Test: Verbal Ability- 7 - CLAT MCQ
30 Questions MCQ Test - Test: Verbal Ability- 7
Directions(1 – 5): Read the following passages carefully and answer the question given below them. All answer should be given in the context of the given passage. Certain words/phrases are printed in Bold to help you to locate them while answering some of the questions.
Since World War II, the nation-state has been regarded with approval by every political system and every ideology. In the name of modernization in the West, of socialism in the Eastern bloc, and of development in the Third World, it was expected to guarantee the happiness of individuals as citizens and of peoples of societies. However, the state today appears to have broken down in many parts of the world. It has failed to guarantee either security or social justice, and has been unable to prevent either international wars or civil wars. Disturbed by the claims of communities within it, the nation-state tries to repress their demands and to proclaim itself as the only guarantor of security of all. In the name of national unity, territorial integrity, equality of all its citizens and non-partisan secularism, the state can use its powerful resources to reject the demands of the communities; it may even go so far as genocide to ensure that order prevails.
As one observes the awakening of communities in different parts of the world, one cannot ignore the context in which identity issues arise. It is no longer a context of, sealed frontiers and isolated regions, but is one of integrated global systems. In a reaction to this trend towards globalization, individuals and communities everywhere are voicing their desire to exist, to use their power of creation and to play an active part in national and international life.
There are two ways in which the current upsurge in demands for the recognition of identities can be looked at. On the positive side, the efforts by certain populate groups to assert their identity can be regarded as “liberation movements”, challenging oppression and injustice. What these groups are doing – proclaiming that they are different, rediscovering the roots of their culture or strengthening group solidarity – may accordingly be seen as legitimate attempts to escape from their state of subjugation and enjoy a certain measure of dignity. On the downside, however, militant action for recognition tends to make such groups more deeply entrenched in their attitude and to make their cultural compartments even more watertight. The assertion of identity then starts turning into self-absorption, isolation, and is liable to slide into intolerance of others and towards ideas of ethnic cleansing’” xenophobia and violence.
Whereas continuous variations among peoples prevent drawing of clear dividing lines between the groups, those militating for recognition of their group’s identity arbitrarily choose a limited number of criteria such as religion, language, skin colour; and place or origin so that their members recognize themselves primarily in terms of the labels attached to the group whose existence is being asserted. This distinction between the group in question and other groups is established by simplifying the feature selected. Simplification also works by transforming groups into essences, abstractions endowed with the capacity to remain unchanged though time. In some cases, people actually act as though the group has remained unchanged and talk, for example, about the history of nations and communities as if these entities survived for centuries without changing, with the same ways of acting and thinking, the same desires, anxieties and aspirations.
Paradoxically, precisely because identity represents a simplifying fiction, creating uniform groups out of disparate people, that identity performs a cognitive function. It enables us to put names to ourselves and others, form some idea of who we are and who others are, and ascertain the place we occupy along with the others in the world and society. The current upsurge to assert the identity of groups can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said, people would not go along as they do, often in large numbers, with the propositions put to them, in spite of the sacrifices they entail, if there was not a very strong feeling of need for identity, a need to take stock of things and know who we are, where we come from and where we are, where we come from and where we are going.
Identity is thus a necessity in a constantly changing world, but it can also be a potent source of violence and disruption. How can these two contradictory aspects of identity be reconciled? First, we must bear the arbitrary nature of identity categories in mind, not with a view to eliminating all forms of identification – which would be unrealistic since identity is a cognitive necessity – but simply to remind ourselves that each of us has several identities at the same time. Second, since tears of nostalgia are being shed over the past, we recognize that culture is constantly being recreated by cobbling together fresh and original elements and counter-cultures. There are in our country, a large number of syncretic cults wherein modern elements are blended with traditional values or people of different communities venerate saints or divinities of particular faiths. Such cults and movements are characterized by a continual inflow and outflow of members which prevent them from taking on a self-perpetuating existence of their own and hold out hope for the future, indeed perhaps for the only possible future. Finally, the nation-state must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. It must do so by inventing what the French philosopher and sociologist, Raymond Aron, called peace through law. That would guarantee justice both to the state as a whole and its parts, and respect he claims of both reason and emotions. The problem is one of reconciling nationalist demands with the exercise of democracy.
Q.
