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In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.
The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?
  • a)
    Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.
  • b)
    Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.
  • c)
    Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.
  • d)
    Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.
  • e)
    Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.
Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
Most Upvoted Answer
In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police hav...
The flawed reasoning in the argument can be identified as a logical fallacy known as "composition." This fallacy occurs when one assumes that what is true for the parts must also be true for the whole. In this case, the argument assumes that because in every case of political unrest there was an unknown person or persons organizing and fomenting it, there must be a single mastermind behind all the cases.
The reasoning in option (C) closely parallels the flawed reasoning in the argument. It states that every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, and therefore concludes that there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton. This assumes that what is true for individual citizens must also be true for the entire group, which is an incorrect inference.
Let's examine the other options to understand why they are not the best choice:
(A) This option commits the fallacy of division, which is the reverse of the fallacy of composition. It assumes that what is true for the whole (average of all Chicago drivers' license numbers) must also be true for the individual (the number on a single driver's license).
(B) This option does not commit a fallacy. It simply states that every telephone number in North America has an area code, which is a true statement. It does not make any unwarranted conclusion or assumption.
(D) This option commits the fallacy of hasty generalization. It assumes that because losing a single hair is insignificant, no one who has a full head of hair at twenty will ever become bald. This is an oversimplification of the complex factors that contribute to hair loss.
(E) This option commits the fallacy of faulty causation. It assumes that because every moment in Vladimir's life is followed by a later moment, his life will never end. This overlooks the fact that there are other factors, such as mortality and aging, that determine the end of a person's life.
In conclusion, option (C) is the most appropriate choice because it closely parallels the flawed reasoning in the argument and commits the same fallacy of composition.
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In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the United States between 1930 and 1960 the group of political activists he calls the “Mexican American Generation” was more radical and politically diverse (5) than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era’s most important scholars, García does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more (10) militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, García’s analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation’s political diversity is not entirely (15) consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an (20) organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition (25) group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. García acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not (30) revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 (35) has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, García may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the (40) United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, García argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American (45) leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to García, were determined to (50) achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of bilingualism (55) and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase (60) in the ethnic Mexican population’s political activism.It can be inferred that the author of the passage believes which one of the following about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?

In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the United States between 1930 and 1960 the group of political activists he calls the “Mexican American Generation” was more radical and politically diverse (5) than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era’s most important scholars, García does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more (10) militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, García’s analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation’s political diversity is not entirely (15) consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an (20) organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition (25) group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. García acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not (30) revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 (35) has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, García may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the (40) United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, García argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American (45) leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to García, were determined to (50) achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of bilingualism (55) and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase (60) in the ethnic Mexican population’s political activism.The passage suggests that García assumes which one of the following to have been true of Mexican Americans between 1930 and 1960?

In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the United States between 1930 and 1960 the group of political activists he calls the “Mexican American Generation” was more radical and politically diverse (5) than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era’s most important scholars, García does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more (10) militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, García’s analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation’s political diversity is not entirely (15) consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an (20) organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition (25) group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. García acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not (30) revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 (35) has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, García may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the (40) United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, García argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American (45) leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to García, were determined to (50) achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of bilingualism (55) and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase (60) in the ethnic Mexican population’s political activism.It can be inferred from the passage that García would most probably agree with which one of the following statements about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?

In a recent study, Mario García argues that in the United States between 1930 and 1960 the group of political activists he calls the “Mexican American Generation” was more radical and politically diverse (5) than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era’s most important scholars, García does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more (10) militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, García’s analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation’s political diversity is not entirely (15) consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an (20) organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition (25) group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. García acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not (30) revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 (35) has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, García may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the (40) United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, García argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American (45) leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to García, were determined to (50) achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of bilingualism (55) and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase (60) in the ethnic Mexican population’s political activism.According to the passage, the League of United Latin American Citizens differed from the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People in that the League of United Latin American Citizens

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In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
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In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? for GMAT 2024 is part of GMAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the GMAT exam syllabus. Information about In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for GMAT 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for GMAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for GMAT Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice In every case of political unrest in a certain country, the police have discovered that some unknown person or persons organized and fomented that unrest. Clearly, therefore, behind all the cases of political unrest in that country there has been a single mastermind who organized and fomented them all.The flawed reasoning in the argument above most closely parallels that in which one of the following?a)Every Chicago driver has a number on his or her license, so the number on some Chicago driver’s license is the exact average of the numbers on all Chicago drivers’ licenses.b)Every telephone number in North America has an area code, so there must be at least as many area codes as telephone numbers in North America.c)Every citizen of Edmonton has a social insurance number, so there must be one number that is the social insurance number for all citizens of Edmonton.d)Every loss of a single hair is insignificant, so no one who has a full head of hair at twenty ever becomes bald.e)Every moment in Vladimir’s life is followed by a later moment in Vladimir’s life, so Vladimir’s life will never end.Correct answer is option 'C'. 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