Test: CLAT Mock Test - 7 - CLAT MCQ
30 Questions MCQ Test - Test: CLAT Mock Test - 7
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
Its primary objective is to avert ‘carbon leakage’. It refers to a phenomenon where a EU manufacturer moves carbon-intensive production to countries outside the region with less stringent climate policies. In other words, replace EU-manufactured products with more carbon-intensive imports.
From 2026, once the CBAM is fully implemented, importers in the EU would have to buy carbon certificates corresponding to the payable carbon price of the import had the product been produced in the continent, under its carbon pricing rules. Conversely, if a non-EU producer is paying a price (or tax) for carbon used to produce the imported goods, back home or in some other country, the corresponding cost would be deducted for the EU importer. The Commission, in coordination with relevant authorities of the member states, would be responsible for reviewing and verifying declarations as well as managing the central platform for the sale of CBAM certificates. Importers would have to annually declare by May-end the quantity and embedded emissions in the goods imported into the region in the preceding year.
The idea here is to avert the possibility of carbon leakage alongside encouraging producers in non-EU countries to green their manufacturing processes. Moreover, it will ensure a level playing field between imports and EU products. This would also form part of the continent’s broader European Green Deal which endeavours to achieve 55% reduction in carbon emissions compared to 1990 levels by 2030 and become a climate neutral continent by 2050.
The gradual introduction of the CBAM would be in parallel with the phasing out of the allocation of free allowances given out under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), which was also aimed at supporting the decarbonisation of the region’s industries.
The ETS had set a cap on the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that can be released from industrial installations in certain sectors. Allowances were to be bought on the open decentralised ETS trading market; however, certain allowances were given out for free to prevent carbon leakage. Though effective in addressing the issue of leakage, the EU concluded it dampened the incentive to invest in greener production at home and abroad. This was because of the tendency to rely on free allowances to meet operational requirements and obligations. Thus, the idea to have an import-based tariff instead.
CBAM would initially apply to imports of certain goods and selected precursors, whose production is carbon-intensive and are at risk of ‘leakage’ such as the cement, iron and steel, aluminium, fertilizers, electricity and hydrogen sectors. Eventually, once fully phased in, it would capture more than half of the emissions in ETS covered sectors.
In 2021, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) had concluded that Russia, China and Turkey were most exposed to the mechanism. Considering the level of exports to the union in these sectors, it stated India, Brazil and South Africa would be most affected among the developing countries. Mozambique would be the most exposed least-developing country. Important to note, countries in the EU combined represent about 14% of India’s export mix for all products, steel and aluminium included.
Q. Which of the following CANNOT be inferred from the passage?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
Its primary objective is to avert ‘carbon leakage’. It refers to a phenomenon where a EU manufacturer moves carbon-intensive production to countries outside the region with less stringent climate policies. In other words, replace EU-manufactured products with more carbon-intensive imports.
From 2026, once the CBAM is fully implemented, importers in the EU would have to buy carbon certificates corresponding to the payable carbon price of the import had the product been produced in the continent, under its carbon pricing rules. Conversely, if a non-EU producer is paying a price (or tax) for carbon used to produce the imported goods, back home or in some other country, the corresponding cost would be deducted for the EU importer. The Commission, in coordination with relevant authorities of the member states, would be responsible for reviewing and verifying declarations as well as managing the central platform for the sale of CBAM certificates. Importers would have to annually declare by May-end the quantity and embedded emissions in the goods imported into the region in the preceding year.
The idea here is to avert the possibility of carbon leakage alongside encouraging producers in non-EU countries to green their manufacturing processes. Moreover, it will ensure a level playing field between imports and EU products. This would also form part of the continent’s broader European Green Deal which endeavours to achieve 55% reduction in carbon emissions compared to 1990 levels by 2030 and become a climate neutral continent by 2050.
The gradual introduction of the CBAM would be in parallel with the phasing out of the allocation of free allowances given out under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), which was also aimed at supporting the decarbonisation of the region’s industries.
The ETS had set a cap on the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that can be released from industrial installations in certain sectors. Allowances were to be bought on the open decentralised ETS trading market; however, certain allowances were given out for free to prevent carbon leakage. Though effective in addressing the issue of leakage, the EU concluded it dampened the incentive to invest in greener production at home and abroad. This was because of the tendency to rely on free allowances to meet operational requirements and obligations. Thus, the idea to have an import-based tariff instead.