According to the author, happiness of individuals was expected to be guaranteed in the name of –
Since World War II, the nation-state has been regarded with approval by every political system and every ideology. In the name of modernization in the West, of socialism in the Eastern bloc, and of development in the Third World, it was expected to guarantee the happiness of individuals as citizens and of peoples of societies. However, the state today appears to have broken down in many parts of the world. It has failed to guarantee either security or social justice, and has been unable to prevent either international wars or civil wars. Disturbed by the claims of communities within it, the nation-state tries to repress their demands and to proclaim itself as the only guarantor of security of all. In the name of national unity, territorial integrity, equality of all its citizens and non-partisan secularism, the state can use its powerful resources to reject the demands of the communities; it may even go so far as genocide to ensure that order prevails.
As one observes the awakening of communities in different parts of the world, one cannot ignore the context in which identity issues arise. It is no longer a context of, sealed frontiers and isolated regions, but is one of integrated global systems. In a reaction to this trend towards globalization, individuals and communities everywhere are voicing their desire to exist, to use their power of creation and to play an active part in national and international life.
There are two ways in which the current upsurge in demands for the recognition of identities can be looked at. On the positive side, the efforts by certain populate groups to assert their identity can be regarded as “liberation movements”, challenging oppression and injustice. What these groups are doing – proclaiming that they are different, rediscovering the roots of their culture or strengthening group solidarity – may accordingly be seen as legitimate attempts to escape from their state of subjugation and enjoy a certain measure of dignity. On the downside, however, militant action for recognition tends to make such groups more deeply entrenched in their attitude and to make their cultural compartments even more watertight. The assertion of identity then starts turning into self-absorption, isolation, and is liable to slide into intolerance of others and towards ideas of ethnic cleansing’” xenophobia and violence.
Whereas continuous variations among peoples prevent drawing of clear dividing lines between the groups, those militating for recognition of their group’s identity arbitrarily choose a limited number of criteria such as religion, language, skin colour; and place or origin so that their members recognize themselves primarily in terms of the labels attached to the group whose existence is being asserted. This distinction between the group in question and other groups is established by simplifying the feature selected. Simplification also works by transforming groups into essences, abstractions endowed with the capacity to remain unchanged though time. In some cases, people actually act as though the group has remained unchanged and talk, for example, about the history of nations and communities as if these entities survived for centuries without changing, with the same ways of acting and thinking, the same desires, anxieties and aspirations.
Paradoxically, precisely because identity represents a simplifying fiction, creating uniform groups out of disparate people, that identity performs a cognitive function. It enables us to put names to ourselves and others, form some idea of who we are and who others are, and ascertain the place we occupy along with the others in the world and society. The current upsurge to assert the identity of groups can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said, people would not go along as they do, often in large numbers, with the propositions put to them, in spite of the sacrifices they entail, if there was not a very strong feeling of need for identity, a need to take stock of things and know who we are, where we come from and where we are, where we come from and where we are going.
Identity is thus a necessity in a constantly changing world, but it can also be a potent source of violence and disruption. How can these two contradictory aspects of identity be reconciled? First, we must bear the arbitrary nature of identity categories in mind, not with a view to eliminating all forms of identification – which would be unrealistic since identity is a cognitive necessity – but simply to remind ourselves that each of us has several identities at the same time. Second, since tears of nostalgia are being shed over the past, we recognize that culture is constantly being recreated by cobbling together fresh and original elements and counter-cultures. There are in our country, a large number of syncretic cults wherein modern elements are blended with traditional values or people of different communities venerate saints or divinities of particular faiths. Such cults and movements are characterized by a continual inflow and outflow of members which prevent them from taking on a self-perpetuating existence of their own and hold out hope for the future, indeed perhaps for the only possible future. Finally, the nation-state must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. It must do so by inventing what the French philosopher and sociologist, Raymond Aron, called peace through law. That would guarantee justice both to the state as a whole and its parts, and respect he claims of both reason and emotions. The problem is one of reconciling nationalist demands with the exercise of democracy.
Q.
Demands for recognition of identities can be viewed
Since World War II, the nation-state has been regarded with approval by every political system and every ideology. In the name of modernization in the West, of socialism in the Eastern bloc, and of development in the Third World, it was expected to guarantee the happiness of individuals as citizens and of peoples of societies. However, the state today appears to have broken down in many parts of the world. It has failed to guarantee either security or social justice, and has been unable to prevent either international wars or civil wars. Disturbed by the claims of communities within it, the nation-state tries to repress their demands and to proclaim itself as the only guarantor of security of all. In the name of national unity, territorial integrity, equality of all its citizens and non-partisan secularism, the state can use its powerful resources to reject the demands of the communities; it may even go so far as genocide to ensure that order prevails.
