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The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.
Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.
The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.
In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.
The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.
Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?
  • a)
    Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.
  • b)
    Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.
  • c)
    Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.
  • d)
    All the above.
Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
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The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fo...
The passage implicates the chilling effect which could be caused by the UAPA Act and the prospective amendment to it. It is also stated that under this act, an individual could be held for interrogation merely on the pretext of suspicion. In light of this, the support extended by Bakhtawar through his column for Jhumri could be assumed to be a cause of suspicion of his complicity.
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The demand for speedy retributive justice in the recent heinous crime done against a veterinarian has brought into light the question of extra-constitutional killings. The public sentiments, political demand of public lynching of rapists inter-alia have raised the debate whether a democratic country should follow the constitutional norms and adhere to the due process of law or shall it adopt the measures of retributive justice to bring instant and speedy justice to the victim.Retributive justice is a system of criminal justice based on thepunishment of offenders rather than on rehabilitation where as in REFORMATIVE THEORY the object of punishment should be the reform of the criminal, through the method of individualization. It is based on the humanistic principle that even if an offender commits a crime, he does not cease to be a human being.From protests on the ground, to the commentary on social media, to MPs in Parliament, the demand for the instant killing of the accused from all corners created the public opinion for theabandonment of the rule of lawthat appears to have led to the incident.Justice in any civilised society is not just about retribution, but also about deterrence, and in less serious crimes,rehabilitationof the offenders.There is a procedure prescribed by the law for criminal investigation which is embedded in constitutional principles.Article21of the Constitution (which is fundamental and non-derogabl e) states that no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to the procedure established by law.Also in theSalwa Judum case in 2011a core constitutional precept was set out that in modern constitutionalism no wielder of power can be allowed to claim the right to perpetrate state’s violence against anyone. This is also the touchstone of the constitutionally prescribed rule of law(Article 14).Hence,it is the responsibility of the police, being the officers of government, to follow the Constitutional principles and uphold the Right to Lifeof every individual whether an innocent one or a criminal.According toDr. B.R. Ambedkar,the pathways of justice are not linear nor without obstacles. But we have, as a people, chosen the route of democracy and the Constitution, so we really have no option but to school ourselves in constitutional morality that with time must replace public moralityQ.Which of the following views can be correctly attributed to the author of the above passage?

The demand for speedy retributive justice in the recent heinous crime done against a veterinarian has brought into light the question of extra-constitutional killings. The public sentiments, political demand of public lynching of rapists inter-alia have raised the debate whether a democratic country should follow the constitutional norms and adhere to the due process of law or shall it adopt the measures of retributive justice to bring instant and speedy justice to the victim.Retributive justice is a system of criminal justice based on thepunishment of offenders rather than on rehabilitation where as in REFORMATIVE THEORY the object of punishment should be the reform of the criminal, through the method of individualization. It is based on the humanistic principle that even if an offender commits a crime, he does not cease to be a human being.From protests on the ground, to the commentary on social media, to MPs in Parliament, the demand for the instant killing of the accused from all corners created the public opinion for theabandonment of the rule of lawthat appears to have led to the incident.Justice in any civilised society is not just about retribution, but also about deterrence, and in less serious crimes,rehabilitationof the offenders.There is a procedure prescribed by the law for criminal investigation which is embedded in constitutional principles.Article21of the Constitution (which is fundamental and non-derogabl e) states that no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to the procedure established by law.Also in theSalwa Judum case in 2011a core constitutional precept was set out that in modern constitutionalism no wielder of power can be allowed to claim the right to perpetrate state’s violence against anyone. This is also the touchstone of the constitutionally prescribed rule of law(Article 14).Hence,it is the responsibility of the police, being the officers of government, to follow the Constitutional principles and uphold the Right to Lifeof every individual whether an innocent one or a criminal.According toDr. B.R. Ambedkar,the pathways of justice are not linear nor without obstacles. But we have, as a people, chosen the route of democracy and the Constitution, so we really have no option but to school ourselves in constitutional morality that with time must replace public moralityQ.As per author what is reformative theory?