CBAM would initially apply to imports of certain goods and selected precursors, whose production is carbon-intensive and are at risk of ‘leakage’ such as the cement, iron and steel, aluminium, fertilizers, electricity and hydrogen sectors. Eventually, once fully phased in, it would capture more than half of the emissions in ETS covered sectors.
In 2021, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) had concluded that Russia, China and Turkey were most exposed to the mechanism. Considering the level of exports to the union in these sectors, it stated India, Brazil and South Africa would be most affected among the developing countries. Mozambique would be the most exposed least-developing country. Important to note, countries in the EU combined represent about 14% of India’s export mix for all products, steel and aluminium included.
Q. Which term is used to describe the phenomenon where EU manufacturers shift carbon-intensive production to countries outside the region?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
Its primary objective is to avert ‘carbon leakage’. It refers to a phenomenon where a EU manufacturer moves carbon-intensive production to countries outside the region with less stringent climate policies. In other words, replace EU-manufactured products with more carbon-intensive imports.
From 2026, once the CBAM is fully implemented, importers in the EU would have to buy carbon certificates corresponding to the payable carbon price of the import had the product been produced in the continent, under its carbon pricing rules. Conversely, if a non-EU producer is paying a price (or tax) for carbon used to produce the imported goods, back home or in some other country, the corresponding cost would be deducted for the EU importer. The Commission, in coordination with relevant authorities of the member states, would be responsible for reviewing and verifying declarations as well as managing the central platform for the sale of CBAM certificates. Importers would have to annually declare by May-end the quantity and embedded emissions in the goods imported into the region in the preceding year.
The idea here is to avert the possibility of carbon leakage alongside encouraging producers in non-EU countries to green their manufacturing processes. Moreover, it will ensure a level playing field between imports and EU products. This would also form part of the continent’s broader European Green Deal which endeavours to achieve 55% reduction in carbon emissions compared to 1990 levels by 2030 and become a climate neutral continent by 2050.
The gradual introduction of the CBAM would be in parallel with the phasing out of the allocation of free allowances given out under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), which was also aimed at supporting the decarbonisation of the region’s industries.
The ETS had set a cap on the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that can be released from industrial installations in certain sectors. Allowances were to be bought on the open decentralised ETS trading market; however, certain allowances were given out for free to prevent carbon leakage. Though effective in addressing the issue of leakage, the EU concluded it dampened the incentive to invest in greener production at home and abroad. This was because of the tendency to rely on free allowances to meet operational requirements and obligations. Thus, the idea to have an import-based tariff instead.
CBAM would initially apply to imports of certain goods and selected precursors, whose production is carbon-intensive and are at risk of ‘leakage’ such as the cement, iron and steel, aluminium, fertilizers, electricity and hydrogen sectors. Eventually, once fully phased in, it would capture more than half of the emissions in ETS covered sectors.
In 2021, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) had concluded that Russia, China and Turkey were most exposed to the mechanism. Considering the level of exports to the union in these sectors, it stated India, Brazil and South Africa would be most affected among the developing countries. Mozambique would be the most exposed least-developing country. Important to note, countries in the EU combined represent about 14% of India’s export mix for all products, steel and aluminium included.
Q. Which sectors would initially come under the scope of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
Its primary objective is to avert ‘carbon leakage’. It refers to a phenomenon where a EU manufacturer moves carbon-intensive production to countries outside the region with less stringent climate policies. In other words, replace EU-manufactured products with more carbon-intensive imports.
From 2026, once the CBAM is fully implemented, importers in the EU would have to buy carbon certificates corresponding to the payable carbon price of the import had the product been produced in the continent, under its carbon pricing rules. Conversely, if a non-EU producer is paying a price (or tax) for carbon used to produce the imported goods, back home or in some other country, the corresponding cost would be deducted for the EU importer. The Commission, in coordination with relevant authorities of the member states, would be responsible for reviewing and verifying declarations as well as managing the central platform for the sale of CBAM certificates. Importers would have to annually declare by May-end the quantity and embedded emissions in the goods imported into the region in the preceding year.
The idea here is to avert the possibility of carbon leakage alongside encouraging producers in non-EU countries to green their manufacturing processes. Moreover, it will ensure a level playing field between imports and EU products. This would also form part of the continent’s broader European Green Deal which endeavours to achieve 55% reduction in carbon emissions compared to 1990 levels by 2030 and become a climate neutral continent by 2050.