As one observes the awakening of communities in different parts of the world, one cannot ignore the context in which identity issues arise. It is no longer a context of, sealed frontiers and isolated regions, but is one of integrated global systems. In a reaction to this trend towards globalization, individuals and communities everywhere are voicing their desire to exist, to use their power of creation and to play an active part in national and international life.
There are two ways in which the current upsurge in demands for the recognition of identities can be looked at. On the positive side, the efforts by certain populate groups to assert their identity can be regarded as “liberation movements”, challenging oppression and injustice. What these groups are doing – proclaiming that they are different, rediscovering the roots of their culture or strengthening group solidarity – may accordingly be seen as legitimate attempts to escape from their state of subjugation and enjoy a certain measure of dignity. On the downside, however, militant action for recognition tends to make such groups more deeply entrenched in their attitude and to make their cultural compartments even more watertight. The assertion of identity then starts turning into self-absorption, isolation, and is liable to slide into intolerance of others and towards ideas of ethnic cleansing’” xenophobia and violence.
Whereas continuous variations among peoples prevent drawing of clear dividing lines between the groups, those militating for recognition of their group’s identity arbitrarily choose a limited number of criteria such as religion, language, skin colour; and place or origin so that their members recognize themselves primarily in terms of the labels attached to the group whose existence is being asserted. This distinction between the group in question and other groups is established by simplifying the feature selected. Simplification also works by transforming groups into essences, abstractions endowed with the capacity to remain unchanged though time. In some cases, people actually act as though the group has remained unchanged and talk, for example, about the history of nations and communities as if these entities survived for centuries without changing, with the same ways of acting and thinking, the same desires, anxieties and aspirations.
Paradoxically, precisely because identity represents a simplifying fiction, creating uniform groups out of disparate people, that identity performs a cognitive function. It enables us to put names to ourselves and others, form some idea of who we are and who others are, and ascertain the place we occupy along with the others in the world and society. The current upsurge to assert the identity of groups can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said, people would not go along as they do, often in large numbers, with the propositions put to them, in spite of the sacrifices they entail, if there was not a very strong feeling of need for identity, a need to take stock of things and know who we are, where we come from and where we are, where we come from and where we are going.
Identity is thus a necessity in a constantly changing world, but it can also be a potent source of violence and disruption. How can these two contradictory aspects of identity be reconciled? First, we must bear the arbitrary nature of identity categories in mind, not with a view to eliminating all forms of identification – which would be unrealistic since identity is a cognitive necessity – but simply to remind ourselves that each of us has several identities at the same time. Second, since tears of nostalgia are being shed over the past, we recognize that culture is constantly being recreated by cobbling together fresh and original elements and counter-cultures. There are in our country, a large number of syncretic cults wherein modern elements are blended with traditional values or people of different communities venerate saints or divinities of particular faiths. Such cults and movements are characterized by a continual inflow and outflow of members which prevent them from taking on a self-perpetuating existence of their own and hold out hope for the future, indeed perhaps for the only possible future. Finally, the nation-state must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. It must do so by inventing what the French philosopher and sociologist, Raymond Aron, called peace through law. That would guarantee justice both to the state as a whole and its parts, and respect he claims of both reason and emotions. The problem is one of reconciling nationalist demands with the exercise of democracy.
Q.
Going by the author’s exposition of the nature of identity, which of the following statements is untrue?
Since World War II, the nation-state has been regarded with approval by every political system and every ideology. In the name of modernization in the West, of socialism in the Eastern bloc, and of development in the Third World, it was expected to guarantee the happiness of individuals as citizens and of peoples of societies. However, the state today appears to have broken down in many parts of the world. It has failed to guarantee either security or social justice, and has been unable to prevent either international wars or civil wars. Disturbed by the claims of communities within it, the nation-state tries to repress their demands and to proclaim itself as the only guarantor of security of all. In the name of national unity, territorial integrity, equality of all its citizens and non-partisan secularism, the state can use its powerful resources to reject the demands of the communities; it may even go so far as genocide to ensure that order prevails.
As one observes the awakening of communities in different parts of the world, one cannot ignore the context in which identity issues arise. It is no longer a context of, sealed frontiers and isolated regions, but is one of integrated global systems. In a reaction to this trend towards globalization, individuals and communities everywhere are voicing their desire to exist, to use their power of creation and to play an active part in national and international life.
