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A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politician's close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the report's arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.
The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.
It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhi's famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.
The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.
Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. That's why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. That's why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?
One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyist's risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isn't it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isn't it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isn't it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.
Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesn't that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.
This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of India's corporations and the government's engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.
This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. It's not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.
Q. What does the word 'FICCI monograph' mentioned in the passage imply?
  • a)
    An essay on FICCI' aims and objectives.
  • b)
    A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.
  • c)
    A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed 'Dandhi March'.
  • d)
    An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.
Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energ...
Only option 2 cannot be inferred from the passage. Option 1 can be inferred from the second paragraph where it is stated: "Foundational to the colonial interpretation of Indian history was the British division of Indian history into 'periods' labelled in accordance with the religion of the rulers: thus the 'Hindu', 'Muslim' and 'British' periods..."
Option 3 can be inferred from the third paragraph: "... colonial construction of the Indian past which even Indians were taught to internalise. In their reading, Indian civilisation was seen as essentially Hindu ..."
Option 4 can be inferred from the fifth paragraph: "The colonial authorities often asked representatives of the two communities to self-consciously construct an 'established' custom, such as by asking them what the prevailing beliefs and practices were around cow-slaughter, which prompted both groups to give an exaggeratedly rigid version of what they believed the beliefs and practices should be!"
Only option 1 cannot be inferred from the passage.
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A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.Why does the author cite the example of Chartered Accountants and Lawyers in the passage?

A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.Which of the following can be the most suitable title for the passage?

Globalisation and the development of new legal forms and regimes during the past half century have gone hand-in-hand. The term “globalisation”, and even its existence, is contested. However, globalisation is not new, it cannot be reduced merely to market integration, still less to the neo-liberal political and economic project of free trade and open markets, and its ultimate destination is unknown, depending as much on politics and power as economics. Here, it is taken here to mean ‘a process (or set of processes) which embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions – assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact – generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity, interaction, and the exercise of power.Among the main shaping factors has been the tremendous growth of multinational companies and international production networks, new technology, changes in the nature and form of work, and the rise of new actors on the international scene. Associated with this transformation have been numerous legal changes, both on a transnational scale and within countries.The early years of the 21 century witness a startling variety of new legal forms and regimes which sometimes differ substantially in nature, content, scale and operation from the largely state-based system of governance of the past several centuries. A multiplicity of other sites of governance complement, supplements, or compete with the State, hence the term ‘governance’ instead of ‘government.While sometimes eroded or even reconfigured, the State remains powerful, if not predominant, with the relative strength of different institutions, norms and dispute resolution processes depending frequently on the specific context.While globalisation thus raises a number of challenges for thinking about law, the sheer volume of published work makes a comprehensive survey impossible here. Mainly we are concerned with the legal effects of economic globalisation, while recognizing that globalisation is not simply economic, and that many aspects of globalisation have implications for law. It focuses primarily on work within the broad fields of sociology of law, international relations and political economy of law, as these are the main disciplinary touchstones of writing on law and globalization. Human rights or law and development are not discussed in detail, because they are dealt with in.Q.Which of the following, if true, most undermines the authors view point about the interdependence of law and globalization.

