji conveyed that the actual struggle would not commence immediately.
• He explained that he would first approach the Viceroy to plead for the Congress demand, a process that might take two to three weeks.
• Gandhiji made it clear that he would not negotiate for anything less than complete freedom for India.
• He emphasized that the call for freedom was non-negotiable, rejecting any interim concessions such as the removal of the salt tax.
• Gandhiji’s famous call to action, “Do or Die,“ resonated deeply with the audience.
• He urged the people to imprint this mantra in their hearts, expressing the determination to either achieve freedom or die in the attempt.
• This rallying cry encapsulated the spirit of the movement, emphasizing the urgency and seriousness of the struggle for independence.

In his speech, Gandhiji also provided specific guidance to various groups:

• Government servants were advised to declare their loyalty to the Congress openly, though not yet asked to resign.
• Soldiers were instructed to remain at their posts but refuse to fire on their fellow countrymen.
• Indian Princes were urged to accept the sovereignty of their people instead of paying homage to a foreign power.
• People in Princely States were encouraged to declare their identity as part of the Indian nation and accept leadership from the Princes only if they allied with the people.
• Students were encouraged to abandon their studies if they were committed to staying firm until independence was achieved.

• On August 7, Gandhiji presented further instructions to the Working Committee, urging peasants ready to risk everything to refuse land revenue payments.
• He emphasized that land belongs to those who work it, and in zamindari areas, if a zamindar supports the ryot, an agreed-upon share of the revenue should be paid to him.
• However, if a zamindar sides with the government, no tax should be paid to him.
• Although these instructions were not formally issued due to preventive arrests, they reflected Gandhiji’s intentions and the spirit of the movement.
• The government, anticipating the Congress’s actions, arrested the top Congress leaders in the early hours of August 9, 1942, before the movement could be formally launched.
• This preemptive strike was part of the government’s long-standing preparation to suppress any revolutionary movements, having been ready with a detailed Revolutionary Movement Ordinance since 1940.

Disobedience Movement, Organizational Revamping, and Propaganda Campaign

The Government was losing patience with Gandhi's approach and was not willing to give him more time. As the All India Congress Committee (AICC) was about to approve the Quit India resolution, the Government ordered arrests and suppression in the provinces.

Public Reaction

The Government's sudden actions provoked an immediate public response:

• In Bombay, news of the arrests led to a massive gathering at Gowalia Tank, resulting in clashes with authorities.
• On 9 August, similar unrest erupted in Ahmedabad and Poona.
• By 10 August, cities like Delhi, Kanpur, Allahabad, Varanasi, and Patna experienced hartals, public demonstrations, and processions against the Government.
• In response, the Government suppressed the press, suspending publications like the National Herald and Harijan for the duration of the struggle.

Local leaders who had avoided arrest returned home through secretive routes to organize resistance. As news spread to rural areas, villagers joined urban residents in protesting.

Mass Uprising

For the first six or seven weeks after 9 August, there was a significant nationwide uprising:

• People expressed their anger by attacking police stations, post offices, courts, railway stations, and other symbols of Government authority.
• In some areas, national flags were hoisted on public buildings in defiance of police orders.
• Groups of Satyagrahis voluntarily offered themselves for arrest at local administrative centres.
• Villagers physically removed railway tracks, blew up bridges, dismantled tracks, and cut telephone and telegraph wires.
• Students went on strike in schools and colleges, organizing processions and distributing illegal news-sheets.
• Workers participated in strikes, with mills in Ahmedabad closed for three and a half months and significant work stoppages in Bombay and Jamshedpur.

Escalation in Bihar and Eastern U.P.

The response to arrests was particularly strong in Bihar and Eastern U.P., where the movement escalated into a rebellion:

• From mid-August, students and political activists spread the Quit India message to rural areas.
• Students from Banaras Hindu University reached villages with slogans like ‘Thana jalao’ (Burn police station) and ‘Station phoonk do’ (Burn the railway stations).
• They hijacked trains adorned with national flags and large crowds of peasants attacked symbols of Government authority in district towns.
• Despite government repression, the rebellion gained momentum, isolating the Tirhut division in Bihar for two weeks and leading to the capture of police stations across various districts.