There are two ways in which the current upsurge in demands for the recognition of identities can be looked at. On the positive side, the efforts by certain populate groups to assert their identity can be regarded as “liberation movements”, challenging oppression and injustice. What these groups are doing – proclaiming that they are different, rediscovering the roots of their culture or strengthening group solidarity – may accordingly be seen as legitimate attempts to escape from their state of subjugation and enjoy a certain measure of dignity. On the downside, however, militant action for recognition tends to make such groups more deeply entrenched in their attitude and to make their cultural compartments even more watertight. The assertion of identity then starts turning into self-absorption, isolation, and is liable to slide into intolerance of others and towards ideas of ethnic cleansing’” xenophobia and violence.
Whereas continuous variations among peoples prevent drawing of clear dividing lines between the groups, those militating for recognition of their group’s identity arbitrarily choose a limited number of criteria such as religion, language, skin colour; and place or origin so that their members recognize themselves primarily in terms of the labels attached to the group whose existence is being asserted. This distinction between the group in question and other groups is established by simplifying the feature selected. Simplification also works by transforming groups into essences, abstractions endowed with the capacity to remain unchanged though time. In some cases, people actually act as though the group has remained unchanged and talk, for example, about the history of nations and communities as if these entities survived for centuries without changing, with the same ways of acting and thinking, the same desires, anxieties and aspirations.
Paradoxically, precisely because identity represents a simplifying fiction, creating uniform groups out of disparate people, that identity performs a cognitive function. It enables us to put names to ourselves and others, form some idea of who we are and who others are, and ascertain the place we occupy along with the others in the world and society. The current upsurge to assert the identity of groups can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said, people would not go along as they do, often in large numbers, with the propositions put to them, in spite of the sacrifices they entail, if there was not a very strong feeling of need for identity, a need to take stock of things and know who we are, where we come from and where we are, where we come from and where we are going.
Identity is thus a necessity in a constantly changing world, but it can also be a potent source of violence and disruption. How can these two contradictory aspects of identity be reconciled? First, we must bear the arbitrary nature of identity categories in mind, not with a view to eliminating all forms of identification – which would be unrealistic since identity is a cognitive necessity – but simply to remind ourselves that each of us has several identities at the same time. Second, since tears of nostalgia are being shed over the past, we recognize that culture is constantly being recreated by cobbling together fresh and original elements and counter-cultures. There are in our country, a large number of syncretic cults wherein modern elements are blended with traditional values or people of different communities venerate saints or divinities of particular faiths. Such cults and movements are characterized by a continual inflow and outflow of members which prevent them from taking on a self-perpetuating existence of their own and hold out hope for the future, indeed perhaps for the only possible future. Finally, the nation-state must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. It must do so by inventing what the French philosopher and sociologist, Raymond Aron, called peace through law. That would guarantee justice both to the state as a whole and its parts, and respect he claims of both reason and emotions. The problem is one of reconciling nationalist demands with the exercise of democracy.
Q.
According to the author, the nation-state
Since World War II, the nation-state has been regarded with approval by every political system and every ideology. In the name of modernization in the West, of socialism in the Eastern bloc, and of development in the Third World, it was expected to guarantee the happiness of individuals as citizens and of peoples of societies. However, the state today appears to have broken down in many parts of the world. It has failed to guarantee either security or social justice, and has been unable to prevent either international wars or civil wars. Disturbed by the claims of communities within it, the nation-state tries to repress their demands and to proclaim itself as the only guarantor of security of all. In the name of national unity, territorial integrity, equality of all its citizens and non-partisan secularism, the state can use its powerful resources to reject the demands of the communities; it may even go so far as genocide to ensure that order prevails.
As one observes the awakening of communities in different parts of the world, one cannot ignore the context in which identity issues arise. It is no longer a context of, sealed frontiers and isolated regions, but is one of integrated global systems. In a reaction to this trend towards globalization, individuals and communities everywhere are voicing their desire to exist, to use their power of creation and to play an active part in national and international life.
There are two ways in which the current upsurge in demands for the recognition of identities can be looked at. On the positive side, the efforts by certain populate groups to assert their identity can be regarded as “liberation movements”, challenging oppression and injustice. What these groups are doing – proclaiming that they are different, rediscovering the roots of their culture or strengthening group solidarity – may accordingly be seen as legitimate attempts to escape from their state of subjugation and enjoy a certain measure of dignity. On the downside, however, militant action for recognition tends to make such groups more deeply entrenched in their attitude and to make their cultural compartments even more watertight. The assertion of identity then starts turning into self-absorption, isolation, and is liable to slide into intolerance of others and towards ideas of ethnic cleansing’” xenophobia and violence.