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.Negligence is the breach of a duty exercised by omission to do something which a reasonable man, guided by those considerations which ordinarily regulate the conduct of human affairs, would do, or doing something which a prudent and reasonable man would not do is essential ingredient of the offence. The negligence to be established by the prosecution must be culpable or gross and not the negligence merely based upon an error of judgment.The medical professional is expected to bring a reasonable degree of skill and knowledge and must exercise a reasonable degree of care.Neither the very highest nor a very low degree of care and competence judged in the light of the particular circumstances of each case is what the law requires.A medical practitioner would be liable only where his conduct fell below that of the standards of a reasonably competent practitioner in his field.In the realm of diagnosis and treatment there is scope for genuine difference of opinion and one professional doctor is clearly not negligent merely because his conclusion differs from that of other professional doctor.The medical professional is often called upon to adopt a procedure which involves higher element of risk, but which he honestly believes as providing greater chances of success for the patient rather than a procedure involving lesser risk but higher chances of failure.Just because a professional looking to the gravity of illness has taken higher element of risk to redeem the patient out of his/her suffering which did not yield the desired result may not amount to negligence.Negligence cannot be attributed to a doctor so long as he performs his duties with reasonable skill and competence. Merely because the doctor chooses one course of action in preference to the other one available, he would not be liable if the course of action chosen by him was acceptable to the medical profession.It would not be conducive to the efficiency of the medical profession if no Doctor could administer medicine without a halter round his neck.It is our bounden duty and obligation of the civil society to ensure that the medical professionals are not unnecessarily harassed or humiliated so that they can perform their professional duties without fear and apprehension.The medical practitioners at times also have to be saved from such a class of complainants who use criminal process as a tool for pressurizing the medical professionals/hospitals particularly private hospitals or clinics for extracting uncalled for compensation. Such malicious proceedings deserve to be discarded against the medical practitioners.The medical professionals are entitled to get protection so long as they perform their duties with reasonable skill and competence and in the interest of the patients. The interest and welfare of the patients have to be paramount for the medical professionals.Q. Dr. X operated on a person Z on whom he held grudge as due to Z Dr, X's father had committed suicide. Z was unaware of this and came to know it after the operation. The operation was declared successful but a few days later in the symptoms of previous disease again returned which proved to be fatal. Decide.

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.Negligence is the breach of a duty exercised by omission to do something which a reasonable man, guided by those considerations which ordinarily regulate the conduct of human affairs, would do, or doing something which a prudent and reasonable man would not do is essential ingredient of the offence. The negligence to be established by the prosecution must be culpable or gross and not the negligence merely based upon an error of judgment.The medical professional is expected to bring a reasonable degree of skill and knowledge and must exercise a reasonable degree of care.Neither the very highest nor a very low degree of care and competence judged in the light of the particular circumstances of each case is what the law requires.A medical practitioner would be liable only where his conduct fell below that of the standards of a reasonably competent practitioner in his field.In the realm of diagnosis and treatment there is scope for genuine difference of opinion and one professional doctor is clearly not negligent merely because his conclusion differs from that of other professional doctor.The medical professional is often called upon to adopt a procedure which involves higher element of risk, but which he honestly believes as providing greater chances of success for the patient rather than a procedure involving lesser risk but higher chances of failure.Just because a professional looking to the gravity of illness has taken higher element of risk to redeem the patient out of his/her suffering which did not yield the desired result may not amount to negligence.Negligence cannot be attributed to a doctor so long as he performs his duties with reasonable skill and competence. Merely because the doctor chooses one course of action in preference to the other one available, he would not be liable if the course of action chosen by him was acceptable to the medical profession.It would not be conducive to the efficiency of the medical profession if no Doctor could administer medicine without a halter round his neck.It is our bounden duty and obligation of the civil society to ensure that the medical professionals are not unnecessarily harassed or humiliated so that they can perform their professional duties without fear and apprehension.The medical practitioners at times also have to be saved from such a class of complainants who use criminal process as a tool for pressurizing the medical professionals/hospitals particularly private hospitals or clinics for extracting uncalled for compensation. Such malicious proceedings deserve to be discarded against the medical practitioners.The medical professionals are entitled to get protection so long as they perform their duties with reasonable skill and competence and in the interest of the patients. The interest and welfare of the patients have to be paramount for the medical professionals.Q. Amit was prescribed a medicine which caused allergy in his body. When asked about his medical history Amit did not mention the drugs he was allergic to. Amit sued the hospital and asked for compensation due to the problems he had to suffer.