Attacks on Europeans also occurred, including the killing of two R.A.F. officers by a crowd at a railway station in Fatwa, near Patna, and villagers killing crews of R.A.F. planes that crashed in Monghyr.

Key centres of resistance included Azamgarh, Ballia, and Gorakhpur in East U.P., along with Gaya, Bhagalpur, Saran, Purnea, Shahabad, Muzaffarpur, and Champaran in Bihar.

Official estimates reported significant damage in the week following leaders' arrests, with 250 railway stations damaged or destroyed, over 500 post offices attacked, and 150 police stations targeted. Train operations in Bihar and Eastern U.P. faced severe disruptions.

Disrupted Communication and Repression

• For several weeks, communication was disrupted.
• In Karnataka, there were 1,600 incidents of telegraph line cuts.
• Twenty-six railway stations and thirty-two post offices were attacked.
• Unarmed crowds faced police and military firing on 538 occasions.
• They were also attacked by aircraft firing machine guns at low altitudes.
• Repression included:
  • Taking hostages from villages.
  • Imposing collective fines of Rs 90 lakhs, often collected by looting.
  • Whipping suspects.
  • Burning entire villages when residents fled.
• By late 1942, over 60,000 people had been arrested.
• Of those, 26,000 were convicted and 18,000 detained under the Defence of India Rules.
• Martial law was not declared, but the army acted independently.
• The repression was as severe as if martial law had been in place.

Underground Movements

• The harsh repression stopped the mass struggle within six or seven weeks.
• During this time, underground networks formed with leaders like:
  • Achyut Patwardhan
  • Aruna Asaf Ali
  • Ram Manohar Lohia
  • Sucheta Kripalani
  • Chootubhai Puranik
  • Biju Patnaik
  • R.P. Goenka
  • Jayaprakash Narayan (after escaping from jail)
• This leadership aimed to:
  • Maintain popular morale.
  • Provide guidance to activists nationwide.
  • Collect and distribute funds, bombs, arms, and dynamite.
• Local groups retained the initiative in their activities.
• Active local underground organisations were in:
  • Bombay
  • Poona
  • Satara
  • Baroda
  • Gujarat
  • Karnataka
  • Kerala
  • Andhra
  • U.P.
  • Bihar
  • Delhi
• Congress Socialists often led, alongside:
  • Gandhian ashramites
  • Forward Bloc members
  • Revolutionary activists
  • Other Congress members

Support for Underground Activities

• Few were directly involved in underground activities, but they received support from many:
  • Businessmen made generous donations.
  • Sumati Morarjee, a future leading woman industrialist, helped Achyut Patwardhan evade capture by providing cars.
  • Others offered hideouts for leaders and activists.
  • Students acted as couriers.
  • Simple villagers refused to share information with the police.
  • Pilots and train drivers transported bombs and materials.
  • Some government officials, including police, shared vital information about arrests.
  • Achyut Patwardhan noted that one member of the tracking committee regularly informed him about their activities.

Activities of the Underground Movement

• The underground movement generally aimed to disrupt communications by:
  • Blowing up bridges.
  • Cutting telegraph and telephone wires.
  • Derailing trains.
• There were also some attacks on government officials and police informers.
• Their actual success in disrupting communications was limited, but they maintained the people's spirit when open mass activity was impossible.
• Disseminating news was crucial, and they had notable success, especially with:
  • The Congress Radio, which operated secretly from various locations in Bombay.
  • This broadcast reached as far as Madras, with Ram Manohar Lohia regularly speaking on it.
  • However, the radio was discovered and confiscated in November 1942.

Gandhi's Fast

• In February 1943, a new wave of political activity began.
• Gandhiji started a fast on 10 February while in jail, lasting twenty-one days.
• This was his response to the government.

India’s Struggle For Independence

During the Quit India Movement, Gandhiji was repeatedly urged to condemn the violence that was occurring. However, he refused to do so and instead held the Government accountable for the violence. He argued that it was the state’s “leonine violence” that drove people to react violently. In response to this state violence, which involved the wrongful detention of many Congress leaders, Gandhiji decided to fast while in jail.

