All Courses
Explore Courses UPSC Exam UPSC Test Series Free Notes EduRev Infinity Get the App Login Join for Free
Sign in Open App
CLAT Exam  >  CLAT Questions  >  What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samu... Start Learning for Free
SaveJoin the Discussion on the App
What was Chandragupta II also known as?
  • a)
    Samudra Gupta
  • b)
    Skanda Gupta
  • c)
    Vikramaditya
  • d)
    Ranaa Gupta​
Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
FREE This question is part of
Download PDF Attempt Test
Download PDF Attempt this Test
Verified Answer
What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)...
Chandragupta II was the third ruler of the Gupta Empire of India who took the epithet of Vikramaditya 4th century CE Sanskrit poet Kalidasa, credits Chandragupta Vikramaditya with having conquered about twenty one kingdoms, both in and outside India.The title Vikramaditya' was later used by 16thcentury Hindu king Samrat Hem Chandra Vikramaditya as well.
View all questions of this test
Most Upvoted Answer
What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)...
Chandragupta II, also known as Vikramaditya
Chandragupta II, a ruler of the Gupta Empire, was also known by the title Vikramaditya. Let's delve into the significance of this title and its association with his reign.

Meaning of Vikramaditya
- The title Vikramaditya means "Sun of Valor" or "Brave as the Sun" in Sanskrit.
- It is a prestigious title often associated with legendary kings known for their bravery, wisdom, and valor.

Chandragupta II as Vikramaditya
- Chandragupta II was called Vikramaditya due to his military conquests, administrative skills, and patronage of arts and culture.
- Under his rule, the Gupta Empire reached its zenith, with significant territorial expansions and economic prosperity.
- He was known for his military campaigns that resulted in the annexation of several regions, making him a powerful and respected ruler.

Legacy of Vikramaditya
- Chandragupta II's reign is considered a golden period in Indian history, known for its cultural achievements and flourishing economy.
- The title Vikramaditya became synonymous with a righteous and valorous ruler, inspiring many dynasties and rulers in India to adopt the name in honor of his legacy.
In conclusion, Chandragupta II's title of Vikramaditya reflects his significant contributions to the Gupta Empire and his enduring legacy as a revered king in Indian history.
Attention CLAT Students!
To make sure you are not studying endlessly, EduRev has designed CLAT study material, with Structured Courses, Videos, & Test Series. Plus get personalized analysis, doubt solving and improvement plans to achieve a great score in CLAT.
< Previous Question Next Question >
Explore Courses for CLAT exam