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A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? for CLAT 2025 is part of CLAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CLAT exam syllabus. Information about A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CLAT 2025 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CLAT. 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Here you can find the meaning of A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice A famous Indian politician was searching for an issue that could energize his party cadre and move the masses. A group of businessmen produced a report on "making India self-contained in her supply" of a particular commodity. It had arguments on the rationale for consumption of the commodity — why it was necessary and why the poor needed it more than the rich. One of the politicians close associates forwarded the report to the party leadership across the country, while his personal secretary echoed the reports arguments in an op-ed article the subsequent week.The politician embraced the cause and triggered a historic agitation, the basis of which - partly at least - was the output of corporate lobbying. The politician was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi; the industry group was the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the commodity common salt. The historic event in question, of course, is the Salt Satyagraha.It would be hazardous to suggest that a FICCI monograph singularly triggered Gandhis famous march to Dandi. It would, however, be equally hazardous to discount the importance of lobbying on national politics then, as indeed in contemporary times.The current debate over corporate lobbying conflates two separate issues: one, the legitimate persuasion of politicians on the merits of certain policy measures and two, the illegal activity of bribery in pursuit of this goal. The latter is wrong. The former is necessary. We might be in the throes of moral panic, but we should not mix up the two.Lobbying is inevitable in a modern representative democracy: the more rules you make, the more complex the economy, and more the need for "specialists" to intermediate between citizens, companies and the state. Thats why we have lawyers who help individuals and firms navigate the legal system. Thats why we have chartered accountants to interpret the arcana of tax laws. These intermediaries play an important economic role by specializing in such matters, and saving you and I the trouble of mastering law and the tax code when all we want is to go about our business. Lobbying serves a similar function. It is far more efficient for businesses to hire public affairs specialists and lobbyists rather than involve the management in the byzantine world of Indian politics. If we consider lawyers and chartered accountants as legitimate professionals, why not lobbyists?One argument against mainstreaming lobbying is that lobbyists risk making democracy a plaything of the rich. Those with deeper pockets will get to unduly influence government policies. This is reasonable in and of itself. However, isnt it true that richer people can afford better lawyers and bend justice in their favour? Isnt it true that richer people have smarter accountants who can find ingenious ways to pay less tax? More importantly, isnt it the case that richer people already influence government policies, but in opaque, shady, dubious or wholly illegal ways? Those who doubt this can contact Kejriwal for details.Hey wait! What about the Niira Radia controversy? Doesnt that connect shady corporate lobbying to corruption? Yes, it does. However, that controversy arose in a country where lobbying is not only unregulated but perceived by many as a dubious activity. Had lobbying been recognized as a legitimate profession, bound by its own norms and governed by a set of rules -like law and accountancy - we might have been spared some of the scandal.This is, in fact, a good time to have a public debate over lobbying. Before 1991, most companies would line up outside government offices as supplicants pleading for licenses, quotas and permits. After 1991 and until the exposure of big-corruption scandals of 2010, canny businessmen sought to create legislative loopholes that would allow them to squeeze through, but keep their competitors out. This approach is becoming untenable. Economic growth, globalization, the Right to Information, urbanization and the penetration of social media have all changed the nature of Indias corporations and the governments engagement with each other. Businesses that try to create and exploit loopholes have a greater chance of being exposed, with the attendant loss to reputation and valuation. Like their counterparts in mature democracies, Indian businesses will have to engage in public affairs in cleaner, more professional and transparent ways.This can only happen if we allow the lobbying industry to function within the law. It is far better to regulate it rather than drive it underground. Indian democracy will be better served by placing the lobbying industry in a regulatory environment that requires companies to declare their lobbying activities and expenses, lobbying firms to disclose their activities and lobbyists to adhere to professional codes of practice. This is what the US does. Its not a silver bullet, but certainly an improvement over hypocritically persisting with a sanctimonious moral blindfold and pretending to be surprised that odious things happen in our country.Q.What does the word FICCI monograph mentioned in the passage imply?a)An essay on FICCI aims and objectives.b)A detailed and document report on the self-sufficiency of a commodity.c)A report detailing the roadmap of the proposed Dandhi March.d)An article meant to elicit support for FICCI from various quarters.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice CLAT tests.
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