The gradual introduction of the CBAM would be in parallel with the phasing out of the allocation of free allowances given out under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), which was also aimed at supporting the decarbonisation of the region’s industries.
The ETS had set a cap on the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that can be released from industrial installations in certain sectors. Allowances were to be bought on the open decentralised ETS trading market; however, certain allowances were given out for free to prevent carbon leakage. Though effective in addressing the issue of leakage, the EU concluded it dampened the incentive to invest in greener production at home and abroad. This was because of the tendency to rely on free allowances to meet operational requirements and obligations. Thus, the idea to have an import-based tariff instead.
CBAM would initially apply to imports of certain goods and selected precursors, whose production is carbon-intensive and are at risk of ‘leakage’ such as the cement, iron and steel, aluminium, fertilizers, electricity and hydrogen sectors. Eventually, once fully phased in, it would capture more than half of the emissions in ETS covered sectors.
In 2021, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) had concluded that Russia, China and Turkey were most exposed to the mechanism. Considering the level of exports to the union in these sectors, it stated India, Brazil and South Africa would be most affected among the developing countries. Mozambique would be the most exposed least-developing country. Important to note, countries in the EU combined represent about 14% of India’s export mix for all products, steel and aluminium included.
Q. What will importers in the EU be required to do once the CBAM is fully implemented?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
Its primary objective is to avert ‘carbon leakage’. It refers to a phenomenon where a EU manufacturer moves carbon-intensive production to countries outside the region with less stringent climate policies. In other words, replace EU-manufactured products with more carbon-intensive imports.
From 2026, once the CBAM is fully implemented, importers in the EU would have to buy carbon certificates corresponding to the payable carbon price of the import had the product been produced in the continent, under its carbon pricing rules. Conversely, if a non-EU producer is paying a price (or tax) for carbon used to produce the imported goods, back home or in some other country, the corresponding cost would be deducted for the EU importer. The Commission, in coordination with relevant authorities of the member states, would be responsible for reviewing and verifying declarations as well as managing the central platform for the sale of CBAM certificates. Importers would have to annually declare by May-end the quantity and embedded emissions in the goods imported into the region in the preceding year.
The idea here is to avert the possibility of carbon leakage alongside encouraging producers in non-EU countries to green their manufacturing processes. Moreover, it will ensure a level playing field between imports and EU products. This would also form part of the continent’s broader European Green Deal which endeavours to achieve 55% reduction in carbon emissions compared to 1990 levels by 2030 and become a climate neutral continent by 2050.
The gradual introduction of the CBAM would be in parallel with the phasing out of the allocation of free allowances given out under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), which was also aimed at supporting the decarbonisation of the region’s industries.
The ETS had set a cap on the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that can be released from industrial installations in certain sectors. Allowances were to be bought on the open decentralised ETS trading market; however, certain allowances were given out for free to prevent carbon leakage. Though effective in addressing the issue of leakage, the EU concluded it dampened the incentive to invest in greener production at home and abroad. This was because of the tendency to rely on free allowances to meet operational requirements and obligations. Thus, the idea to have an import-based tariff instead.
CBAM would initially apply to imports of certain goods and selected precursors, whose production is carbon-intensive and are at risk of ‘leakage’ such as the cement, iron and steel, aluminium, fertilizers, electricity and hydrogen sectors. Eventually, once fully phased in, it would capture more than half of the emissions in ETS covered sectors.
In 2021, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) had concluded that Russia, China and Turkey were most exposed to the mechanism. Considering the level of exports to the union in these sectors, it stated India, Brazil and South Africa would be most affected among the developing countries. Mozambique would be the most exposed least-developing country. Important to note, countries in the EU combined represent about 14% of India’s export mix for all products, steel and aluminium included.
Q. Which of the following statements questions the effectiveness of granting free allowances under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS)?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
When members of Sri Lanka’s LGBTQIA+ community took out one of their biggest pride rallies in a public space — the Colombo seafront — in June last year, the country was already witnessing history unfold. A charged citizens’ movement that had built up over months, in the wake of a painful economic crash, was at its height, asking the President to “go home”. In less than a month, Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country and resigned. The changes in the country since may not have been what many in the citizens’ uprising hoped to see — an electorally defeated politician (Ranil Wickremesinghe) becoming President with the backing of the discredited Rajapaksas’ party — but a recent move by a ruling party MP has brought some promise, especially for Sri Lanka’s queer community that has been struggling for equality for many decades now.