Directions: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.It has been repeatedly held that the PMLA (Prevention of Money Laundering Act) is a sui generis legislation, enacted to tackle money laundering through white-collar crimes. According to Section 3 of the PMLA, the act of projecting or claiming proceeds of crime to be untainted property constitutes the offense of money laundering. Under the Schedule to the PMLA, a number of offenses under the Indian Penal Code and other special statutes have been included, which serve as the basis for the offense of money laundering. In other words, the existence of predicate offense is sine qua non to charge someone with money laundering. It is crucial to note that the investigation and prosecution of the predicate offense are done typically by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or the State Police.Section 50 of the PMLA provides powers of a civil court to the ED authorities for summoning persons suspected of money laundering and recording statements. However, the Supreme Court held that ED authorities are not police officers. It observed in Vijay Madanlal Choudhary v. Union of India (2022) that “the process envisaged by Section 50 of the PMLA is in the nature of an inquiry against the proceeds of crime and is not ‘investigation’ in strict sense of the term for initiating prosecution.” There are other dissimilarities between ED authorities and the police. While the police are required to register a First Information Report (FIR) for a cognizable offense before conducting an investigation, ED authorities begin with search procedures and undertake their investigation for the purpose of gathering materials and tracing the ‘proceeds of crime’ by issuing summons. Any statement made by an accused to the police is inadmissible as evidence in court, whereas a statement made to an ED authority is admissible. A copy of the FIR is accessible to the accused, whereas the Enforcement Case Information Report is seldom available.While the police investigating the predicate offense are empowered to arrest and seek custody of the accused, the ED is meant to focus on recovering the proceeds of crime in order to redistribute the same to victims. It is not clear whether the ED has managed to do this. Per contra, the Proceeds of Crime Act, 2002, the analogous legislation in the U.K., almost entirely concentrates on the confiscation of assets through dedicated civil proceedings. Unfortunately, of late, much of the ED’s powers have been discharged in effecting pretrial arrests, which used to be the prerogative of the police investigating the predicate offence. In the past, the CBI was used to impart fear among political opponents. In the process, the agency received the condemnation of various courts and earned the nickname “caged parrot”. Whether the ED will go down the same path or reorient its approach will entirely depend on the intervention of the country’s constitutional courts.Q.Which of the following statements cannot be deduced from the passage above, according to the passage?

Directions: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.It has been repeatedly held that the PMLA (Prevention of Money Laundering Act) is a sui generis legislation, enacted to tackle money laundering through white-collar crimes. According to Section 3 of the PMLA, the act of projecting or claiming proceeds of crime to be untainted property constitutes the offense of money laundering. Under the Schedule to the PMLA, a number of offenses under the Indian Penal Code and other special statutes have been included, which serve as the basis for the offense of money laundering. In other words, the existence of predicate offense is sine qua non to charge someone with money laundering. It is crucial to note that the investigation and prosecution of the predicate offense are done typically by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or the State Police.Section 50 of the PMLA provides powers of a civil court to the ED authorities for summoning persons suspected of money laundering and recording statements. However, the Supreme Court held that ED authorities are not police officers. It observed in Vijay Madanlal Choudhary v. Union of India (2022) that “the process envisaged by Section 50 of the PMLA is in the nature of an inquiry against the proceeds of crime and is not ‘investigation’ in strict sense of the term for initiating prosecution.” There are other dissimilarities between ED authorities and the police. While the police are required to register a First Information Report (FIR) for a cognizable offense before conducting an investigation, ED authorities begin with search procedures and undertake their investigation for the purpose of gathering materials and tracing the ‘proceeds of crime’ by issuing summons. Any statement made by an accused to the police is inadmissible as evidence in court, whereas a statement made to an ED authority is admissible. A copy of the FIR is accessible to the accused, whereas the Enforcement Case Information Report is seldom available.While the police investigating the predicate offense are empowered to arrest and seek custody of the accused, the ED is meant to focus on recovering the proceeds of crime in order to redistribute the same to victims. It is not clear whether the ED has managed to do this. Per contra, the Proceeds of Crime Act, 2002, the analogous legislation in the U.K., almost entirely concentrates on the confiscation of assets through dedicated civil proceedings. Unfortunately, of late, much of the ED’s powers have been discharged in effecting pretrial arrests, which used to be the prerogative of the police investigating the predicate offence. In the past, the CBI was used to impart fear among political opponents. In the process, the agency received the condemnation of various courts and earned the nickname “caged parrot”. Whether the ED will go down the same path or reorient its approach will entirely depend on the intervention of the country’s constitutional courts.Q.Which of the following is not the appropriate cause-and-effect relationship in the passages context?