Public Response to the Fast

• The news of Gandhiji's fast triggered an immediate and strong response nationwide.
• There were widespread hartals, demonstrations, and strikes, particularly in Calcutta and Ahmedabad.
• Prisoners and supporters outside prisons joined in sympathetic fasts.
• Secret gatherings took place in Poona to conduct Satyagraha outside the Aga Khan Palace where Gandhiji was detained.
• Public meetings were organized to demand his release, resulting in thousands of letters and telegrams from various groups, including:
  • Students and youth
  • Businessmen
  • Lawyers
  • Ordinary citizens
  • Labour organisations
• Internationally, newspapers like the Manchester Guardian and Chicago Sun, along with groups such as the British Communist Party and the Women's International League, called for his release.
• The U.S. Government also applied indirect pressure for his release.

Leaders’ Conference and Government Reaction

• A Leaders’ Conference was convened in Delhi on 19-20 February, attended by prominent politicians and public figures who demanded Gandhiji's release.
• Even those who were not supportive of the Congress party felt that the Government was overstepping its authority.
• The resignation of three Indian members of the Viceroy’s Executive Council was a significant setback for the Government.
• These members, who had previously supported the Government's actions, refused to be part of Gandhiji's demise.

The Government’s Stance

• The Viceroy and officials remained indifferent, influenced by a Cabinet statement from Winston Churchill suggesting it was not the time to yield to “a miserable old man who had always been our enemy.”
• The Viceroy downplayed concerns over Gandhiji’s potential death, suggesting it would only cause “six months of unpleasantness.”
• He even implied that Gandhiji's absence would strengthen British control in India.

The Government's Preparations

• As the nation anxiously appealed for Gandhiji's life, the Government proceeded with plans for his funeral.
• Military troops were put on standby for possible emergencies.
• Arrangements included a plane for his ashes and a public funeral, with a half-day holiday declared.
• However, Gandhiji surprised everyone by refusing to die.

Impact of the Fast

• The fast successfully boosted public morale and increased anti-British sentiment.
• It provided an opportunity for political action and sparked widespread resistance.
• The government’s justification for its brutal actions during 1942 was undermined.
• The Quit India Movement saw the rise of parallel governments in some regions.

Emergence of Parallel Governments

• The first parallel government was established in Ballia, East U.P., in August 1942 under Chittu Pande, who identified as a Gandhian.
• This government briefly succeeded in gaining power and releasing Congress leaders but could not last long.
• In Tamluk, Bengal, the Jatiya Sarkar was formed on 17 December 1942 and lasted until September 1944.

Objective

The Constructive work had made good progress, and it was also the site of previous mass struggles. The Jatiya Sarkar took on cyclone relief efforts, provided grants to schools, and organized an armed Vidyut Vahini. Additionally, it established arbitration courts and redistributed surplus paddy from the wealthy to the poor. Its relatively remote location allowed it to continue its activities with relative ease. Satara in Maharashtra became the base for the longest-lasting and most effective parallel government. From the beginning of the Quit India Movement, the region was actively involved.

Early Actions in the Quit India Movement

• First Phase (August 1942): Marches on local government headquarters in Karad, Tasgaon, and Islampur, involving thousands of participants.
• Activities: Sabotage, attacks on post offices, bank lootings, and cutting of telegraph wires.
• Key Leader: Y.B. Chavan, in contact with underground leaders like Achyut Patwardhan.
• Conclusion of Phase: Ended with the arrest of approximately two thousand people by the end of 1942.

Regrouping and Parallel Government

• Early 1943: Underground activists began to regroup.
• Mid-1943: Successful consolidation of their organization.
• Establishment of Parallel Government: Prati Sarkar set up with Nani Patil as the main leader.
• Activities: Attacks on government collaborators, Robin Hood-style robberies.
• Creation of Nyayadan Mandals: People’s courts for dispensing justice.
• Social Reforms: Enforcement of prohibition, celebration of ‘Gandhi marriages,’ establishment of village libraries, and promotion of education.
• Support from Aundh State: The native state of Aundh provided refuge and support to the Prati Sarkar.
• Duration: Prati Sarkar continued functioning until 1945.

The Quit India Movement represented a peak in popular participation and sympathy for the national cause, with the youth playing a prominent role, especially in earlier mass struggles.

