The Sixteenth Finance Commission (SFC) is being discussed because it has to decide on how to divide tax revenue between the Centre and the States in India starting from April 1, 2026.
The Sixteenth Finance Commission (SFC), set to begin its work on April 1, 2026, faces the challenging task of redefining fiscal federalism in India. This task has become urgent due to the demands of 22 out of 28 States, including many ruled by the BJP, who are asking for an increase in their share of the divisible tax pool from 41% to 50%.
These demands highlight the growing concern over the Centre's increasing reliance on non-shareable cesses and surcharges, which has effectively diminished the States' real share in national tax revenue. The SFC will need to navigate these complex issues to ensure a fair and balanced distribution of resources between the Centre and the States.
Share of Cesses & Surcharges in Centre’s Gross Tax Revenue
Period | Share of Cesses & Surcharges in Centre’s Gross Tax Revenue |
---|---|
2015-16 to 2019-20 (Pre-COVID) | 12.8% |
2020-21 to 2023-24 (Post-COVID Budget Years) | 18.5% |
Implication:
States’ Effective Share in Gross Tax Revenue
Period | States’ Effective Share in Gross Tax Revenue |
---|---|
2015-16 to 2019-20 | ~35% |
2020-21 to 2023-24 | ~31% |
Post-GST Challenges:
The Sixteenth Finance Commission has an opportunity to reshape fiscal federalism in India by increasing vertical devolution, regulating non-transparent revenue tools, and reforming horizontal distribution. By doing so, it can strengthen the fiscal foundation of States, which are crucial for Indian democracy, and create a more equitable and cooperative fiscal framework.
The international community is grappling with the question of whether Israel's military strikes on Iran are legal under international law.
The international community is divided on the legality of Israel's military strikes against Iran, with the core issue being compliance with international law. The UN Charter, particularly Article 2(4), prohibits the use of force in international relations, allowing exceptions only in cases like self-defence under Article 51. Article 51 permits self-defence only in response to an armed attack, and the response must meet the criteria of necessity and proportionality. Legal experts suggest that if self-defence is interpreted narrowly, Israel's actions could be deemed unlawful aggression, which constitutes a war crime under international law.
Israel argues that its military actions against Iran are based on pre-emptive self-defence, aiming to thwart Iran's nuclear weapons program. The rationale is that Iran is on the brink of developing nuclear weapons and has issued threats against Israel, warranting a pre-emptive strike. This raises a critical legal question: Is it permissible for a country to use force before an actual armed attack occurs?
Article 51 of the UN Charter typically allows for self-defence only after an armed attack has taken place, making pre-emptive action appear contradictory. However, some legal scholars, such as Rosalyn Higgins, contend that waiting for an actual attack may be unrealistic in contemporary warfare. If pre-emptive self-defence is accepted, its parameters must be narrowly defined to prevent misuse. A more widely accepted concept is anticipatory self-defence, which finds support in historical precedents like the Caroline Incident of 1837.
The Caroline doctrine outlines the conditions under which force may be used in anticipatory self-defence. These conditions include:
Concept | Definition | Legal Status under International Law | Example / Reference |
---|---|---|---|
Self-defence | Use of force in response to an actual armed attack | Permitted under Article 51 of the UN Charter | Israel after rocket attacks |
Pre-emptive self-defence | Use of force against a future, potential attack | Controversial, generally considered illegal | Israel’s claim against Iran |
Anticipatory self-defence | Use of force when an attack is imminent | Conditionally accepted under Caroline doctrine | Caroline Incident (1837) |
The concept of pre-emptive self-defence remains a subject of legal and moral debate. If it is to be permitted, its application must adhere to strict criteria, including immediacy, necessity, and proportionality. An overly broad interpretation could undermine the UN Charter and risk legitimizing aggressive actions by states.
Type | Explanation | Implications |
---|---|---|
Restrictive (Temporal) | - Attack is about to happen. - Focuses on temporal proximity. | - Aligns with traditional international law. - Supports limited self-defence. |
Expansive | - Attack could happen at some point in future. - Not temporally bound. | - Risks unilateral action by powerful states. - Encourages armed aggression. |
Israel’s Claim
Legal Evaluation
Assertion of existential threat due to nuclear progress
The ongoing debate about Israel's military actions against Iran highlights the complexities of international law and the principles governing the use of force. While some may argue that discussing these legal frameworks is futile in a world where they are often ignored, it is essential to remember that international law provides the foundation for assessing state behavior and holding them accountable. Upholding and applying these legal norms, even in cases of severe violations by powerful states, is crucial for maintaining a rule-based global order.
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1. What are the main principles of international law that are relevant to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? | ![]() |
2. How does international law view the Israeli settlements in occupied territories? | ![]() |
3. What role does the United Nations play in addressing the legality of Israeli actions? | ![]() |
4. What is the significance of the concept of self-determination in the context of this conflict? | ![]() |
5. How have historical events shaped the current legal discourse surrounding this conflict? | ![]() |