Similar CLAT Doubts

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.During the course of a lecture, Supreme Court (SC) judge Justice Deepak Gupta, remarked that the time had come to reconsider the law of sedition. Highlighting a number of recent examples, he observed that the law of sedition "is more often abused and misused", and that "freedom of expression being a constitutional right must get primacy over the laws of sedition".Justice Gupta's observations are a significant intervention in the ongoing debate about the utility of the sedition law in India of 20192019. As Justice Gupta correctly noted in his lecture, sedition is - of course - of colonial origin. The British regime enacted it in order to suppress political and cultural dissent, and many of the most famous figures of the freedom struggle - including Gandhi - were sent to jail on charges of sedition. The very text of the sedition law reflects its colonial provenance. In prohibiting "disaffection", "contempt" or "hatred" against the government, it effectively requires citizens to love their rulers - or, at least, to not make their dislike publicly known. It was for this reason that there was a fierce debate about sedition in the Constituent Assembly. Attempts to include it as a specific restriction upon the freedom of speech were defeated, and Jawaharlal Nehru himself went on to promise that the government would soon get rid of it. However, the government didn't, and in 19621962, the SC upheld the constitutional validity of sedition. The court held that penalising sedition was a reasonable restriction upon the freedom of speech - however, only if the words of the provision themselves were given a narrow meaning. In other words, it wasn't enough to just spread "disaffection" against the government, but to do so in a manner that incited violence or public disorder. In the five-and-a-half decades since that judgment, the SC has refined the test further, noting that the link between speech and public disorder must be like that of a "spark in a powder keg", and that it must constitute an incitement to "imminent" lawless action.The problem, however, is that there remains a massive gap between the words of the sedition law — "disaffection", "contempt", and "hatred" - and the interpretation placed upon it by the Supreme Court - incitement to imminent lawless action. An ordinary person who simply looks at the text of the law is unlikely to divine that what it actually requires is incitement to public disorder. It is this gap that has allowed the law of sedition to be used as a political tool. As Justice Gupta also pointed out in his lecture, sedition is a cognizable offence, which means that the police can arrest an accused without the need for a judicial warrant. This allows for the deprivation of personal liberty with great ease; so while there are very few convictions for sedition, the provision's broad wording facilitates - to use an old cliche - "the process being the punishment".Keeping this in mind, and the fact that we already have laws to penalise and punish people who call for and incite violence, Justice Gupta's call to relook at, and review, the sedition law must be heeded. The real bite of the sedition law is in its broad wording. Terms like "disaffection" and "contempt" can be stretched to mean just about anything, enabling, for instance, prosecuting 7,0007,000 farmers for protesting against a nuclear power plant (as happened a few years ago). But it is this precise broad wording - with its colonial rationale of insulating the government from the citizen - that is contrary to the Constitution, and the precise reason why the SC has given it a narrow (and almost unrecognisabl e) meaning. As events have shown, however, the gap between the law and its judicial interpretation has become so wide that there can be no interpretive bridge that will adequately protect liberty; this being the case, the Supreme Court will, hopefully, reconsider its 19621962 decision, and strike down the law of sedition as being unconstitutional. This will be the greatest tribute to Gandhi.Q. What do you understand by the phrase 'spark in a powder keg'?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.During the course of a lecture, Supreme Court (SC) judge Justice Deepak Gupta, remarked that the time had come to reconsider the law of sedition. Highlighting a number of recent examples, he observed that the law of sedition "is more often abused and misused", and that "freedom of expression being a constitutional right must get primacy over the laws of sedition".Justice Gupta's observations are a significant intervention in the ongoing debate about the utility of the sedition law in India of 20192019. As Justice Gupta correctly noted in his lecture, sedition is - of course - of colonial origin. The British regime enacted it in order to suppress political and cultural dissent, and many of the most famous figures of the freedom struggle - including Gandhi - were sent to jail on charges of sedition. The very text of the sedition law reflects its colonial provenance. In prohibiting "disaffection", "contempt" or "hatred" against the government, it effectively requires citizens to love their rulers - or, at least, to not make their dislike publicly known. It was for this reason that there was a fierce debate about sedition in the Constituent Assembly. Attempts to include it as a specific restriction upon the freedom of speech