Role of Youth and Women

• Youth Participation: College and school students were the most visible participants, especially in early August 1942. The average age of participants was likely lower than in previous movements.
• Women’s Involvement: College and school girls played a crucial role. Notable women organizers included Aruna Asaf Ali and Sucheta Kripalani. Usha Mehta was an important member of the group running Congress Radio.
• Workers’ Sacrifices: Workers made significant sacrifices by enduring long strikes and facing police repression.

Peasant Participation

• Geographic Hotspots: Peasants from all backgrounds were central to the movement, particularly in East U.P., Bihar, Midnapur in Bengal, and Satara in Maharashtra.
• Small Zamindar Involvement: Many small zamindars joined the movement, especially in U.P. and Bihar.
• Large Zamindar Neutrality: Even large zamindars remained neutral and some aided the British in suppressing the rebellion.
• Raja of Darbhanga:. prominent zamindar who refused to let his armed retainers be used by the government and instructed his managers to assist arrested tenants.

Government Officials' Role

• Attack on British Authority: Peasant activity focused on attacking symbols of British authority.
• Zamindar Treatment: There were no incidents of violence against zamindars, even during the breakdown of government authority.
• Lower-Level Official Support: Many lower-level government officials aided the movement by providing shelter, information, and financial help.
• Erosion of Loyalty: There was a notable erosion of loyalty to the British government among its own officers during the Quit India struggle.
• Jail Official Sympathy: Jail officials often showed kindness to prisoners and expressed sympathy.

While Muslim mass participation in the Quit India movement was not high, it is noteworthy that even Muslim League supporters did not act as informers. The absence of communal clashes during this period indicates a shared understanding, even among those from different communities.

Support from Muslim Masses

• The movement did not receive significant support from the majority of the Muslim masses, nor did it provoke their hostility.

Participation of Communists

• The strong appeal and fundamental nature of the Quit India Movement is evident from the participation of numerous local and village-level Communists, despite the official stance of the Communist Party.
• While they empathised with their leaders' anti-fascist sentiments, the urgency of the movement compelled them to join in, even if temporarily, alongside the rest of the Indian populace.

Debate on Quit India Movement

• The discussion surrounding the Quit India Movement focuses on two main questions:
• Whether the movement was an spontaneous eruption or a planned uprising?
• How the violent actions of people during this struggle aligned with the Congress's principle of non-violence?

Spontaneity in the 1942 Movement

• The level of spontaneity in 1942 was greater than in previous movements.
• In earlier movements like 1919-22, 1930-31, and 1932, the Congress leadership allowed for significant local initiative and spontaneity.
• The Gandhian mass movements typically involved the leadership setting a broad action plan and leaving its execution to local activists and the masses.
• During the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930, Gandhiji initiated the struggle, but local leaders decided on the specific actions to take.
• In 1942, although the broad program was not clearly defined, the leadership had approved the level of spontaneity and popular initiative that was exercised.
• The AICC resolution of 8 August 1942 acknowledged the possibility of local leaders acting independently within general guidelines.

Congress Preparedness for Struggle

• The Congress was ideologically, politically, and organisationally ready for the struggle long before 1942.
• Since 1937, the Congress had been rebuilding its organisation and had gained political and ideological strength.
• The Ministries had boosted Congress support and prestige, with significant mobilization in regions like East U.P. and Bihar from 1937 onwards.
• Sardar Patel had been preparing people in Gujarat for an impending struggle since June 1942.
• Gandhiji had also been priming the public for the upcoming conflict, which he anticipated would be swift.

Violence and Non-violence Policy

• The use of violence in 1942 raised questions about its compatibility with Congress's non-violence policy.
• Some individuals adhered strictly to non-violent methods, while others believed that the unique circumstances justified violent actions.
• Actions like cutting telegraph wires and destroying bridges were seen as acceptable as long as they did not endanger human lives.
• Some participants openly acknowledged the conflict between their actions and the Congress's non-violence stance.

Violence and Non-Violence

• The violence exhibited by some individuals, or accepted due to their commitment to non-violence, was considerable.
• Gandhiji refrained from condemning the violence of the people, perceiving it as a reaction to the greater violence inflicted by the state.
• Francis Hutchins noted that Gandhiji's primary concern with violence was its potential to restrict mass participation in movements.
• However, by 1942, Gandhiji felt that violence would not impede mass participation.

