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Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:
Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”
But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.
Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.
But, today's distribution of rewards and opportunities is not so repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit. The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King, all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities. I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.
There is more to meritocracy than money-making. The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?
Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered. The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism. The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.
 
Q. Why does the author mention the phrase 'bind Prometheus'?
  • a)
    To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.
  • b)
    To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.
  • c)
    To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.
  • d)
    To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.
Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
Verified Answer
Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our me...
"The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus."
The last line of the passage is an argument in the favour of implementing pragmatic reforms rather than getting rid of meritocracy. Here, 'tax the winners' refers to the pragmatic reform advocated by the author and 'bind Prometheus' is the metaphor for doing away with meritocracy. (Prometheus is a greek mythological creature who signifies the striving and development of humans, and who was bound by Zeus. Hence the metaphor is apt in signifying that doing away with meritocracy, which has yielded many benefits, is like binding Prometheus. The mythological part is irrelevant to the answer, and one must only understand the context to identify the meaning of the metaphor). Hence, the answer is Option B.
The phrase does not advocate anything and just stands as a metaphor. Hence, A is eliminated.
Mentioning a Greek mythological character is neither the author's contention here, though the metaphor does mean this. C would have been the answer if the meaning of the phrase was asked, but will be eliminated here.
The phrase does not mean what is mentioned in Option D. Hence, it can be eliminated.
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Most Upvoted Answer
Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our me...
"The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus."
The last line of the passage is an argument in the favour of implementing pragmatic reforms rather than getting rid of meritocracy. Here, 'tax the winners' refers to the pragmatic reform advocated by the author and 'bind Prometheus' is the metaphor for doing away with meritocracy. (Prometheus is a greek mythological creature who signifies the striving and development of humans, and who was bound by Zeus. Hence the metaphor is apt in signifying that doing away with meritocracy, which has yielded many benefits, is like binding Prometheus. The mythological part is irrelevant to the answer, and one must only understand the context to identify the meaning of the metaphor). Hence, the answer is Option B.
The phrase does not advocate anything and just stands as a metaphor. Hence, A is eliminated.
Mentioning a Greek mythological character is neither the author's contention here, though the metaphor does mean this. C would have been the answer if the meaning of the phrase was asked, but will be eliminated here.
The phrase does not mean what is mentioned in Option D. Hence, it can be eliminated.
Free Test
Community Answer
Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our me...
Explanation:

Context:
The phrase "bind Prometheus" is mentioned in the passage as a metaphor to signify the abolishment of meritocracy.

Meaning of "bind Prometheus":
In Greek mythology, Prometheus was a Titan who stole fire from the gods and gave it to humanity, leading to his punishment by Zeus. One of his punishments was being bound to a rock, where an eagle would eat his liver every day, only for it to regenerate and be consumed again the next day. This punishment symbolizes eternal suffering and agony.

Significance in the passage:
The mention of "bind Prometheus" in the context of meritocracy implies that continuing with the current meritocratic system without addressing its inherent inequalities and distortions could lead to perpetual suffering and discontent among those who are not able to access the same opportunities and rewards as the elite.

Implication:
By using the metaphor of "bind Prometheus," the author suggests that maintaining a flawed meritocratic system without implementing measures to address its shortcomings could result in a cycle of unfairness and inequality that perpetuates the suffering of those at a disadvantage.

Conclusion:
In conclusion, the mention of "bind Prometheus" in the passage serves as a powerful metaphor to highlight the consequences of allowing meritocracy to persist without rectifying its flaws and ensuring a more equitable distribution of opportunities and rewards. It underscores the need for reforms to prevent ongoing inequalities and promote a fairer society.
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Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Which of the following best describes what the passage is trying to do?

Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. The authors view on the principle of just deserts differs from that of Mankiw in which of the following ways?

Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. The author cites the example of developments in finance to drive home all of the following points, EXCEPT

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Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
Question Description
Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? for CAT 2024 is part of CAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CAT exam syllabus. Information about Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CAT 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for CAT Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow:Our meritocracy looks to markets to measure merit. Prices—including, crucially, wages—establish what things are worth. Greg Mankiw, who chaired George Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers, captures the ideal in his “principle of just deserts.” Meritocracy holds that “a person who contributes more to society deserves a higher income that reflects those greater contributions.” Moreover, meritocracy measures each person’s contribution as the market value that she adds “to society’s production of goods and services.”But in reality, meritocratic hierarchies now distort market valuations, especially wages. Elites remake work in their own image, to privilege education and skills that only they can afford to acquire. Finance illustrates the pattern. In the mid 20th century, when the Economist called banking “the world’s most respectable dying industry,” those in the field were neither better educated nor better paid than others. Since then, super-educated elites have developed technologies—financial instruments, digital tools and legal regimes—that dramatically favour their own skills. Today, no sector is more closely associated with high wages. But the innovation is not a true advance, and the new style of finance does not make a greater social contribution than the old. The transaction costs of financial intermediation have not declined, and overall financial risk is neither reduced nor better shared.Similar patterns pervade the wider economy. Elites remake work to favour their peculiar skills and then use the enormous incomes that ensue to buy educations for their children that the rest cannot match. Far from correcting itself, meritocratic inequality triggers a feedback loop that undermines meritocracy’s core claims. Merit is an ideology built to launder offensive hierarchies.But,todays distribution of rewards and opportunities is notso repugnant that we need to junk the idea of merit.The meritocratic idea was forged in the revolt against the old society that fixed people’s position at birth, most notably in the French and American Revolutions of the 18th century and the English liberal revolution of the 19th. But things didn’t stop there. Prominent thinkers of the time like Du Bois and Luther King,all rested their arguments on the idea that people should be judged on the basis of their own abilities.I would agree with a reworded version of Mankiw’s principle: someone who contributes more to prosperity deserves a higher income that reflects their greater contribution.There is more to meritocracy than money-making.The meritocratic idea tries to address two of the great problems at the heart of modernity: how do we reconcile the moral equality of individuals with social differentiation? And how do we secure the economic growth that pays for the things we have come to expect, such as social welfare?Meritocracy answers the first question by providing a combination of equality of opportunity and competition. Universal education gives everybody a basic shot at succeeding. Competition allows people to discover their unique talents. And if competition has downsides, they are nothing compared with the risks of allowing talents to go undiscovered.The evidence that meritocracy promotes economic efficiency is overwhelming: meritocratic countries such as Singapore grow more robustly than non-meritocratic ones such as Greece; public companies that recruit people on merit are more successful than family companies that rely on nepotism.The solution to the inequalities produced by meritocracy’s success is to tax the winners rather than to bind Prometheus.Q. Why does the author mention the phrase bind Prometheus?a)To advocate a decrease in the existing disparity by imposing higher taxes on the well-off.b)To give a metaphor for the abolishment of meritocracy.c)To exemplify a Greek mythological character who is the epitome of meritocracy.d)To imply that meritocracy works better when the taxing is progressive.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice CAT tests.
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