were defeated, and Jawaharlal Nehru himself went on to promise that the government would soon get rid of it. However, the government didn't, and in 19621962, the SC upheld the constitutional validity of sedition. The court held that penalising sedition was a reasonable restriction upon the freedom of speech - however, only if the words of the provision themselves were given a narrow meaning. In other words, it wasn't enough to just spread "disaffection" against the government, but to do so in a manner that incited violence or public disorder. In the five-and-a-half decades since that judgment, the SC has refined the test further, noting that the link between speech and public disorder must be like that of a "spark in a powder keg", and that it must constitute an incitement to "imminent" lawless action.The problem, however, is that there remains a massive gap between the words of the sedition law — "disaffection", "contempt", and "hatred" - and the interpretation placed upon it by the Supreme Court - incitement to imminent lawless action. An ordinary person who simply looks at the text of the law is unlikely to divine that what it actually requires is incitement to public disorder. It is this gap that has allowed the law of sedition to be used as a political tool. As Justice Gupta also pointed out in his lecture, sedition is a cognizable offence, which means that the police can arrest an accused without the need for a judicial warrant. This allows for the deprivation of personal liberty with great ease; so while there are very few convictions for sedition, the provision's broad wording facilitates - to use an old cliche - "the process being the punishment".Keeping this in mind, and the fact that we already have laws to penalise and punish people who call for and incite violence, Justice Gupta's call to relook at, and review, the sedition law must be heeded. The real bite of the sedition law is in its broad wording. Terms like "disaffection" and "contempt" can be stretched to mean just about anything, enabling, for instance, prosecuting 7,0007,000 farmers for protesting against a nuclear power plant (as happened a few years ago). But it is this precise broad wording - with its colonial rationale of insulating the government from the citizen - that is contrary to the Constitution, and the precise reason why the SC has given it a narrow (and almost unrecognisabl e) meaning. As events have shown, however, the gap between the law and its judicial interpretation has become so wide that there can be no interpretive bridge that will adequately protect liberty; this being the case, the Supreme Court will, hopefully, reconsider its 19621962 decision, and strike down the law of sedition as being unconstitutional. This will be the greatest tribute to Gandhi.Q. What is the origin of the Law of Sedition?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.During the course of a lecture, Supreme Court (SC) judge Justice Deepak Gupta, remarked that the time had come to reconsider the law of sedition. Highlighting a number of recent examples, he observed that the law of sedition "is more often abused and misused", and that "freedom of expression being a constitutional right must get primacy over the laws of sedition".Justice Gupta's observations are a significant intervention in the ongoing debate about the utility of the sedition law in India of 20192019. As Justice Gupta correctly noted in his lecture, sedition is - of course - of colonial origin. The British regime enacted it in order to suppress political and cultural dissent, and many of the most famous figures of the freedom struggle - including Gandhi - were sent to jail on charges of sedition. The very text of the sedition law reflects its colonial provenance. In prohibiting "disaffection", "contempt" or "hatred" against the government, it effectively requires citizens to love their rulers - or, at least, to not make their dislike publicly known. It was for this reason that there was a fierce debate about sedition in the Constituent Assembly. Attempts to include it as a specific restriction upon the freedom of speech were defeated, and Jawaharlal Nehru himself went on to promise that the government would soon get rid of it. However, the government didn't, and in 19621962, the SC upheld the constitutional validity of sedition. The court held that penalising sedition was a reasonable restriction upon the freedom of speech - however, only if the words of the provision themselves were given a narrow meaning. In other words, it wasn't enough to just spread "disaffection" against the government, but to do so in a manner that incited violence or public disorder. In the five-and-a-half decades since that judgment, the SC has refined the test further, noting that the link between speech and public disorder must be like that of a "spark in a powder keg", and that it must constitute an incitement to "imminent" lawless action.The problem, however, is that there remains a massive gap between the words of the sedition law — "disaffection", "contempt", and "hatred" - and the interpretation placed upon it by the Supreme Court - incitement to imminent lawless action. An ordinary person who simply looks at the text of the law is unlikely to divine that what it actually requires is incitement to public disorder. It is this gap that has allowed the law of sedition to be used as a political tool. As Justice Gupta also pointed out in his lecture, sedition