Directions: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions given beside.It has been repeatedly held that the PMLA (Prevention of Money Laundering Act) is a sui generis legislation, enacted to tackle money laundering through white-collar crimes. According to Section 3 of the PMLA, the act of projecting or claiming proceeds of crime to be untainted property constitutes the offense of money laundering. Under the Schedule to the PMLA, a number of offenses under the Indian Penal Code and other special statutes have been included, which serve as the basis for the offense of money laundering. In other words, the existence of predicate offense is sine qua non to charge someone with money laundering. It is crucial to note that the investigation and prosecution of the predicate offense are done typically by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or the State Police.Section 50 of the PMLA provides powers of a civil court to the ED authorities for summoning persons suspected of money laundering and recording statements. However, the Supreme Court held that ED authorities are not police officers. It observed in Vijay Madanlal Choudhary v. Union of India (2022) that “the process envisaged by Section 50 of the PMLA is in the nature of an inquiry against the proceeds of crime and is not ‘investigation’ in strict sense of the term for initiating prosecution.” There are other dissimilarities between ED authorities and the police. While the police are required to register a First Information Report (FIR) for a cognizable offense before conducting an investigation, ED authorities begin with search procedures and undertake their investigation for the purpose of gathering materials and tracing the ‘proceeds of crime’ by issuing summons. Any statement made by an accused to the police is inadmissible as evidence in court, whereas a statement made to an ED authority is admissible. A copy of the FIR is accessible to the accused, whereas the Enforcement Case Information Report is seldom available.While the police investigating the predicate offense are empowered to arrest and seek custody of the accused, the ED is meant to focus on recovering the proceeds of crime in order to redistribute the same to victims. It is not clear whether the ED has managed to do this. Per contra, the Proceeds of Crime Act, 2002, the analogous legislation in the U.K., almost entirely concentrates on the confiscation of assets through dedicated civil proceedings. Unfortunately, of late, much of the ED’s powers have been discharged in effecting pretrial arrests, which used to be the prerogative of the police investigating the predicate offence. In the past, the CBI was used to impart fear among political opponents. In the process, the agency received the condemnation of various courts and earned the nickname “caged parrot”. Whether the ED will go down the same path or reorient its approach will entirely depend on the intervention of the country’s constitutional courts.Q.Which of the following is not the appropriate cause-and-effect relationship in the passages context?

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The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
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The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? for CLAT 2025 is part of CLAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CLAT exam syllabus. Information about The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CLAT 2025 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CLAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for CLAT Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice The UAPA Bill proposes to include the names of ‘terrorists’ in the Fourth Schedule proposed to be added to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The law was originally enacted in 1967 with the ostensible object of national integration. An individual may be designated as a terrorist if he commits or participates in acts of terrorism, prepares for terrorism, promotes terrorism or is otherwise involved in terrorism. The Bill also allows a Review Committee constituted by the Central Government to exercise the power of review and de-notify an individual classified as a ‘terrorist’. The amendment is likely to empower the executive to initiate a witch-hunt against political opponents of the ruling dispensation or religious minorities, with no institutional mechanism for judicial review.Categorization as a ‘terrorist’ by the executive bears serious consequences, such as social boycott or loss of employment. Labelling by the executive could also encourage a spiral of intolerance and lead to mob lynching by vigilante groups. The constitutionality of the proposed law deserves to be keenly contested since it could be viewed as colourable legislation which bears the potential for abuse by the executive.The SC, in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, had identified ‘vagueness’ as one of the grounds for striking down Section 66A in India’s IT Act. The law imposed an unreasonable restraint on online speech. Likewise, the proposed amendment can cause a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and expression which is enshrined as a fundamental right in Article 19 (1) (a) of India’s Constitution. SC had also held that Article 19 (1) (a) would protect free speech to the extent that there is mere advocacy of opinion and no incitement of violence.In K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India, SC recently recognized the right to privacy as an integral part of Article 21 which guarantees a right to life and personal liberty. The apex court held that the right to be left alone is a reflection of the inviolable nature of the human personality. Profiling by the executive is thus a violation of Article 21 as it infringes upon the personal autonomy of an individual.The proposed amendment also violates the mandate of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In 2018, the judiciary played an admirable counter-majoritarian role to read down a colonial-era provision in the IPC which criminalized homosexual acts. The UAPA Bill, 2019 echoes laws made under the colonial regime to crush the freedom movement in the garb of ensuring public order. On the contrary, India’s constitution-makers had envisaged a transformative role for its constitution to usher in an environment where civil rights are protected and not left at the mercy of executive supremacy.Q. Jhumri is being suspected for aiding the terrorists in their plan to commit an act of terrorism. In order to gather more investigation, Jhumri was called in for interrogation. Bakhtawar, a socio-legal activist pens in his column about how the act is draconian and causes chilling effect among the masses. Additionally he also supports Jhumri and admonishes the government for introducing the amendment in the act. Considering the scenario took place after the bill becomes the part of the act, which among the following seems consistent with the passage and author’s argument?a)Bakhtawar could also be held as a suspect on pretext of his support to Jhumri in his column.b)Bakhtawar has the freedom to speech and expression.c)Bakhtawar is merely putting forth his opinion.d)All the above.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice CLAT tests.
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