On March 22, a Private Member’s Bill seeking to amend Sri Lanka’s penal code, to decriminalise homosexuality was gazetted. The prospect of seeing colonial-era laws that have effectively sanctioned discrimination and state violence against queer people amended or repealed sparked rare hope. Except, three Rajapaksa loyalists decided to legally challenge the Bill, tabled by Premnath C. Dolawatte, a legislator from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) — the very same party they support, or are part of.
Within days, queer rights activists and allies filed nearly a dozen intervening petitions challenging the regressive petition. The Supreme Court, which has heard arguments from both sides, is due to send its ruling to the Parliament soon. Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people.
Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. While Sri Lanka’s queer community waits in eager anticipation, “let’s not count the chickens before they hatch”, cautions Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. “We are hoping for a positive judgment from the Court, and a progressive vote from Parliament. Let’s see,” she says.
Her caution stems from the queer community’s lived experience in Sri Lanka. They face frequent discrimination, hate, and violence. “To be queer in Sri Lanka is very dangerous. While there is a change in attitude in some quarters, more organisations offering support, and more people speaking up, there is still a long way to go,” the senior activist says.
Q. What is the meaning of the word "gazetted" as used in the passage?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
When members of Sri Lanka’s LGBTQIA+ community took out one of their biggest pride rallies in a public space — the Colombo seafront — in June last year, the country was already witnessing history unfold. A charged citizens’ movement that had built up over months, in the wake of a painful economic crash, was at its height, asking the President to “go home”. In less than a month, Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country and resigned. The changes in the country since may not have been what many in the citizens’ uprising hoped to see — an electorally defeated politician (Ranil Wickremesinghe) becoming President with the backing of the discredited Rajapaksas’ party — but a recent move by a ruling party MP has brought some promise, especially for Sri Lanka’s queer community that has been struggling for equality for many decades now.
On March 22, a Private Member’s Bill seeking to amend Sri Lanka’s penal code, to decriminalise homosexuality was gazetted. The prospect of seeing colonial-era laws that have effectively sanctioned discrimination and state violence against queer people amended or repealed sparked rare hope. Except, three Rajapaksa loyalists decided to legally challenge the Bill, tabled by Premnath C. Dolawatte, a legislator from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) — the very same party they support, or are part of.
Within days, queer rights activists and allies filed nearly a dozen intervening petitions challenging the regressive petition. The Supreme Court, which has heard arguments from both sides, is due to send its ruling to the Parliament soon. Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people.
Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. While Sri Lanka’s queer community waits in eager anticipation, “let’s not count the chickens before they hatch”, cautions Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. “We are hoping for a positive judgment from the Court, and a progressive vote from Parliament. Let’s see,” she says.
Her caution stems from the queer community’s lived experience in Sri Lanka. They face frequent discrimination, hate, and violence. “To be queer in Sri Lanka is very dangerous. While there is a change in attitude in some quarters, more organisations offering support, and more people speaking up, there is still a long way to go,” the senior activist says.
Q. Which of the following statements can be regarded as an established fact or basis for further discussion?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
When members of Sri Lanka’s LGBTQIA+ community took out one of their biggest pride rallies in a public space — the Colombo seafront — in June last year, the country was already witnessing history unfold. A charged citizens’ movement that had built up over months, in the wake of a painful economic crash, was at its height, asking the President to “go home”. In less than a month, Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country and resigned. The changes in the country since may not have been what many in the citizens’ uprising hoped to see — an electorally defeated politician (Ranil Wickremesinghe) becoming President with the backing of the discredited Rajapaksas’ party — but a recent move by a ruling party MP has brought some promise, especially for Sri Lanka’s queer community that has been struggling for equality for many decades now.
On March 22, a Private Member’s Bill seeking to amend Sri Lanka’s penal code, to decriminalise homosexuality was gazetted. The prospect of seeing colonial-era laws that have effectively sanctioned discrimination and state violence against queer people amended or repealed sparked rare hope. Except, three Rajapaksa loyalists decided to legally challenge the Bill, tabled by Premnath C. Dolawatte, a legislator from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) — the very same party they support, or are part of.