is a cognizable offence, which means that the police can arrest an accused without the need for a judicial warrant. This allows for the deprivation of personal liberty with great ease; so while there are very few convictions for sedition, the provision's broad wording facilitates - to use an old cliche - "the process being the punishment".Keeping this in mind, and the fact that we already have laws to penalise and punish people who call for and incite violence, Justice Gupta's call to relook at, and review, the sedition law must be heeded. The real bite of the sedition law is in its broad wording. Terms like "disaffection" and "contempt" can be stretched to mean just about anything, enabling, for instance, prosecuting 7,0007,000 farmers for protesting against a nuclear power plant (as happened a few years ago). But it is this precise broad wording - with its colonial rationale of insulating the government from the citizen - that is contrary to the Constitution, and the precise reason why the SC has given it a narrow (and almost unrecognisabl e) meaning. As events have shown, however, the gap between the law and its judicial interpretation has become so wide that there can be no interpretive bridge that will adequately protect liberty; this being the case, the Supreme Court will, hopefully, reconsider its 19621962 decision, and strike down the law of sedition as being unconstitutional. This will be the greatest tribute to Gandhi.Q. Which gap has allowed the law of sedition to be used as a political tool?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.During the course of a lecture, Supreme Court (SC) judge Justice Deepak Gupta, remarked that the time had come to reconsider the law of sedition. Highlighting a number of recent examples, he observed that the law of sedition "is more often abused and misused", and that "freedom of expression being a constitutional right must get primacy over the laws of sedition".Justice Gupta's observations are a significant intervention in the ongoing debate about the utility of the sedition law in India of 20192019. As Justice Gupta correctly noted in his lecture, sedition is - of course - of colonial origin. The British regime enacted it in order to suppress political and cultural dissent, and many of the most famous figures of the freedom struggle - including Gandhi - were sent to jail on charges of sedition. The very text of the sedition law reflects its colonial provenance. In prohibiting "disaffection", "contempt" or "hatred" against the government, it effectively requires citizens to love their rulers - or, at least, to not make their dislike publicly known. It was for this reason that there was a fierce debate about sedition in the Constituent Assembly. Attempts to include it as a specific restriction upon the freedom of speech were defeated, and Jawaharlal Nehru himself went on to promise that the government would soon get rid of it. However, the government didn't, and in 19621962, the SC upheld the constitutional validity of sedition. The court held that penalising sedition was a reasonable restriction upon the freedom of speech - however, only if the words of the provision themselves were given a narrow meaning. In other words, it wasn't enough to just spread "disaffection" against the government, but to do so in a manner that incited violence or public disorder. In the five-and-a-half decades since that judgment, the SC has refined the test further, noting that the link between speech and public disorder must be like that of a "spark in a powder keg", and that it must constitute an incitement to "imminent" lawless action.The problem, however, is that there remains a massive gap between the words of the sedition law — "disaffection", "contempt", and "hatred" - and the interpretation placed upon it by the Supreme Court - incitement to imminent lawless action. An ordinary person who simply looks at the text of the law is unlikely to divine that what it actually requires is incitement to public disorder. It is this gap that has allowed the law of sedition to be used as a political tool. As Justice Gupta also pointed out in his lecture, sedition is a cognizable offence, which means that the police can arrest an accused without the need for a judicial warrant. This allows for the deprivation of personal liberty with great ease; so while there are very few convictions for sedition, the provision's broad wording facilitates - to use an old cliche - "the process being the punishment".Keeping this in mind, and the fact that we already have laws to penalise and punish people who call for and incite violence, Justice Gupta's call to relook at, and review, the sedition law must be heeded. The real bite of the sedition law is in its broad wording. Terms like "disaffection" and "contempt" can be stretched to mean just about anything, enabling, for instance, prosecuting 7,0007,000 farmers for protesting against a nuclear power plant (as happened a few years ago). But it is this precise broad wording - with its colonial rationale of insulating the government from the citizen - that is contrary to the Constitution, and the precise reason why the SC has given it a narrow (and almost unrecognisabl e) meaning. As events have shown, however, the gap between the law and its judicial interpretation has become so wide that there can be no interpretive bridge that will adequately protect liberty; this being the case, the Supreme Court will, hopefully, reconsider its 19621962 decision, and strike down the law of sedition as being unconstitutional. This will be the greatest tribute to Gandhi.Q. What is a cognizable offence?