Significance of the Quit India Movement

• The Quit India Movement elevated the demand for independence to a central position in the national movement.
• Following this movement, there was no turning back; future negotiations with the British Government would revolve solely around the method of power transfer.
• Independence was no longer a negotiable point, a reality that became evident after the War.

Political Activity Post-Gandhiji's Release

• After Gandhiji's release on 6 May 1944 for health reasons, political activities resumed with increased vigor.
• Constructive work became the focal point of Congress activities, with a strong emphasis on reorganizing the Congress structure.
• Various Congress committees, such as Congress Workers Assemblies, were revitalized, diminishing the effectiveness of the government's ban.
• The Congress aimed to train workers, expand membership, and gather funds.
• This reorganization was met with suspicion by the Government, which perceived it as a strategy to regain rural influence for future struggles.
• Although these developments were closely monitored, repressive actions were not implemented.
• The Viceroy sought to propose the Wavell Offer at the Simla Conference to preempt further struggles before the War with Japan concluded.

Simla Conference and Congress Leaders

• Congress leaders were allowed to participate in the Simla Conference in June 1945, signifying the end of the confrontation that had persisted since August 1942.

The Indian National Army (INA)

• The idea of the INA was first put forward by Mohan Singh, an Indian officer in Malaya, who chose not to retreat with the British Army and sought help from the Japanese instead.
• Initially, the Japanese had only encouraged civilian Indians to form anti-British groups, not a military force.
• Indian prisoners of war were handed over to Mohan Singh, who aimed to recruit them into the INA.
• The fall of Singapore was a crucial moment, bringing in 45,000 Indian POWs under Mohan Singh's influence, leading to 40,000 men expressing their willingness to join the INA by the end of 1942.
• It was made clear that the INA would only act at the invitation of the Indian National Congress and the Indian people, and many viewed the INA as a means to counter Japanese mistreatment of Indians in South-East Asia and to prevent potential Japanese occupation of India.

Development of the INA

• The Quit India Movement invigorated the INA, leading to the organization of anti-British protests in Malaya.
• The first formal unit of the INA was established in 1943 after several reorganizations, and the Japanese became more receptive to the idea of an armed Indian unit as they contemplated invading India.
• However, by December 1942, significant disagreements emerged between Indian officers and the Japanese regarding the INA's objectives, resulting in the arrest of Mohan Singh and Niranjan Singh Gill, the senior-most Indian officer.
• The Japanese preferred a token force of 2,000 men, while Mohan Singh aimed to form an army of 20,000.

Subhas Chandra Bose and the INA

• The second phase of the INA commenced with Subhas Chandra Bose's arrival in Singapore on 2 July 1943, facilitated by German and Japanese submarines.
• In Tokyo, Japanese Prime Minister Tojo assured Bose that Japan had no territorial ambitions concerning India.
• Bose returned to Singapore and established the Provisional Government of Free India on 21 October 1943, which subsequently declared war on Britain and the United States.

Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA)

Formation of the INA

• Subhas Chandra Bose set up two headquarters for the Indian National Army (INA), one in Rangoon and the other in Singapore.
• He started to reorganise the INA by recruiting civilians.
• Funds were raised, and a women's regiment known as the Rani Jhansi Regiment was established.

On July 6, 1944, in a broadcast on Azad Hind Radio addressed to Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Bose proclaimed, "India's last war of independence has begun. . . Father of our Nation! In this holy war of India's liberation, we ask for your blessing and good wishes."

INA's Involvement in the War

• An INA battalion under the command of Shah Nawaz was permitted to assist the Japanese Army at the Indo-Burma front and participated in the Imphal campaign.
• However, they experienced discriminatory treatment, including the denial of rations and arms, and being forced to perform menial tasks for the Japanese, which demoralised the INA soldiers.

The failure of the Imphal campaign and the retreat of the Japanese forces, which began in mid-1944 and continued until mid-1945, dashed the hopes of the INA for freeing India. The Japanese ultimately surrendered to the British in South-East Asia.

Aftermath and Defence Movement

• When INA soldiers were brought back to India and faced the threat of harsh punishment, a strong movement emerged in their defence.