Within days, queer rights activists and allies filed nearly a dozen intervening petitions challenging the regressive petition. The Supreme Court, which has heard arguments from both sides, is due to send its ruling to the Parliament soon. Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people.
Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. While Sri Lanka’s queer community waits in eager anticipation, “let’s not count the chickens before they hatch”, cautions Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. “We are hoping for a positive judgment from the Court, and a progressive vote from Parliament. Let’s see,” she says.
Her caution stems from the queer community’s lived experience in Sri Lanka. They face frequent discrimination, hate, and violence. “To be queer in Sri Lanka is very dangerous. While there is a change in attitude in some quarters, more organisations offering support, and more people speaking up, there is still a long way to go,” the senior activist says.
Q. To which organization does Rosanna Flamer-Caldera have an association?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
When members of Sri Lanka’s LGBTQIA+ community took out one of their biggest pride rallies in a public space — the Colombo seafront — in June last year, the country was already witnessing history unfold. A charged citizens’ movement that had built up over months, in the wake of a painful economic crash, was at its height, asking the President to “go home”. In less than a month, Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country and resigned. The changes in the country since may not have been what many in the citizens’ uprising hoped to see — an electorally defeated politician (Ranil Wickremesinghe) becoming President with the backing of the discredited Rajapaksas’ party — but a recent move by a ruling party MP has brought some promise, especially for Sri Lanka’s queer community that has been struggling for equality for many decades now.
On March 22, a Private Member’s Bill seeking to amend Sri Lanka’s penal code, to decriminalise homosexuality was gazetted. The prospect of seeing colonial-era laws that have effectively sanctioned discrimination and state violence against queer people amended or repealed sparked rare hope. Except, three Rajapaksa loyalists decided to legally challenge the Bill, tabled by Premnath C. Dolawatte, a legislator from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) — the very same party they support, or are part of.
Within days, queer rights activists and allies filed nearly a dozen intervening petitions challenging the regressive petition. The Supreme Court, which has heard arguments from both sides, is due to send its ruling to the Parliament soon. Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people.
Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. While Sri Lanka’s queer community waits in eager anticipation, “let’s not count the chickens before they hatch”, cautions Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. “We are hoping for a positive judgment from the Court, and a progressive vote from Parliament. Let’s see,” she says.
Her caution stems from the queer community’s lived experience in Sri Lanka. They face frequent discrimination, hate, and violence. “To be queer in Sri Lanka is very dangerous. While there is a change in attitude in some quarters, more organisations offering support, and more people speaking up, there is still a long way to go,” the senior activist says.
Q. What is the literary device employed in the sentence "let's not anticipate success prematurely"?
Directions: Kindly read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.
When members of Sri Lanka’s LGBTQIA+ community took out one of their biggest pride rallies in a public space — the Colombo seafront — in June last year, the country was already witnessing history unfold. A charged citizens’ movement that had built up over months, in the wake of a painful economic crash, was at its height, asking the President to “go home”. In less than a month, Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country and resigned. The changes in the country since may not have been what many in the citizens’ uprising hoped to see — an electorally defeated politician (Ranil Wickremesinghe) becoming President with the backing of the discredited Rajapaksas’ party — but a recent move by a ruling party MP has brought some promise, especially for Sri Lanka’s queer community that has been struggling for equality for many decades now.
On March 22, a Private Member’s Bill seeking to amend Sri Lanka’s penal code, to decriminalise homosexuality was gazetted. The prospect of seeing colonial-era laws that have effectively sanctioned discrimination and state violence against queer people amended or repealed sparked rare hope. Except, three Rajapaksa loyalists decided to legally challenge the Bill, tabled by Premnath C. Dolawatte, a legislator from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) — the very same party they support, or are part of.
Within days, queer rights activists and allies filed nearly a dozen intervening petitions challenging the regressive petition. The Supreme Court, which has heard arguments from both sides, is due to send its ruling to the Parliament soon. Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people.
Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. While Sri Lanka’s queer community waits in eager anticipation, “let’s not count the chickens before they hatch”, cautions Rosanna Flamer-Caldera, founder and executive director of EQUAL GROUND, a non-profit working on the rights of queer people. “We are hoping for a positive judgment from the Court, and a progressive vote from Parliament. Let’s see,” she says.