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.During the course of a lecture, Supreme Court (SC) judge Justice Deepak Gupta, remarked that the time had come to reconsider the law of sedition. Highlighting a number of recent examples, he observed that the law of sedition "is more often abused and misused", and that "freedom of expression being a constitutional right must get primacy over the laws of sedition".Justice Gupta's observations are a significant intervention in the ongoing debate about the utility of the sedition law in India of 20192019. As Justice Gupta correctly noted in his lecture, sedition is - of course - of colonial origin. The British regime enacted it in order to suppress political and cultural dissent, and many of the most famous figures of the freedom struggle - including Gandhi - were sent to jail on charges of sedition. The very text of the sedition law reflects its colonial provenance. In prohibiting "disaffection", "contempt" or "hatred" against the government, it effectively requires citizens to love their rulers - or, at least, to not make their dislike publicly known. It was for this reason that there was a fierce debate about sedition in the Constituent Assembly. Attempts to include it as a specific restriction upon the freedom of speech were defeated, and Jawaharlal Nehru himself went on to promise that the government would soon get rid of it. However, the government didn't, and in 19621962, the SC upheld the constitutional validity of sedition. The court held that penalising sedition was a reasonable restriction upon the freedom of speech - however, only if the words of the provision themselves were given a narrow meaning. In other words, it wasn't enough to just spread "disaffection" against the government, but to do so in a manner that incited violence or public disorder. In the five-and-a-half decades since that judgment, the SC has refined the test further, noting that the link between speech and public disorder must be like that of a "spark in a powder keg", and that it must constitute an incitement to "imminent" lawless action.The problem, however, is that there remains a massive gap between the words of the sedition law — "disaffection", "contempt", and "hatred" - and the interpretation placed upon it by the Supreme Court - incitement to imminent lawless action. An ordinary person who simply looks at the text of the law is unlikely to divine that what it actually requires is incitement to public disorder. It is this gap that has allowed the law of sedition to be used as a political tool. As Justice Gupta also pointed out in his lecture, sedition is a cognizable offence, which means that the police can arrest an accused without the need for a judicial warrant. This allows for the deprivation of personal liberty with great ease; so while there are very few convictions for sedition, the provision's broad wording facilitates - to use an old cliche - "the process being the punishment".Keeping this in mind, and the fact that we already have laws to penalise and punish people who call for and incite violence, Justice Gupta's call to relook at, and review, the sedition law must be heeded. The real bite of the sedition law is in its broad wording. Terms like "disaffection" and "contempt" can be stretched to mean just about anything, enabling, for instance, prosecuting 7,0007,000 farmers for protesting against a nuclear power plant (as happened a few years ago). But it is this precise broad wording - with its colonial rationale of insulating the government from the citizen - that is contrary to the Constitution, and the precise reason why the SC has given it a narrow (and almost unrecognisabl e) meaning. As events have shown, however, the gap between the law and its judicial interpretation has become so wide that there can be no interpretive bridge that will adequately protect liberty; this being the case, the Supreme Court will, hopefully, reconsider its 19621962 decision, and strike down the law of sedition as being unconstitutional. This will be the greatest tribute to Gandhi.Q. What does the author is not trying to conclude in the above passage?

Top Courses for CLATView all

Top Courses for CLAT

What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
Question Description
What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? for CLAT 2024 is part of CLAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CLAT exam syllabus. Information about What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CLAT 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CLAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for CLAT Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice What was Chandragupta II also known as?a)Samudra Guptab)Skanda Guptac)Vikramadityad)Ranaa GuptaCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice CLAT tests.
Explore Courses for CLAT exam

Top Courses for CLAT

Explore Courses

Suggested Free Tests

Signup for Free!
Signup to see your scores go up within 7 days! Learn & Practice with 1000+ FREE Notes, Videos & Tests.
10M+ students study on EduRev
Get App
© EduRev
Education Revolution
Follow Us
Signup to see your scores go up within 7 days!
Access 1000+ FREE Docs, Videos and Tests
Takes less than 10 seconds to signup