Whereas continuous variations among peoples prevent drawing of clear dividing lines between the groups, those militating for recognition of their group’s identity arbitrarily choose a limited number of criteria such as religion, language, skin colour; and place or origin so that their members recognize themselves primarily in terms of the labels attached to the group whose existence is being asserted. This distinction between the group in question and other groups is established by simplifying the feature selected. Simplification also works by transforming groups into essences, abstractions endowed with the capacity to remain unchanged though time. In some cases, people actually act as though the group has remained unchanged and talk, for example, about the history of nations and communities as if these entities survived for centuries without changing, with the same ways of acting and thinking, the same desires, anxieties and aspirations.
Paradoxically, precisely because identity represents a simplifying fiction, creating uniform groups out of disparate people, that identity performs a cognitive function. It enables us to put names to ourselves and others, form some idea of who we are and who others are, and ascertain the place we occupy along with the others in the world and society. The current upsurge to assert the identity of groups can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said, people would not go along as they do, often in large numbers, with the propositions put to them, in spite of the sacrifices they entail, if there was not a very strong feeling of need for identity, a need to take stock of things and know who we are, where we come from and where we are, where we come from and where we are going.
Identity is thus a necessity in a constantly changing world, but it can also be a potent source of violence and disruption. How can these two contradictory aspects of identity be reconciled? First, we must bear the arbitrary nature of identity categories in mind, not with a view to eliminating all forms of identification – which would be unrealistic since identity is a cognitive necessity – but simply to remind ourselves that each of us has several identities at the same time. Second, since tears of nostalgia are being shed over the past, we recognize that culture is constantly being recreated by cobbling together fresh and original elements and counter-cultures. There are in our country, a large number of syncretic cults wherein modern elements are blended with traditional values or people of different communities venerate saints or divinities of particular faiths. Such cults and movements are characterized by a continual inflow and outflow of members which prevent them from taking on a self-perpetuating existence of their own and hold out hope for the future, indeed perhaps for the only possible future. Finally, the nation-state must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. It must do so by inventing what the French philosopher and sociologist, Raymond Aron, called peace through law. That would guarantee justice both to the state as a whole and its parts, and respect he claims of both reason and emotions. The problem is one of reconciling nationalist demands with the exercise of democracy.
Q.
Which of the following views of the nation-state cannot be attributed to the author?
Directions (6 – 15): In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 6 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 7 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 8 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 9 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 10 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 11 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 12 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 13 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 14 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble.
In the following passage there are blanks, each of which has been numbered. four or five words are suggested, Find one of which fits at number 15 appropriately.
Perhaps, we Americans do not yet fully understand the great (6) that India has to teach in thus (7). Her freedom (8) her mighty triumph of a (9) revolution our War of Independence (10) in size and concept. India has taught humanity a lesson, and it is (11) our peril if we do not learn it. The lesson? That war and killing (12) nothing (13) loss, and that a noble end is assured only if the (14) to attain it are of a (15) with it and also noble
Directions (Qs. 16-20): Fill in the Blanks
He gave me an additional ……….. of Rs 200 a month by ………. of the Commissioner.
The impact of Western culture on India was the impact of a …….. society, of a modern consciousness on a ………. society wedded to medieval habits of thought.
Few professions can ……………….the sheer variety and constant ……………….of being a doctor.
The speech ........ with subtle threats has resulted in ...... tension in the sensitive areas of the city.
It is ……….. superstition to suppose that knowledge can be ………. only by going to schools and colleges
Directions (21 – 25): In the following sentences a word or phrase is written in italicised letter. For each italicised part four words/phrases are listed below each sentence. Choose the word nearest in meaning to the italicized part.
Q.
Dowry is a pernicious social practice.
Sporadic rise in his temperature has caused us much worry.
Directions (Qs. 26-30) Fill in the Blanks
Q. Eight scientists have ____ the national awards for outstanding contribution and dedication to the profession.
The speaker painted a ……… picture of hunger in parts of India
His speech was disappointing, it ……….. all the major issues
Important Questions for Verbal Ability- 7
Verbal Ability- 7 MCQs with Answers
Online Tests for Verbal Ability- 7
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