Her caution stems from the queer community’s lived experience in Sri Lanka. They face frequent discrimination, hate, and violence. “To be queer in Sri Lanka is very dangerous. While there is a change in attitude in some quarters, more organisations offering support, and more people speaking up, there is still a long way to go,” the senior activist says.
Q. What can be inferred as a final thought based on the passage?
Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.
I decided at 10 years of age that I was going to be a teacher, because I wanted superpowers. There! I've said it. It's true. When I was in primary school I could clearly see that some of my teachers had extraordinary powers. My classmates went about their day with joyful abandon. Not me. I was the quietly observant one, noticing things.
There was our English-language teacher in fifth grade who could magically transport us to different worlds every day, simply by telling us stories and reading to us from books we would otherwise never pick up. This was our secret, because fifth graders were considered too old to have stories read out to them.
Then there was the founder–principal of the school, a teacher as well, who knew everything about every child, knew not just their parents but even their grandparents. You couldn't escape her superpowered laser-like eyes that could see right into you—through flesh, bones and all. That was a scary superpower. Her hawk-eyed scrutiny often left us feeling like there was no escape.
But, our class teacher in fourth standard could see the invisible. I was one of those who remained invisible, being rather quiet and shy as a child. Yet my teacher would notice me, even when I was unnoticeable. The unspoken message in her superpowered eyes told me: "I see you, I know you, I understand you." She knew, without needing to be told, the days I felt sad and lost and needed that extra pat. Being a dreamer, I found school a bit trying at times. She clearly had a superpower if, after four decades, I can still vividly remember her lessons about the great masters of art, expanding our horizons and kindling, at least in me, a lifelong interest in the subject. She did this even though her area of specialization wasn't art; it was geography. I don't remember much of the geography now, but I do remember how she made me feel. The lessons went beyond the textbook. As I learnt from her, the role of a primary school educator is to teach children, not subjects.
I knew I wanted to be such a teacher, one of those all-seeing ones with superpowers that made children feel safe and valued.
What seems amazing to me is that all those extraordinary men and women went about their business, calmly creating daily magic in their ordinary classrooms. No one noticed, no one gave them medals for bravery or Nobel prizes for creativity, although they were being the most creative anyone could be, in shaping and moulding young human beings.
[Extracted with edits and revisions, from: Urmila Chowdhary, "Why I Became A Teacher", Reader's Digest]
Q. Why did the author think that becoming a teacher would grant them extraordinary abilities?
Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.
I decided at 10 years of age that I was going to be a teacher, because I wanted superpowers. There! I've said it. It's true. When I was in primary school I could clearly see that some of my teachers had extraordinary powers. My classmates went about their day with joyful abandon. Not me. I was the quietly observant one, noticing things.
There was our English-language teacher in fifth grade who could magically transport us to different worlds every day, simply by telling us stories and reading to us from books we would otherwise never pick up. This was our secret, because fifth graders were considered too old to have stories read out to them.
Then there was the founder–principal of the school, a teacher as well, who knew everything about every child, knew not just their parents but even their grandparents. You couldn't escape her superpowered laser-like eyes that could see right into you—through flesh, bones and all. That was a scary superpower. Her hawk-eyed scrutiny often left us feeling like there was no escape.
But, our class teacher in fourth standard could see the invisible. I was one of those who remained invisible, being rather quiet and shy as a child. Yet my teacher would notice me, even when I was unnoticeable. The unspoken message in her superpowered eyes told me: "I see you, I know you, I understand you." She knew, without needing to be told, the days I felt sad and lost and needed that extra pat. Being a dreamer, I found school a bit trying at times. She clearly had a superpower if, after four decades, I can still vividly remember her lessons about the great masters of art, expanding our horizons and kindling, at least in me, a lifelong interest in the subject. She did this even though her area of specialization wasn't art; it was geography. I don't remember much of the geography now, but I do remember how she made me feel. The lessons went beyond the textbook. As I learnt from her, the role of a primary school educator is to teach children, not subjects.
I knew I wanted to be such a teacher, one of those all-seeing ones with superpowers that made children feel safe and valued.
What seems amazing to me is that all those extraordinary men and women went about their business, calmly creating daily magic in their ordinary classrooms. No one noticed, no one gave them medals for bravery or Nobel prizes for creativity, although they were being the most creative anyone could be, in shaping and moulding young human beings.
[Extracted with edits and revisions, from: Urmila Chowdhary, "Why I Became A Teacher", Reader's Digest]
Q. What is the meaning of the expression 'expanding our horizons' as employed in the passage?
Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.
I decided at 10 years of age that I was going to be a teacher, because I wanted superpowers. There! I've said it. It's true. When I was in primary school I could clearly see that some of my teachers had extraordinary powers. My classmates went about their day with joyful abandon. Not me. I was the quietly observant one, noticing things.
There was our English-language teacher in fifth grade who could magically transport us to different worlds every day, simply by telling us stories and reading to us from books we would otherwise never pick up. This was our secret, because fifth graders were considered too old to have stories read out to them.
Then there was the founder–principal of the school, a teacher as well, who knew everything about every child, knew not just their parents but even their grandparents. You couldn't escape her superpowered laser-like eyes that could see right into you—through flesh, bones and all. That was a scary superpower. Her hawk-eyed scrutiny often left us feeling like there was no escape.
But, our class teacher in fourth standard could see the invisible. I was one of those who remained invisible, being rather quiet and shy as a child. Yet my teacher would notice me, even when I was unnoticeable. The unspoken message in her superpowered eyes told me: "I see you, I know you, I understand you." She knew, without needing to be told, the days I felt sad and lost and needed that extra pat. Being a dreamer, I found school a bit trying at times. She clearly had a superpower if, after four decades, I can still vividly remember her lessons about the great masters of art, expanding our horizons and kindling, at least in me, a lifelong interest in the subject. She did this even though her area of specialization wasn't art; it was geography. I don't remember much of the geography now, but I do remember how she made me feel. The lessons went beyond the textbook. As I learnt from her, the role of a primary school educator is to teach children, not subjects.
I knew I wanted to be such a teacher, one of those all-seeing ones with superpowers that made children feel safe and valued.
What seems amazing to me is that all those extraordinary men and women went about their business, calmly creating daily magic in their ordinary classrooms. No one noticed, no one gave them medals for bravery or Nobel prizes for creativity, although they were being the most creative anyone could be, in shaping and moulding young human beings.
[Extracted with edits and revisions, from: Urmila Chowdhary, "Why I Became A Teacher", Reader's Digest]
Q. What aspect of extraordinary teachers does the author consider remarkable?
Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.
I decided at 10 years of age that I was going to be a teacher, because I wanted superpowers. There! I've said it. It's true. When I was in primary school I could clearly see that some of my teachers had extraordinary powers. My classmates went about their day with joyful abandon. Not me. I was the quietly observant one, noticing things.
There was our English-language teacher in fifth grade who could magically transport us to different worlds every day, simply by telling us stories and reading to us from books we would otherwise never pick up. This was our secret, because fifth graders were considered too old to have stories read out to them.
Then there was the founder–principal of the school, a teacher as well, who knew everything about every child, knew not just their parents but even their grandparents. You couldn't escape her superpowered laser-like eyes that could see right into you—through flesh, bones and all. That was a scary superpower. Her hawk-eyed scrutiny often left us feeling like there was no escape.
But, our class teacher in fourth standard could see the invisible. I was one of those who remained invisible, being rather quiet and shy as a child. Yet my teacher would notice me, even when I was unnoticeable. The unspoken message in her superpowered eyes told me: "I see you, I know you, I understand you." She knew, without needing to be told, the days I felt sad and lost and needed that extra pat. Being a dreamer, I found school a bit trying at times. She clearly had a superpower if, after four decades, I can still vividly remember her lessons about the great masters of art, expanding our horizons and kindling, at least in me, a lifelong interest in the subject. She did this even though her area of specialization wasn't art; it was geography. I don't remember much of the geography now, but I do remember how she made me feel. The lessons went beyond the textbook. As I learnt from her, the role of a primary school educator is to teach children, not subjects.
I knew I wanted to be such a teacher, one of those all-seeing ones with superpowers that made children feel safe and valued.
What seems amazing to me is that all those extraordinary men and women went about their business, calmly creating daily magic in their ordinary classrooms. No one noticed, no one gave them medals for bravery or Nobel prizes for creativity, although they were being the most creative anyone could be, in shaping and moulding young human beings.
[Extracted with edits and revisions, from: Urmila Chowdhary, "Why I Became A Teacher", Reader's Digest]
Q. What, according to the author, was scary about the founder-principal?
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